The state journal. [volume], January 05, 1884, Image 3

About The state journal. [volume] (Harrisburg, Pa.) 1883-1885

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THE UNDERGROUND RAFL
. TTROAD.
Reminisénces of an o'd Con
ductor.
CHAPTER L
SLAVERY FROM THE BEGINNING TO 1715,
The writer of History, whether of the
struggles between Nations for mastery,
or o? ‘hose within Nations, to determine
the girection of their growth, must neces
sar:.y confine hi:ns.,-“" to comparatively
fewr of the mosi prominent facis bearing
upon his thems, tor several obvious rea
sons, only ‘wo of which need ba noticed
here.
Fist: t 12 only of those¢ larger
facts that are p-.t o!f the géueral publie
knowledge, and which grow out of innu
merable lesser [icis, that any one man
can possible acquire konowledge.
Second: Even were it pessible that the
historian could peneirate the privacies of
the social lives of all the people,and trace
the influence of every circumstance in
shaping habit of ths 'ght and cultivating
individual opinion, ) ¢ must discard the
myriad detail from “anifest impossibility
of embodying the: - in cne life’s work.
Yet it is out of thes nnumerables aller
circumstances that all the great Jacts
which make history grow.
The great facts of the nineteenth cen
tury, or at least of the first three-quar
ters of it, have been the growth, tempo
rary domination, and final overthrow of
negro slavery. DBrilliant writers have
already totd the story, others are still en
gaged upon i, and it constitutes as sub
lime a tragedy s huimnan devotion has
ever enacted. But the minor facts, the
uncongidered small influences that grad
ually developed the differences that pro
duced the erisis, are unknown except to
those who acted in and were part'of thein;
and these will live, not in majestic tomes
in public libraries, but in the sinali vol
umes of reminiscences, preserved in the
book cases of friends and neighhors.
Around the domestic firesides, while
the actors in the scencs live, and while
their children remember the tragic days, ‘
the tales of the panting fugitive foilow
ing the north star, with dogs of slavery,
biped or quadruped, baying on his track,
will be told, and listened to with absorh.
inginter st; and the heavers’ heart, cateh
ing fire trom the hot indignation of the
old man as he recalis the scenes of cru
elty that roused his pity and impelled him
todare social ostracism and civil penalty
in obedience to the call of his madhood to
aid the fugitive, will feel the fire that l
roused the North to say, “Thus far shalt
thou go and no farther I’ and present the
bodies of its sons an impenetrable wall to
hurl back the arrogant crime.
So shall the spirit that saved the Nation
with a ncble self-sacrifice live. So shall
the people who are to follow as custodians
of the freedom we have vindicated live in
the truth our tragedy fostered, and not |
lose its inspiration.
It is thoughts like these, together with
the suggestions of fricnds who have been
interested in theincidents I have seen and
had a part in, that have led me to commit
these ineidents to paper, that they might
possibly help to illustrate the meaning of
the tremendeus trial through which our
country passed, hinpress more vividly
upon those who read them the eternal
truth that there is no safety for a people
but in the practice of justice, and that
acquicscence in wrong to others because
it brings profit, is storingup wrath against
the day of wrath which will surely burst
upon them when the measure of their sin ’
is tull. |
To get even un approximately clear l
idea of the story I have to tell, it is neces- |
sary to go back, beyond the first opera |
tions of the undcerground railroad, :md.
trace brictly the origin of negro slavery
on thisconiinent, and obzervethechanges
in its character at the several periods.
At the time of the discovery of Amer
ica the Christian nations were little if any
in advance of the Malhomedan peoples;
as, the Moors of Spain and Northern Af
rica, the SBaracens of Syrvia and the Outo
man occupants of the site of the ancient
Greek Empire, who indeed for more than
one hundred years gave to Europe what |
civilization she received, ofien threatened |
the conguest of christendom, and c"'cni
did much to shape and direct the ecivil |
polity of the Church, which during that '
time gave ail the law of culture, and pri- |
vate and public morality,as wellas cceles. |
jastical direction to the nations. e ik
Therefore, there was no authority to
teach the wrong of the enslavement of
man to his fellows, and in communities
in which the prisoner was at the disposal
of his captor, to abide his will as to life or
death, imprisonment or service, in which
the poor were serfs, under the irresponsi
ble authority of their lords throughout
all Europcan countries; there was no
question raised anywhere as to the right,
civil or reiigious, of the the muster to
control and dictate law to the slave.
Nearly or guitean hundred years passed
before the English colonies inAmerica had
grown to importance in population, and
during this time the Spanish colonies in
Mexico made much the largest figure.
The mines of Mexico, and the sugar
plantations of the West India Islands,
were sources of enormous wealth, and
those Spanish colonics grew rapidly in
population and influence. The Indians
of the Islands, who were cnslaved, soon
died off under the lash and hard labor of
their servitude, and negroes began to be
stolen from the African coast and im
ported to take their places.
The profits of this trade were very large
and tempting, and as the trade was free
to all who had the courage and enterprise
to engagein it, it was very soon an import
ant branch of the shipping trade of our
northern maritime settlements, and Bos
ton deacons and New York burgesses
calmly took the wine and broke the bread
of the sacrament, while between the pray
ers their thoughts ran on their ships at
sea, and calculated the profits they might
logk for from the sale landing and sale of
the cargoes of negroes they were bring
in toéuba.
&uite naturally, from being shippers of
negroes to the Spanish markets in the
West Indies, the adventurous shippers be
came slaveholders themselves, and their
rapid increasc in wealth giving the lead
ing place to them in social life, their
ways became the ways of others who
then (as now) measured their importance
in the social scale by their pecuniary
ghility to imitate the practices of those
who were richer; and to the extent their
wealth enabled them, they dignified
themscves by furnishing their houses
with prgro servants, that the vulgar
might with bated breath and bared heads
reckon them also as they did the rich
slave traders, the colonial aristocracy.
It fell out, also, that as the exigencies
of trade would occasionally leave the part
of a cargo of negroes on the hands of the
importers, eating their heads off, a fine
lot would be offered very low, and an
enterprising lumberman, preparing timber
for shipment, or a farmer clearing off his
land and needing more laborers than
could readily be hired, calculzting that
at the price at which ttey were offered
it would pay to buy and train them for
their service, such purchases would be
made; and thus gradually negro slaves
came to beheld in all the colonies.
So the system progressed from year to
vear, not established by any affirma
five law establishing ihe relation .of
master and slave, for there were
no such Jaws inany of the colonies, |
nor in any of the States, until
from the years 1820 to 1830, when, under
the excitement of the agitations of the |
question, then approaching the crisis |
which precipitated war, one or two of the ||
cotton States passed such laws. The Col
onies did from time to time make enact
ments regulating the relations of master
and-sg(vam, a 3 well as of their descent as
inheritance. :
In 1715, &' ring the reign of George 1.,
the people of the Colonies were num
bered, and the following table gives the
result as officially declared:
Whites, Slaves.
New Hampshire...}........ 008 * 7« 15
Massachusetts....viou.ve... 84,000 2,00
Rhode Isiand......ccoeoooos 7,000 S
C0nnecticut............00...0 48,000 1,500
NOW WOFK .. svaisvinnbinensaivs ' BEARND 4,000
Pennayivanis, .«.oveaesnvis SRSOO 2,500
New JOIRey . .oooe.aice ihive RO 2,000
Maryhang. ./ 0.0 sl s ey 0,400
ViErginbl Lile R S TR 23,000
North Cara1ina...........0. 7803 3,7
South Car01inn............. '8 550 10,700
j 374.750 58.950
PRIy S— g
i A glance over this table will show the
' reader the progress that had been made
- up to this time, and how the slave popu
lation was distributed among the Colonies.
It will be observed that, as a rule, in the
Northern Colonies, where the mountain
ous and rugged character of the land
narrowed the profits of agriculture, the
i proportion of slaves to the whole popu
| lation was much less than in the
South, where the more favorable soil
made agriculture the chief pursuit, nota
bly in Virginia and Maryland, where the
~cultivation of tobacco was very profitable.
Unlike the more Northern colonies, ideas
of aristocratic exclusiveness prevailed
among the cavalier settlers, notably of
the Carolinas, and prevailed to such an
extent that the social restraints the poor
whitesettles lubored under were such that
their influx .as discouraged, the growth
of tihe white population was slow, while
as labor was always regarded as menial,
the number of slaves increased beyond
proportion. Virginia was to some extent
affected by the same causes, but their ef
fect was somewhat modifed; first, by the
higher culture of the leading families
which had already attained the distine
tion of old families, and the influence of
the colonies to the North, where, as in
Penusylvania and New England, Demo
cratic ideas bad prevailed from the earlier
s:ttlements, and a deeper religious tone
formed their habits of thought.
Already there were minds here and
there taking up and examining the mor
ality of slaveholding in the light of vital
Christianity, and some few pulpits had
already put the scal of condemnation
upon it.
Siavery nowhere, at this time, so far as
we know, was the absolute and cruel
mastery that it became a century later. l
It was almost universally held to be in- |
deiensible morally, and was rather
permitted as a temporary condi
tion, to which the mass Wwere
carelessly indifferent, and all were
free to condemn. Rarely were strenuous
elfcrts made to recover fugitives, and
nothing would put a family ount of the
pale of respectable society more effectu
ally than a reputation for cruel treat
ment to servants, and in such, contempt
were thosc held, who gave themselves to
huating negroes for pay, that the dis
credit extended even to those who em
ployed them.
The half century that followed saw
enormous growth and development in the
colonies, and the differences with the
mother country in which all at one time
or another had the:r share, had brought
them into more intimate relations with
each other. The frequent arbitravy de
mands of the Crown, supported by Par
liament, which the colonies resisted,
always with determination, sometimes
with threats of rebellion, established a
bond of sympaihy among them, as suf
ferers in a common cause; and the discus
sion of their grievances, the arguments by
which they defended their rights, led
them to the adoption as just principles ot
government, of doctrines of the right of
man to equality before the law, which had
theretofore been uttered only as abstract
propositions by religious and ethical phil
osophers and poets It will be readily un.
derstood how such teaching would affect in
public judgment the right of man to hold
property in man, and undermine the rela
tion of master and slave.
CHAPTER 11.
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD.
We now come to the period, at whieh
the two great forces of the new civiliza
tion should have separated; the one to
light the world to better conditions than
it had dreamed of, the other to go down
into the darkness and forgetfulness its
savagery deserved. Dut it was not to be.
As so often betore and since, and even
now, the destinies of men are controlled
by selfish interest rather than Dby the
light of truth directed by reason, the in
terests of the traders were permitted to
override the wisdom of true statesman
ship and the new Government was
founded in compromise Letween totally
antipodal forces, between freedom clear
bereficent as God’s truth, and slavery
black and dismal as the caverns of the
damned. Itis not within the province
of this work to review the circumstances
of the quarrel with }ngland, which led
to the Revolutionary war, nor the pro
gress of that war to its successful issue in
our e¢stablishment as an independent peo
ple. The articles of confederation which
were agreed to between the American
colonies under the title of United States,
under which the congress of delegates
carried on the war, remained in force un
tit 1798, Then, it having became patent
that'the confederation was too cumbrous
and weak to secure stability, and Congress
having called a convention to ‘‘form amore
perfect Union,”” the Constitution of
1793 was made and confirmed by the
States.
It was in this convention that the
seeds of the great Rebellion were sown—
not by the will of the great men North
or South, who directed it in its wise pro
visions, but by the selfish greed of busi
ness interests that wielded suflicient in
fluence to prevent its acceptance by some
of the States, unless provisions should be
inserted to protect those private interests.
Neither was it the Southern delegates in
the convention that forced those mis
chievous compromises upon the conven
tion, but Northern delegates, who repre
sented the slave trading interests of Mas
sachusetts and New England.
I wish to emphasize this fact, for the
reason that the stories which follow will
loge their chief significance if this is not
made plain. The slavery that existed
then was a very different thing from the
villainous compound of rapacity and
cruelty that sprang up afterward, and
sprc:\(f and strengthened itself under the
shadow of those compromises until it
corruptedand brutalized the finest race of
men the sun ever shone upon, and used
them to attempt the destruction of the
Government and Union their fathers
founded in justice, except for these com
promises.
At that time any man wasas safe to
speak or write against slavery in South
Carolina as he was in Pennsylvania,
Connecticut or Massachusetts. The
Quakers bore their annual testimony
at their yearly meetings against the sin
of slavery as freely in North Carolina as
they did in Philadelphia, New Jersey, or
New York. No minister pretending to
preach the Gospel of Christ had thea
touled his pulpit by attempting to jus
tify the crime of s'avery from the scrip
tures. Nochurch North or South, had
then withdrawn the right hand of fellow
ship from any brother because he refused
to recognize the right of slavery to exist.
All of those abominations were to come
afterward, when the compromises insisted
upon by the shipping interests of New
England had perfected their work.
In 1787 the State of Virginia, to enable
Congress to create a system for the gov
ernment of the unorganized territories,
passed an ordinance transferring its ju
risdiction over what was known us the
northwest territory, which was ackttowl
edged to vest in "her, to the
United lF_ta.tcs‘,_‘Th_is territory com
prised all the region west of Penn
sg,]vama,-to,the Mississippi, and north of
the Ohio to the British possessions; the
great States of Ohio, Indiapa, Illinols,
Michigan and Wisconsin, now occupy
the region. In making this transfer the
Legislature of Virginia ingerted in the
ordinance the following: ‘Provided,
That slavery, or involuntary servitude,
except as a penalty for crime, whereof the
party shall have been duly convicted,
shal{be forever prchibited.” This shows
he views of the people of Virginia on
that subject at that time.
The compromiges of the Coustitution
were first, that providing for the surren
der of fugitive slaves escaping from onc
State into another; and so littie was then
| thought of slivery as an institution to be
protected, that a South Carolina delegate
protested against the system being recog
nized in the Constitution, and on his mo
tion the word “slave’” was changed to
‘‘person owing service or labor,”” and
master, to ‘‘person to whom such service
or labor is due.” :
The second, was the provision that
Congress should not prohibit the siave
trade until 1808; and here, too, the word
slave was stricken out and ihic scnience
made to read, “Congress shall not pro
hibit the immigration or importation be
fore 1808, of any persons who « ary State
may desire to receive.” |
The demand for the Fugitive slave sec
t..n was not made by the Southany more |
than by the Norh, and that putting off’
the prohibition of the slave trade was in
serted exclusively 2% the demand of
Northern members, w 10 represented the |
slave importers’ interests.
I have said these compromises were e ‘
secd of the great rebellion, and they |
were. Had the fuces of the majority of
the delegates been set against yxc,‘dingi
any conviction on the subject of sla rery
(of course we cannot sayth 3t they would
have undertaken by the Naional author
-Ity to declare the abolition of slavery in
the States, forthat would have defeated
the vital prineiple of the system, viz: the
sovereignty of ‘the States in all affairs of
purely local interest), the clause pro
viding for the rendition of escaped slaves
would have been rejected by a large ma
jority, and the postponement of the pro- |
hibition of the slave trade would have
been rejected with equal unanimity. It
is probable that all the States would have
accepted the Constitution without these
provisions; but, as the great men who
were framing it, Jefferson and Madison,
of Virginia, and others like them of all
the States, felt 8o strongly the absolute
necessity of binding the States together
in & permanent Union, to securc them
against the intrigues of their enemies,
that they were unwilling to take any
risks, and feeling that in the prevailing
sentiment in all the States on the subject
of slavery that its existence wouid only
be for a few years, they yielded to the
few who demanded the compromises
withont much fear of the conseguences
of* those concessions.
Nevertheless, an influence was already
being developed, but had yet attracted
no attention, which was destined to
change the whole position of the whole
country on the quesiion of slavery,
change the habits of thought of the peo
ple, destroy over one half of its territory
all love for the doctrines of the rights of
man, which had grown to be the inspira
tion of the founders of the Government,
and entail undreamed-of evils of discord,
sedition, political demoralization, and fi
nally flagrant treison and war.
The Atlantic coast, south of Ilampton
Roads, was a vast area of low, flat lands
of immeunse fertility, which could easily
be overtlowed, and which became, at an |
carly date, the seat of rice culture ; while
the uplands, which stretched away west
to the foot hills of the mountaios at an
elevation above the flats or rice lands, of
only a few feet, were discovered
to be peculiarly adapted to the growth t
of the cotton plant.
The rice culture had been the chief pur
suif, the population of the Carolinas be- l
ing almost entirely engaged in it, and, of
course, mainly confined to the coast re- f
gion. This will account for the sm:x]ll
proportion of white settiers in those colo
nies, and the large proportion of slaves. '
The rice planting being peculiarly un
wholeseme, because of much of the work {
having to be done in the water, and the f
dreadfully malarial character of the cli
mate, in that lTow, wet region, voluntary
labor could not be hired. Therefore the
negro was purchased and condemned to |
work and live there, while the masters |
lived in the towns, or on the uplands.
Owing to the cost of separating the
sceds from the cotton by any process
then known, the cost of the staple pre
pared for use was so great that 1t could
not be brought into general use,
But all this was to be changed. In
1792 a young man named Whitney, the
son of a farmerof Westborough, Worces
ter county, Massachusetts, having com
pleted his studies, entered into an en
gagement with a Georgia planter, as a
private teacher in his family. On his ar
rival at his destination he found that his
place had been filled, and he was adrift
among a strange people. - Gn board the
vessel by which ke had sailed to Savan
nah, however, had been the widow of
General Nathaniel Greene, whose ac
quaintance he had made on the passage,
who on learniag of his unfortunate situa
tion, generously invited him to make her
house his home, while he was preparing
himself for admission to the bar. Whit
ney had a peculiar bent in the direction
of mechanics, and gave his leisure to the
contrivance of mechanical curiosities,
and soon became noted for his ingenuity.
One day a party of gentlemen were
visiting Mrs. Greene, and thelr conversa
tion ran into the discyssion of the agri
cultural prospects of the region, and one
of them expressed regret that there was
no way of cleansing coton trom the seed
except by band, and remarked that until
ingenuity should devise some machine to
do it, it was in vain to attempt the raising
of cotton for market.
“Gentlemen,’”” remarked Mrs. Greene;
“state your difficulty to my young iriend
Whitney. Ifanybody can do what you
want it will be he,”” And she conducted
them to Whitney's room, and introducing
them, left them with him. The result of
their conversation was, that Whitney laid
aside his reading and devoted himself to
tho contrivance of a machine to clean cot
ton: and in less than a year, he produced
the “‘cotton gin,”’ and showed it to his
friends, cleaning with one man in a day,
more cotton than a thowsand men
could clean by hand. Without tell
ing of Whitney's struggles to reap
to himself any benefit from his
invention i,il is enough for our
purpose, {hat his machine revolutionized
the pursuits of the South. Thecheapness
with which cotton could be produced
%ave a tremendous impulse to its use.
ritish capital was largely invested in its
manuficture, and inventive genius em
ployed in £crfeoting the machinery, so
that in & few years the staple which had
only been used by the rich was offered in
fabrics for general use at such prices as to
come within the reach of all classes,
Meantime, the enormous profits of its
cultivation led all the seekers after sud
dea wealth into the cotton growing region,
the country filled up with exceeding ra
pidity, the demand for slaves increased
in proportion, and the prohibition of the
slave trade in 1808, cutting off the sup
ply, the prices ran up enormously. From
sums ranging from fifty to one hundred
and fifty dollars "a head, the price
of negroes ran up rapidly tg whxee,
four, five, six and @ght hundred,
and eyen 10 one thousand dol
lars a head. The making of great for
tunes soon built up an aristocracy of
wealth at the South more presumptuous
and self-asserti:xg' than any other in the
- world, and Northern sehools and aecade
! mies were filled with siudents whose
| boasting and violence filled the towns
lwixh bravo's, and Southern guests at
hotels and summer resorts gave the tone
' of the plantation to fashionable socieiy.
+ It was not alone oa the coton States
| that this demoralization prevailed. Thede
mand for negries aad the great prices
offered for them, scen sent speculators of
low degree through the tobacco States,
buying up negroes wherever they could
be found, and suddenly opened up pros
pects of profit to the owners in the breed
ing of negroes for the Southern market
that were too alluring to be resisted Ly
any but those of the most sterling virtue,
and ju those States the plantations be
came substantiully breeling farms, where
the marital relation was disregarded, and ‘
the most horrible system of concubinage
was encouraged and pievailed, not éven ‘
confined as to the male, to the ecaslaved
race.
The Northern btatesone efier the other
passed laws providing for the gradual
emancipation of their slaves immediately
after the Constitution was adopted. In
Maryland, Delaware and Virgiaia, and
even in North Carolina, similar legislation
was contemplated and expected. In Vir
ginia Lespeciallv, ‘he egislature came
at one time within few votes of passing
such a bLill, but atter ihe prohibition of
the importation of slaves, and the ap.
pearance of the negro traders in the
border States offering from two to three
times the prices ever ofiered before, there
was no more talk or thought of abolish
ing slavery.
Of the new jrincipies of political econ
oniy springing up in the South, which if
lieu of patriotism substituted ambition,and
raised their dreams of the foundation on
an empire of aristocrats based upon slave
labor, to which end alt their policy was
dirvected, from the seisure of Missouri;
their - attempts to cripple the North by
abolishing protective duties on imports,
their attempt to cstablish their right to
take their slaves into free Stfates, hold
them there, down to their effort to seize
the whole of the territory of the nation to
spread slavery over it, and their final
madnessof secession, it is not within my
province to treat. 1 have given this
much space to the story of the rise of the
¢vil, that the reader may comprehend, as
Islid at the outset, the reasons for the
antigonisms that followed, and of the
several small dramas I shall unfold,
which, while each was separate, consti
tuted in their entirety the ‘irrepressible
conflict between freedom and slavery.”
As the growth of the demand for slaves,
as [ have described it, increased, the char
acter of the slavery entirely changed.
Horrible whippings, over-work and
cruelty when thie victims fell into the
hands of men ot cruel natares or profli
aate habits, filled the cotton States with
groans and shrieks of agony; while the
fear of being sold to the rice and cotton
fields, whence the victim rarely or never
returned, gave an expression of habitual
fear and horror to the faces of the negroes
of the border States, and the frequent
ranaways, starving, panting and fainting
as they bore their lacerated bodies toward
the north star in hope of freedom, roused
all the sympnihy, the courage, the benevo
lence, of the Northern people in their be
half, and in detestation of the system
under which they were oppressed.
I have now brought this hasty review
down to the period when, living near the
border between the slave and free States,
I saw things which yet call the shudder
tomy frame as I remember them, and
often start the tears to my cyes, in sym
pathy for the little boy who used te hide
himself and weep as though his heart
would break, over sufferings b 2 could not
relieve, wrongs that could not be re
dressed. !
NOTICE
0 U 0. of O ¥,
Members of Brotherly Love Lodge,
No. 896. are requosted to meet in
Lodg: Room on Monday cvening,
January lith, to answer Roll -Call.
Quarter Flection,
By order of N. (.
Full, Bawgon, P. 8.
8, il T v
An Excellent Stereoscopic
Display.
Rev. J. J. Jones cntertained a
number of people &t the different
churches with some fine steresscopic
views of “Milton’s Paradise Lost.”’
Rev. Jones is an accomplished geutle
man and i 8 traveling in the introst of
Wilberforee Uoilege, which preposes
upon educating youi:g men to send
to Africa as missionaries. We com
mend them to a gencrous public fflr!
their patronage. l
Burned in the Ruins.
Kansas City, Mo., Jao. 1. 1
Feur negro cabins were burned, at
West Kansas City, last night, snd to- ‘
day some of the neighbors discovered }‘
the body of Maggie IToward, a disso- |
lute negress, in the ruins. Thereisa
suspicion that the woman wss mur
dered by her pegro piramour, and
tbat the cabin was then set on fire.
The suspected man is said to have
disappeared, |
The Catholis Knights of America
is one of those beneficial organizations
which render such valuable services
in time of need and makes provisions
for those whom death impoverishes.
For some time efforts have been
made to establish a colored branch In
this city and at last su cess h:s
crowned the efforts of those who
have been working in that behalf snd
especially Mr. James A. Spoacer.
The branch referred to was org:uized
November 7, 1883, and will be known
as No. 320. The order at large num
bers about 13,000 members with 390
branches. Oaly two of them are col
ored. One in St. Louis and the
other in Charleston. It i 3 said, how
ever, that Baitimore has, or will have
a colored branch which wiill make
three colored branches, and doubt
less many more will follow. There
is already a prosperous white branch
in this city.—Charleston, (3. C.)New
Ira.
e @ e
Tue Jounxar is read more largely
by the colored people than any paper
published in the city. A hint to the
T 561047
f Personals Inserted at 10 cents per line.
} GEeoßrge, lam sorry that I disappointed you
| on Christmas night but will be sure to take the
, sleigh ride any evening you may appoint.
| A GsNTLEMAN witha comfortable income de
| eires to form the acquaintance of an engaging
| young lady with a view to matrimony. Address,
| UKASE,
{ - This Office.
| WiLL Mr. W— please return the photo he
| took from the album at Mrs. B'—— house Mon
, day night,
WIiLL the lady who wore the pink domino at
the mask last Tuesday eventng send her Ad
dress to, 8. L.
e Bolton House,
Willie why did you not come acecording 1o
promise last night, the light will be turmed
down low the next time as a sigcn thst all is J
right, |
LILLIE.
WiLL J., your letter was received too late;
write again and give full particulars.
sUSIE.
JENNIE, let me hear from you.
TOM.
GEORGE, Why did you not come last Sunday
eve according to appointment? Do not disap
polnt me next Sunday eve. LIIZZIE.
WiLL the young colored lady who flirted with
gentleman in frent of tke Lochiel Hotel last
Wednesday send Yer addi 3ss to &
S. B.
This Office?
Josie, why did you met keep your engage
ment? J.
CaARLIE, please do not come Monday night,
as ma will not go to class as she intended. S.
A YOUXG gentleman with a comfortable in
come desires to form the acquaintance of a young
lady of accomplishment, with a view to matri
mony. Address, JNO.T.CORSY, City.
A YOUNG lady of 25 years experience, possess
ing wit, beauty and other accomplishments, de
sires tl'e acquaintance of a young gentleman
fond of good socisty. Object, pleasure.
l Address, OLIO, City.
WiLr the young lady who represented Hebe
at the private masque, send her address to this
office, a¢ a gentieman who saw her there would
like to form acquaintance?
} A COLORED gentleman with good position from
which he receives $1,200 a year, desires to form
- the acquaintance of a young white lady of good
family. Interests perfectly honorable.
Address, K. T., Box 105, P. O.
Harrisburg Colored Church
9 & . .
and Society Directory.
Wesley Union Chureh, corner South street and
Tanners avenue—Pastor, Rev. Z. . Pearsall.
Services at 10:30 and 7:30 every Sunday. Sun
day school at 1:30. Jos. B. Popel, Superintend
ent.
Bethel M. E. Chureh, Short street—Pastor, Rer,
Amos Wilson. Services at 10:30 and 7:30 every
Sunday. Sagbath s:hool 1:30. Richard Snaively,
Superintendent.
Elder Street Presbyterian Church—Services at
10:30 and 7:30. Sabbath school at 1:39. Thomas
Miljer, Superintendent,
Second Baptist Chureh, Eleventh strcet near
Market—Pastor, Rev. Beverly Jones. Ser
vices every Sunday at 10:30 and 7:30. Sabbath
gchool 1:30. Robert Carrington, Superintend
ent.
Free Will Baptist Churceh, corner William and
Colderstreets—Pastor, Rev. Frazer. Services
every Sundu{' at 10:30 and 7:30. Sabbath
gchool 1:30. William Burrows, Superintend
ent.
Union A. 7. E. Church, Tanners avenuo—Pas
tor, Rev. Z. Johnson. Services every Sunday
at 10:30 and 7:30. Sunday school 2P. M.
Wesley Mission, Marion street near Colder—
Pastor, Rev. Bushrod. Services every Sab
bath at 10:30 and 7:30. Sabbath school 1:30
Danlel Williams,Superiutendent.
SOCIETIES.
Erotherly Leve Ledge 836, G. U. O, of O: F.;
hall in South street; regular meeting every
Monday night.
Chosen Friends Lodge, Masonie hall, Odd Fel
lows building, South street regular meeting
every alternate Thursday night.
Good Samaritans Hall, Sou'}'h stroet, Franklin
Hall: regular meeting every Tuesday night.
Golden Chain Council, hall East State street;
regular me-ting every Tuesday night.
Household of Ruth Hall, Odd Fellows Hall
Sxouhth street; regular meoting every Tuesday
night.
D. BACON,
Manufacturing Confectioner,
434—438 MARKET STREET.
HARRISBURG, PA.
Factory, COR. VIFTH AND MARKET.
MRS. ELLEN V ARKER,
URESS MAKING & PLAIN SEWING
Prompt atteuti:.-{x;s.given to all
111 s BOOAR SR |
CHICAGD MEAT MARKET
OPEN DAILY.
GROIGE MEATS ALWAYS ON RAHD,
414 WALNUT STREET.
It always pays to go to
Dr. RAYSOR’S
DRUC STORE.
WILLIAM E. HUSHES’
LIQUOR STORE.
FULIL STOCK OF
Whickies, Brandies, Gins, Wines, &,
ALWAYS ON lIAND.
No. 510 MARKET ST., nearU. S. Hotel,
HARRISBURG, PA.
The Wonderful
0 1
RESTORER,
When the lair begins to fal!
Use Joice's RRestorer.
When the Hair begins to fide
» Use Joice's Restorer.
When the Hair grows gray |
Use Joice's Restorer. ‘
It will Restore the Hair to its
natural color. |
It wili Impart to the Hair life,
strength and beauvy.
It will arrest falling Hzir and give
health to the scalp.
And as a dressing nothing cin be
more beautifu! and agreeable. It is
elegantly perfumed and renders the
Hair soft, plaint and lifelike. It also
serves to give the Hair that peculisr
richness and color which is always so
essential to a complete toilet. Re
member this preparation is not a dye.
Remember it contains no imparities.
This also remember, aill who h-ve
used it are loud in its praise. Kvery
bottle guaraoteed to restore the Hair
to the full nataral shade. To the j'y
and satisfaction of all who use it. See
testimonials.
For sale at Dale & Hart's, Mis. M.
E Joice's Hair Store, 118 South Dake
street, also John T. Joice's Shaving
Saloon, Market street, York, ’a.
JOIN CUNKLE. GO, W. CUNKLE.
JOEN CUNELE & SON,
DEALERS IN
Coal and Wood.
Lykens Valley, Wilkes-Barre and other Coal
always on hand.
Office and Yard: 924 ELDER ST., near Boas.
THE
ReUSLTC DENEFTT ASSOCIATION,
Braxcin Orrice:
321 MARKET STREET,
Harrisburg, Pa.
Secures you a weckly indemuity in
case of sickness or accident. a burial
fund in case of de°th, and provides
for old age.
The Power of $l.OO.
$l.OO per month pays for a twenty
year endowment of $lOO.OO, includ
ing a sick benefit of $5 00 per week
If you die previously, the $lOO 00 is
paid to your heirg, in:mediately, upon
proof of desth. If you live twenty
years the $lOO.OO s paid to you cash
in hand.
For further particulars address or
call at oflice.
Only persons between the ages of
five and sixty five years are entitled
to membership.
STATE CADITAL LIGRT ROUSE,
H. FRALEY,
Ols, Lamps and lamp Mishore,
QUEENSWARE, GLASSWARE AND
Faxcy Houipay Goobs,
307 Broad Street, Harrishurg.
STATE JOURNAL AGENTS,
T Loke winme, sn,
CIGAR AND NEWSPAPER EMPOBIUM,
419 South Tth Strect,
Prairaperrsia, Pa.
(State Journal for Ssle.)
J. 11. MORRIS,
TONSORIAL ARTIST.
Cigars For Sale.,
126 Wylie Avenue,
Pirrssurc, Pa.
(State Journal For Sale.)
. T. W. GALE,
TONSORIAL ARTIST,
Cigars For Sale,
1112 Kleventh Avenue,
AvrtooNA, I'A.
(State Journal For Sale.)
MRS. E. MARSITALL,
TOBACCONIST,
4th and South Sts
(State Journal For Sale.)
LR
SEAVING and RAIR COTTING SALOCN.
South Street, larrisburg, Pa.
(State Journal For Sale.)
JAMES MINOR,
Groceries and Sundries,
HYGENIA, STEELTON.
(State Journal Ker Sale.)
RUSSEL THOMAS,
TONSORIAL ARTIST,
Cagruisie, Pa
(State Journsl For Sale))
WILLIAM BOLYAR,
ERIE RESTAURANT,
826 State Street.
(State Journal For Sale))
J. G. M. BROWN,
Main Street,
York, Pa
(State Jounrnal For Sale.)
1. J. MANN,
Ow. Crry, Pa.
(State Journal For Sale.)
UNION NEWS STAND,
PENN'A R. B. DEPOT,
HAarris=ura.
(State Journal ¥or Sale.)
o B T
TONSORIALE ARTIST,
CraMBERSBURG, PA.
(State Journal For Sale )
WILLIAM HOWARD,
68 Prospect Place,
WiLkes-BARRE
(State Journal For Sale.)
E. C. LUM,
Mipprerows, Pa.
1
(State Journal For Sale.)
e it i
PH!LADELPHIA ANDREADING R. R.
ARRANGEMENT OF PASSEXGER TRAINS.
OCTOBER 29th, 1883.
Trains leave l{arflnburf as follows :
For New York via Allentown, at 7.50 a. m.,
and 1.45 p. m.
For New York via Philadelphia and * Bound
Brook Route,” 6.25, 7.50 a. m. and 1.45 p. m.
For Philadelphia at 6.25, 7.59, 9.50 a. m., 1.45
and 4.00 p. .
For Reading at 5.2, 6.25, 7.59, 9 50 a. m., 1.45,
4.00 and 8.00 p. m.
For Pottgville at 5.2), 7.50, 9.50 a. m., 1.45 and
4.00 p. m., and via Schuylkill and Susquehanna
branch at 3.00 p. m. For Auburn at 8.10 4. m.
. o!‘;or Allentown 5.20, 7.50, 9.59 a. m., 1.45 and
.00 p. m.
The 7.50 a. m. and 1.45 p.m. trains have through
cars for New York, via A'lentown.
SUNDAYS.
For Allentown and way stations at 5.20 a. m.
and 1.50 p. m.,
g £or Reading and way stations 520 a. m, and
; . M,
l"ol; Philadelphia, 5.20 a. m.
Trains for Harrisburg leave as follows:
Leave New York via Allentown, at 9.00 & m.,
1.00 and 5.30 p. m. ;
Leave New York via *“ Bound Brook Route,’
and Phlbdol‘fbh. at 7.45 a. m., 1.30, 400 and
5.30 p. m., and 12.00 midnight, arriving at Har
risburg at 1.50, 8.2), 9.25 p. m., and 12.10 and 9.40
a. m.
Leave Philadelphia at 4.39, 9.50 a. m., 4.00, 5.50
and 7.35 g m.
Leave Pottsville at 8 00, 9.00 a.m,, and 4.40 g.n.
' Leave Reading at 5.00, 7.30, 11.57 a. m., 1.27,
6.1%, 7.50 and lo.i p- m.
Leave Pottsville via Schuylkill and Susque
hanna braach at 8.20 8, m, and 440 p. m,
Leave Allentown at 6.00, 8.40 a. m., 12,15, 4.30
- and 9.05 p. m.
SUuNDAYS.
P!l;nve x?w .grk via fl?‘fl“ 2 5.30 p. m.,
Luveming at 7‘33 . m. .nho.’ p. m.
Leave Allentown at 9.05 p. m.
STEELTON &ANM.
Leave Harrisburg for Paxton, Lochiel and
Steeltor d:inl({. except Sunday, at 5.35, 6.40, 9.35
a.m., 135 9.40 p. m. ; daily, except Saturday
:x;g‘ :‘lind:y, 5.35 p. m., and on Saturday oaly,
. .10 p. m.
Retum?ng. leave Steelton dsll{. exeor. Sun.
day, 6.10, 7.0, 10.00, 11.45 a. m., 2.15 and 10.15 p.
m.’; daily, except Saturday and Sunday, 6.10 p.
m., and on Saturday only, 5.10, 6.30 g m.
J. E. WOOTEN, C.G. HANCOCK,
General Managor. Gen. Pass, &Ticket Agt
PENNSYLVA'NIA RAILROAD
On and after November 18th, 1883, the Pas
e eAL . Tepins
W epart m &ar
rive m!huadolpgla, New York, Pittsburg and
Erie as follows:
EASTWARD.
Philadeiphia Express daily (e Mondays)
at 1:20 a. m.. arrives at sz‘;omu 425 a.
m., and New York at 7:00 a. m.
Fast Line daily at 4:30 a. m., arrives at Phila
dollrhu at 7:50 a. m., and New York 11:20 a. m.
arrisburg Exprcu‘!lsl:(yl except (Sunday) at
7:00 a. m,, arrives at Philadelphia at 10:20 8. m.
and New York at lm
Columbia Accom ‘Mi (except Sun
day) at 7:15 a. m., arrives at Philadelphia at
1145 a. m. and New York at 3:40 P m-
Lancaster Accommodation daily lanzt Sun
d‘fi) at 7:40 & m., arrives at Lancaster 8:55 a. m.
ew York Limited Express of Pullman Palace
Cars daily at 2:25 n?" m., arrives at Philadelphia
at 5:15 p. m. and New York at 7:30 p. m.
Lack ilaven Express daily (except Sunday) at
11:30 &. m., arrives at Philadelphia at 3:15 p. m.,
g 1:" BS Kot o ( t Sunday) at
ohnstown Express da ex
12:50 Py m,, mtvga at Pmlaydelpm ats:os p. m.,
and New York at 8:50 p. m.
Day Express daily at 4:20 p. m., arrives at
{:)hgadelphla at 7:25p. m., and New York at
:20 p. m.
Harrisburg Accommodation, via Colnmbia,
daily (exce]pt Sunday) at 4:50 p. m., and arrives
at Philadeiphia at 9:45 p. m.
Mai! Train on Sunday on;‘y. 1:00 p. m., arrives
at Philadelphia 5:45 p. m., New York 9:30 p. m.
Middietown Accommodation on Saturday only
s:l¢ p. m. Daily (except Saturday and Sunday)
6:00 p. m.; every week day at 1:00 p. m.
Mail Express daily at 11:40 p. m., arrives at
Philadelphia 3:05 a. ~ and New York at 6:10
a. m.
All Through Trains conneet at Jersey City
with boats of “Brooklyn Annex" for Brooklyn,
N. Y., avoiding double ferriage and journey
htrough New York City.
WESTWARD.
Western Express daily at 12:30 a. m., arrives at
Altoona at 4:2)a. m., and Pittsburg at 8:05 a. .
Pacific Express daily at 3:10a. m,, arrives at
Altoona at 7:50 a. m., and l’mlbnr’ at 1:00 p. m.
Chicago Limited Express of Pullman Palace
Cars daily at 2:10 E m , arrives at Altoona at
5:35 p m.,and Pittsburg 9:00 p. m.
Mail Train daily at 11:10 a. m., arrives at Al
toona at 3:50 p. 1., and Pittsburg 8:45 P m.
Fast Line daily at 3:15 g m., ves at Al
toona at 7:20 p- m., ane Pittsburg at 11:30 p. m.
Miflin Aecommodation daily (except Sunday)
:lslt). ]10:10 a. m., 5:00 and 10:05 p. m,, on Sunday at.
10 a, m.
STEELTON TRALINS leave Harrisburg daily
(except Sunday) at 6:45, 7.00, 7:15, 7:40 a. m.,
12:50, 4:50, 11:00 p. m. Daily (exoe&: Saturday
and Sunday) 5:45 and 6:00 p. m. Saturdays
only, 5:00 and 5:10 p. m. On Snnd? only, 1:00 p.
m. Returning, leave Steelton daily (uo?t.
Sunday) 6:32, 6:57, 8:51, 10:42, 10:59 a. m.; 3:52
7:12 and 9:41 p. m. Dally (except Satnrds! and
Sunday) 6:10p, m. On baturds{ only, 5:15 p. m.
On Sunday only, 8:51 a. m. and 10:59 a. m.
PHILADELPHIA & ERIE R. R. DIVISION.
MAIL TRAIN daily (except Sunday) at 4:20
a. m., arrives at Williamsport at 8:10 a. m., and
Erie at 7:35 p. m.
NIAGARA EXPRESS dafl(\"v (except Sun
day) at 11:15 a. m., arrives at llllaml&on at
2:35 p. m., Lock Haven at 3:55 p. m., and Renovo
5:10 p. m.
LOCK HAVEN ACCOMMODATION daily
(except Sunday) at 3:25 p. m., arrives at Wil
llamsport at 7:0) p. m., and Lock Haven ct 8:06
p. m.
Time cards and full information can be ob
tained at the Ticket office at the Station.
J. R. WOOD, General Passenger Agent.
CHAS. E. PU(}fl. (Greneral Manager.
CUM BERLAND VALLEY
RAILROAD.
TIME TABLE.
IN EFFECT NOVEMBER 18, 1883,
DOWN TRAINS,
. R P 2 G 2§
PR RS 8 pEHE X
) — =
35‘ g EsEZ] 18R
g2|: |g§ |- (B°%|gF|B
Skl (& [, g (P
eg e y
Llea.\t')e— A.NIA; zrdzr. x'!;'o,:);A'l!r' x.!r.l
Martinsburg... ....| 7 00i.....
Hagerstown ...'....| 8 OOi 1 36,4 001....| 9 g:‘
Greencastle ... .... 8 25/ 1 6814 28....] 9 25/....
Chambersburg. 4 30| 8 bbl 2 205 001....1 9 50;
Shippensburg.. 4 53 9 19/ 2 40/6 281....!10 "
Newyville....... 5 19 9 41/ 3 006 53.....110 a0[....
Qar1i51e........'5 4‘.!10 05 3 20i0 257 30110 501 50
Mechanicsburg 6 €9lO 33 3 4216 558 0011 102 17
Ar. Harrisburg.|B 3511 09 4 067 258 3011 302 66
[AM A K. P. M. P.M AM P, M.IP.M
UP TRAINS, -
. e & Q| mi Q
.8 w 8 mgf:»;'.' M 2 5
Xe 2 D 5 I9E =|~a‘g=
535 l B |BEY "’3%;’.‘. Tmla=
829 T 3 g 208% (g 7 |B°
Bgl. |l7 Yolg |S™|g
Leave— 1A.)11A.11JA.1.’1’.1,r.1. P. M. P.M
Harrisburg .. 4 20| 7 3511 804 1512 30| 8 658
Mechanicsb'g .4 40 8 04|11 50 4 42’ 7 00} 9 2217 00
Carlisle’ ...... 5 00| 8 30/12 mls 08! 25{ 0 45| 26
Newville .....’5 19| 8 5512 20/5 36, Arr. (10 10/Ar.
Shippensburg |5 38 9 1912 486 00/...../10 85....
Chambersb’g.. 8 00/ 9 50( 1106 80,.....[11 00,....
Greencastle ..|8 1910 15] 1 296 55......|Ar. |....
Hnierstown...ld 4010 45/ 2 05‘1 M coorlivonslooce
Ar.Martinsb'g| Ar. 11 35| 3 208 15/.....[.....]....
ALMAMP.MPMP.MP.MP.X
Dillsburg Passenger leaves Harrisburg at 8:60
a. m. and 3:10 p. m., arriving at Mechanicsburg
at 9:20 a. m. and 3:39 gm. Returning, leaves
Mechaniesburg at 11:18 a. m. and 6:1)!. m., ar
riving at Harrisburg at 11:48 a. m, and 5:50 p. m.
Dillsburg Branch trains leave Harrisburg at
8:50 a. m. and 3.10 p. m,, arriving at Dllllbnfi at
950 &. m. and 4:10 p. m. Returning, leave Dille
burg at 6:30 a. ~ 10:50 a m. and 4:50 p. m., ar
{r)l;‘lng at Harrisburg at 8:30 8. m., 11:48 a. m, and
:50 p. m.
New Orleans Express and Accommodation
west and Da{ Express and New York Express
eau!,drun daily. Alll other trains dally except
Sunday.
Op ga\urday Carlisle Accommodation train
leaves Harrisburg at 5:30 p. m., Mechanicsburg
at 6:00 }). m., arriving at Carlisle ot 6:30 p. m.
South Pennsylvania branch trains leave
Chambersburg at 9:30 a. m., 4:15 p. m., Mercers
burg at 11:20 a. m. and 5:15 p. m., Loudon 12:00 a.
m. and 5:37 p. m., arriving at Richmond at 12:16
p- m. and 5:45 p. . Returning, leave Richhmond
7:10 a. m. and 1:15 p. m., Loudon 7:20 a. m. and
1:39 p. m., Mercersburg 7:45 a. m. and 2:10 p. m.,
arriving at Chambersburg 8:45 a. m. and 3:35
p- m.
South Mountain trains, going south, connect
with trains leavin% Harrigsburg at 7:35 a. m and
11:30 a. m. and 4:15 p. m* Rotumlg, arrive at
Harrisburg 11:00 a. m., 2:ssand 7: raf m. On
Saturday a train connects with the train leaving
Harrisburg at 8:55 p. m., and returns Monday to
connect with th the train arriving at Harrisburg
at 6:35 a. m.
Mont Alto traius, %olng South, connect with
trains leaving Harrisburg at 7:35 a. m. and 4:15
p. m. Returning, connect with trains arriving
at Harrlsburg at 11:00 a. m. and 7:25 ? m.
Trains on Shenandoah Vulley ratlroad leave
Nagerstown at 7:.00 a. m. and 2:00 p. m., eon
necting witn traing leaving Harrisburg at 4:20 a.
m. and 11:20 a. m_ Returning, connect with
trians arriving at Harrisburg at 4:05 p. m and
11:30 & m.
A.H. M'CULLOUGH, J. F. BOYD,
(General Ticket Aaenl. Superintendent.
JAMES CLARK, General Agent.
I l ARRISBURG axv POTOMAC
RAILROAD-TIME TABLE No. 49,
Takes effect Monday, October Ist, 1883,
r.As'rw'f STATIONS. | WEST'D
Mai! Ac.! Mail Ac.
A.l"l’.‘.\(t A M. PN
8 202 25{Lv. Shipgensburg, Ar. 112 005 40
8 302 35 Lv. Leesburg, F., Lv. 111 505 30
8 352 wzx,v. Jacksonville, F., Lv. 11465 28
8 40‘2 45| Lv. Hays Grove, F., Lv. {ll 405 21
8 4712 50 Lv. Doners, F., Lv. {ll 855 16
8 5012 53 Lv. Longsdorf, ¥., Lv. ‘u 325 13
8 5512 57 Lv. Huntsdale, Lv., {ll 285 c 9
9 013 02 Lv. Moore's Mill, F., Lv. |ll 28(5 04
9 123 13 Lv. Barnitz, F., Lv. 11 12/4 43
9 173 15 Lv. Mt. Holly Springs, Lv. |il 08'4 48
9 193 21 Lv. S. Mnt’n Cross'g, ¥., Lv./11 0414 45
9 40,3 42 Lv. Boiling Springs, Lv. |lO 504
9 453 47 Lv. Leldizhs, ¥y SV, 10 444 15
9 50(3 52 Lv. Braudtville, F., Lv. 10 3914 10
9 553 56 Ar. M. &D. Junction, Lv. {lO 35/4 06
10 G 0 p.MiLv. M. &D. Junetion, Ar. |.....p.x
10 15 ..../Ar. Bowmanscale, Lv. {l9 20i....
k. y At
Mail Train Jeaving Shlppensbnrgna:ms. m.
copnects with C. V. train arriving at Harrisburg
at 11:00 a. m. Aceommodation Train luvin"’
Shippensbarg at 2:25 p. m. eonuects with C. V.
train arriving at Harrisburg 5.50 ». m.
Train leaving Ha.rrubnnf at 735 a. m, will
connect with H. & P. train lnfln# M. &D.
Junetion at 10.00 a. m. Train leaving Harris
burg at 3:10 B m. connects with H. & P, train
leaving M. & D. Junction at 4:05 p. m.
Train lotflng Sbwpombnrg at 8:20 a. m. will
onnect with frain leaving S. M. Croulnz for
Carlisle at 9:3> a. m. Train leaving M. & D.
Junction at 10:35 a. m. will connect with train
leaving S. M_.f?mllng for Carlisle 11:21 a. m.
~ F Flag stations.
ROB'T. H. MIDDLETON,
Superintendent,
Boirixc Srrixas, Pa., Sept. 25, 1883,
9 2217 00
945 26
10 10{Ar.
10 35/....
11 00,....
AT [oeee
PML P