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fIIISTIAXITY IN INDIA. tflat U GS tt frn Accomplished Set Forth by a Hindoo. '♦* ECU" of The Tribune. 'cr 1" " I * Slf% ribun* ° r the 4tn lnst - arr**"'"? '*' '^.j— aplj embodying the remarks of a Ceylon '***£,■■ lr - alo:u ' ° n *■ Mii>joct of fin Ilia 11 *** India- Ttrre i-~ a Food deal of force In what • '\. , pays rtprarding the Mi of beginning: * T ' * prj rt ptwlytUSnc with royal families and nobilit. v - The rapiJ spread of Buddhism in '' -i in ih p early a >' ■- was <^ uc tan ■ arc. meas- to tnr conversion of Ashcka to that faith. So « »ith Christianity in th« Roman Empire. !jm it reotfvefl 51 tremendous impetus under the * vf Constantino, who presided over the Nlcone f - mril and vigorously defended the orthodox fathers r.palnst the her^y of the Arian l v B«t it must be reinember<*d that hi a .*»>■% like India, where a foreipn Kovcrnment ° Vmroitifd itself, on political pxounds. to a. Pol , y^ji^juus neutrality, it is almost Impossible *•• the Christian propagandist to nd open doors '* _- "ii niliie> «nd the mansions of the nobility. in iff*' i**»** h?r zfsl |lUf desire to uphold this policy of te -^j m neutrality. Kngland has virtually taken a ii^-ion of hostility to Christianity in laying down IJfreV 1 that the conversion of a Hindoo or a Ma • l »tan prince *° Christianity is a positive bar ' I* ripht of klngshipi evtn if he be in the line after his father's death. We have - liflia *"^ s **^ a I' r ' nee (now a member of the .-I,^-ev'* legfcstethpe council) whose claims of buc _^. " vc^e fl aside by the government of India 1 ..«> hf l"- 81^ oommlttefl ihe atrocious crime of tocos** « Ptaistlaa. B-t aft^ r e:^- l^* true kins* and princes of a oL-nrry fW l '' nrit '•* f-^'Ught in royal palaces and v,-j'v hali*. but in the library, the lecture room -nd in* WjoratofT- \\> art» told on very good au -tiorft" ''" £t th(T«- is only one aristocracy in the "rtf" ) (5 that is the aristocracy of talents. The irfctwry of wcnlmr Engjifh education conducted "m Piy-'i >- kril a " d credit by On British Gov- > , 1 - tn India m been dealing a death blow H Wgi cfr.tr.? or civilization like Bombay to the Md ■B-orship and the - tpei -■•::.> custom? of the mßi&> cpminur.ity. No educated young Hindoo now- v ei ! ferioutly in the religion of his ances "^* ht? rr.irsrt lies oi>en to rational modes o' Vhosght ard brtiader views of human life and -ocirtT. ~T!n' '""hristian missionarj". If he is a man nßnanent and culture, if he has a pood stock »• that Striae quality called pympathy. and If his piety «a* fl**P as bls learning is • found, has Bo'*nh«-re of labor richer la hope and more preg ca.!,: »i:h ifcstdta than the colleges mS universities of my utlve land. Let the ranks of our educated nenfce pera«ate<J v.ith Christian life and Christian t *the:!«tv; let the mission boards of Europe and AaxTK-* |d*« a wider srope for Christian work to tht ca'.uirtd <-hristian natives of India, and within bw centra ;ion. under the providence of God. Chris •iarJy «::! have assrrt.-d its supremacy over the &ia6*Kß& hearts of hundreds of our Hindoo leaders ■Of ttSPKpbt. ■M- Naidu trr>»F on to observe: Rrst-That Christian? teach hatred of other be . 'feaod-That the teachings of Christianity are vti iXfn nt from those of Yedantism. Third-That it If doubtful whether the miFsion »ri»s h;.ve done any good. ,1. v i? not easy to understand exactly what Mr. Jijfln nirans by 'hatred of other beliefs." If he rtfors to -he reference made by Christian preachers at teacher* to *-ome of the errcr? and Bnpereti- Udk the Hindoo*. In oonductine h religiouß con rover-y ih«i h« is certainly right. But any hatred flitnsn by a Chriet'.an missionary toward Hlndootem cr say oth«»r ism for its own f=ake is certainly •eTBSaT:ory t« th« dipnity and thoroughly opposed 13 the Epirit and teachinps of Christ. Ot Jfa Naifiu claim* to be a Vedantiet. and in&n thrr«»for* to know that VedantUm iSHitMn Ike creator with the creation, thus ■■'<■■ ■ - God as wu"h the author of «>vll as of eood. It is hirfly necessary *« joint out that here Ues-a, toad«nenta3 difference between Outatlanlty and ■<• c :hat ;hr- moral teaefc " h"#b*r th«Ji th* tea-hlniri. ■ • >, *o know 1s r.ot UW cm«e) ft . ;_• ■■■ ■ ..' '.asiH on whlfh ' ' hrjs . . ' ■ a perfect U"; 1^ V- oVcbri-V-that it supplies motive -;w^ tST* nicesUry -under *very condition «f RSr^teiaKUW tbTcaaOT between the Jd^al and : ri i '^- V-^cin- er.y extraordinarily hiph Vaia-j h^ iJwfllf In an island »hf-r«> food is pien .- .w Tt . but hi ■ ■ Mar plall ••■'. and v^u-h.-a the SK devotion with wHch foreign and SS Chrtstlatffl tended th»> f=ick ann the d>ine taraa^caVu ewn at the cost of Bfirt ■ and div 4^ "elothw and corn (sent "RCWWtorfcgjg .... . « have don^ ty has been preached tewifmtob«lr«tn to the Dravidlan races -T"S?M, * ShMr. Naidu belong. Thou ■tribef " or-vrrtf from th* low cJassea hav* -been hrourhT-.to the fold of Christianity. If £££UOa tak- the trouble of acquainting UtaadT^Uh thr a-'.ual rd'j^fitional returns of th*- Madras ridve^ju h- will discover that the proportion of liftc chddren K raduat« in comparison ulth the , oi „-],- O f graduates every year i- greater §£ SSr &^ffla SraduSa to the total num l«. It is needless to add that but for the S te&aences of Christianity mo?t of the nathe S£ ?s'A»s;? MH Bnitnto convert into an artificia. l'^sition or «B«atr w U h the low caste convert and ta« not Bfaraately tiken into account the ".^'"P'l.f'i. STWv o> h^^ditar>- transmission in Oeterrn.ning S £ar*j heritage of the Hindoo *Z£*U*ul£On the or;* band there ha* been ■ tendency W«wrat« the amount of self-denial-if any-»n\olved in the riltnlnLlll i Ufe In India, whil« on the « ther ,^ tek of Hindoo life and society h« wp^«t«S!y made darker on the canvas «f Englana *S' 3 A-,.-ri, a till i#*.iple have come to belieie tnai t^w^s -i"(iia"' 1- firnwiyraous with n fHmine fWrkcn population: Hindoo child ,£■*£« h *S2 64Hs. But v.hatewr ib^ fail'.nsrs-and l ye hope tiey ar^ due more to want of thought than *ant ef beart^-of the miFSionarie* in India may be « tt-Jf be Paid to their credit that without them Tsca would certainly be poorer and fffW"^; ratearat which doubts the pood drir - c .i > >™^f'°" «n« ta mdia mast ba due dOcr.tt If"?r^"v1 f"? r^"v ?S ttm-lful mifrepresentation. and v 1s t.ot faPj to *t hr.w ■ rr^rchant of Mr. NaJ * P° s^ion can i^oiaded rcan who has watched theptamoi wUjlouß iR d intellectual activity throuph v. hich y^ •» Ws ß -.n r la India will be constrained to exclaim that the cSnple* of Christian wortblp. ■«?" 1n " mnfloai or lesnaas. the triumphs of western rtvilteation and the elevation of women ■■' trie Maemooe/on which must rest the future tatel- BMSaal. nOelOU* and even the material JOgHT tJ the p^iples of India- B. I- JOi L,.' . • A Mara»ha-Hindoo resident of Brooklyn). Erooklyn. June 5. »3S. APPEAL FOR STARVING CHINESE. the Editor <■••.•■- Eir: Ac president of the Christian and Missionary Alßeace. the Aa»erlean pociety 1 .\inK '-har«» of tbe !arpe«t number of foreign missionaries in South China. I tak» the prtvHese of asking your eo-op wttloM, throueb your widely circulated Journal, in ■rtnirtng b«f«r.- the people of the Dntted States the fsrrll.lt e«jj:dltion«< at present eii.-tir,p i:i South Ohai. 1 have been pleased to notice the published ■aaouiioeiuent through your columns of much im portarit news rt-«pc-cthie the famine now raging there. !t Hi;] he interesting to your readers to know that American missio:iaries have been found, both fc India 2.m<2 <:iii:.a. r\:id in other countries, to be the mast i. .... efficient a^trncks in the disiribu lioa of famine relief in heathen countries, the witle b' «jue:«j<-d aJEmH'T bringing them in touch, with tkc people in ull piirts of the district, und their up- r to:t ai;d r« siioneilile native helpers enable ■ tea to ftofl liie njv&l descrviiyj ca»<s bil<s uv<jld Jill waste W Kii;.^;tiujj in the distribution of famine relief. ***id«-ii this, the help sivt-r. through the mission *rt*» ttmd* to inspire confidence o« the part of the totlvts. und U-cumt-s afu.rwa.rd a. valuable aid In ttlKgJoiutry work. To,- Christian iind Missionary Alliance employs t»'«-iit>-»ix American miHioonariea, besides many helper*, in Suuth Chin*, and occupies B*ven *" the principal cities, including the capital and the V^-y port ttt 'Wu-Chaw. This province iiim bewi "treeiy ii t-ftt -ft %o our society through the courtesy of °wier zaieeionary beards, on account of our j.jtviri*' J^P'eS it when it was closed to missionaries. IJ ur mi«Kla;uiries in South China are men and *'«m«n •■>'■ high character, and can be fully trusted g the distribution of famine relief. The Rev. I. £*** '.a superintendent, with headquarters at \* u vtav. int iirincJbul treaty port in the province. A W funfie «m to liim direct or to the treasurer %T% T the Christian «nd Missionary Alliance. David 'fear. TCo C-0 IDprfclh-ave.. New- York, win be J^-rUy acknowledged and carefully forwarded IT^i distributed. J'hfe i«est information I have received U to the «-ect Uitt cne-tfth of ibe population of Quant-Si 1? affected by the famine, and that one hundred I and fifty thousand people are actuallr starving. ! "children have already b*»cn sold Into slavery. i and th r, ihief sufferers In the?:*- horrors arc th« • little tirls. who become the chattels and slaves of i tno worst class.'* or MB, and doomed l«. « life of ■ misery and Infamy. A. D. P IMF'SON, v . President Christian and Missionary Alliance. Nfu-V.,rk. June 6. I%™, CORPORAL PUNISHMENT IN SCHOOLS. Brooklyn Principal Declares His Opposition to Its Restoration. To th* Editor of The Tribune. Sir: 1 have not used corporal punishment in f«chpni for many years. I believe the school hag been more easily managed and •with better results •withe-it such punishment. If corporal punishment | had an effect up in the Bufferer only, it •would not i be open to so serious objection. As a matter of fact, if the rod is used on one pupil In a class of forty, it turns or tends to turn the whole class in opposition to the school authority; the line is drawn, and the teacher is en one side and the class on the other; the whole class i.-- hardened and rendered less susc?ptlble to milder influences. The thirty* nine children of the class have been Injured: the one who physically suffered may have been benefited or he may have been injured also, It is assumed that usually corporal punishment products obedience, if not order; it is doubted whether facts will justify this assumption. If the assumption were true, even then those requiring the rod had better be removed to rooms and a building by themselves, where the malign influence of brutality and evil passions shall not degrade | the mass. Whatever mistakes principals may ' make, they are cot disposed to svspend pupils without good cause. Once lot it be understood that pui:i:s persistently In disorder and disobedience will be subjected to severer treatment, and only the lowest and worst will need removal from the large schools. At present the school autnorities concede the need for schools of detention and re form. An Increase in such schools will give all . the room required. Judicious and experienced men —not mere poliiicirns— she uld be placed in charge. Within the lust lew months, judging from my own experience ai.d irom reports that seen: well founded, there has been in this city a change for th*- wore': in school conduct. In th- case of my own school this change has not come from, the abolition of corporal punishment, for that was abolished many years ago. The baser sort of boy knows no limit to iis insolence. One toy of fifteen said to his teacher when she was trying to keep him in order. "Hit me!" evidently dtsiring to get a case against Mil u-acher for violation or law. When spoken to by the principal the boy laughed in his face, deli""d him. and was immediately sus pended; he is now beginning a new earner in an other school to which m was transferred. Another boy deliberately walked out or the builCing when he chose, and amused himself by maiking and de facing the outbuildings, until he was caught and suspended. A third boy, twelve years old, fitting within three or four feet ol bis teacher. <yith j:o barrier between them, opened bis) knife and Lnreat ened to stab her. This the latner spoke of as the "thoughtless remark of a child, that should not be regarded." These and similar cases aie evi dently sporadic: they are spouting ge>sers, not ris ing- tide*. The suspension of such pupil?, followed by their expulsion, would produce a profound effect, far greater t-iv.;: any corporal punishment. These boys, directly and Indirectly, demoralize thousands, and. if necessary, their chances tor education must be sacrificed. But this is not necessary; they can ensily be placed under restraint, and other boys need* not be degraded by their turbulence or their punishment. I have suspended more boys during the list -ive months than" during the previous five years. let I have rio thought of returning to corporal punish ment. I concede that. whatever is cot. order nii« be in a public school. Without order, time ana money and all are thrown away. .It seems to have been most industriously circulated through tb* city thai there is to be no more corporal punishment i7i the schools of New-York. This has been as sumed to mean that t:<ere is to be no more order In those schools. Children within hearing of their teachers say, "They don't dare tO touch us. We don't wish to touch them. I. t it be known that a few expulsions have occurred and that the boys are in the Truant School, and the. eff*ct will be immediate. rhiidrcn have learned that tJuy are not to be whipped in school. let them now learn that they' ran conduct themselves in school with reasonable propriety »"itlu«.it ix-ing: whipped. In the mean time, the Board of Education, the board of superintendents, the district superin tendent, th« local board nnJ the public press should protect end cefeid th teachers from the insolence and disorder of bad boys. A. G. ICKRWIN. Brooklyn. June 6, 1903. BAD BOYS AND BOYS' CLUBS. To the editor of The Tribune. Sir: Th- aittclf iii The Tribune of May D upon the had !•••>•!• nf New-York City is melancholy reading, and suggest* many points of discussion. The present writer does not, however, attempt to enter upon any of the subjects connected with the question, excepting one. The gang spirit seems to be the ruling one with all young men and boys. Not only among street arabs and young roughs do we =.-. the tendency to encourage each other in evil, but even among the sons of the most respectable '-lasses as well. A college boy. who when alone is » gentleman, well versed in refined manners and customs, and above the least suspicion of dishonesty, will, when in company of ■ crowd of his young companions, make himself obnoxiously noisy In public, or even steal signs or other articles from people poorer than himself. He considers! that what he does as a member of a party of merry students is merely a joke. It is th<- gang spirit which takes the place with him of his own better nature .md training. It reminds one at the old joke of calling a man a humbug "in ■ Pickwickian sense." for whit the young man does as a student is mite different from what he does when alone. Now. when we see this tendency in the young to band together, and to put their consciences, as it were. Into a common stock, is It nut evident that. the same tendency can be utilized by the right people for the control of boys? Once get them into bands and companies for good purposes, and the same pang spirit will be their best incentive to live up to the rules of that band, and to insist upon good behavior in each other for the honor of the organization. it ie this principle which has apparently been so useful in the now famous George Junior Repub ! lie. where th«" boys of the street arab class, ana 1 the girls also, will not let each other offend against i the laws or their republic. They have been formed into a splendid gang, whose rules »re on the side of law and order ... , i What also are th- boys' club* hut gangs of boys who have joined each other. under good and ju dicious guides, for the purpose of mutual pleasure, mutual instruction and mutual profit? The'- is a central society for the promotion cfi tn «se boys' clubs In different cities and towns, and every Settlement In our own city has one, in which the members are only too eager to join with others by obeying its rules. Form these mischiev ous unruly and often thoroughly evil minded boys into clubs In Which decent behavior is the ; rule and the condition of membership, and you have one answer to the question of how th. y can : \+l' be controlled and made taw d«c«it dU«ens. \ yU , o w many people who deplore the irrowthot 1 change in Htv boys let them try to learn some ?M F 4 abouT the nearest boys' club to their own dis- New- York, June •• 1&03- A - " " FAVORS MR. CRIMMINS'S PLAN. ! To the Editor of The Tribune. ! <='r- 1 notice In your Issue of June 5 John D. CriVmlns's suggestion lor an increased roadway ir Fifth-aye as a much needed improvement, and I trust the Board of Estimate and Apportionment ' .Hi take the plan into consideration. Th . entire ££ *MJ> * the public, yet note ■ how different obstructions have been put up. so h7t of 'the thirty fee, as ori £ i : Uy laid out for sid^Vulk trace but flfteen feet now remain In vZ work of the City Improvement Society and land diverted to the city., uj US pin * '£ r^he l^ enUtied° to S; C po"e r "on o tnlt^pace a Ba B comprised within £ lane [ Su. obtained to be held . trust and re • L forever For th« purpose of Ingress ™C e-Tss the stoop line space was set aside not lina 7,7 , ironer ty but tot the use of abutting SgSSH j clo»rd. I<ourtfca \* * r , v atc residences would n - C tht- dotation tn-t_ I 1™""I 1 ™"" Th- aball donment cupy it with W^gSSSSSiS width of of this i,U» put out showcase* *,j,walk. Some to «• this «■•• con .ltfafn -P«e and ti« ri*: U encroachmellta tested by the fj»^gfg£! raade b by ttoS owners YORK DAILY TRIBUNE, TUESDAY. JUNE 9. 1903. In Fifth-avc, as In Fourteenth-st., with the chance, from residence to business purpose^ the reasons for which the in.-I"S:irrs were used have been done away with. and the space must revert to its original ,use. The courtyards must again be <v>m<* part of the sidewalks-, and as such subject to the municipal regulations governing them. Again, the law as to openings In the sidewalk i* that they shall not extend beyond the live foot limit, ret some of them extend fifteen feet. Such abuses from encroachments have, as Mr. Crimmins Bays been greater in Flfth-ave. than In any other ■venue. Is !t not full time that the city should pones* itself of what is legally Us own. and thus he able to make thin great thoroughfare wide eniugh for th. truffle that is now pressing Into It. thus ad'.ng to advance th. value or property along its whole extent? JOSIAH C. PTTMPELLI'. New-fork, Juno 5. 1903. THE TRIBUNE INDEX. Its Value as a Book of Ready Reference in Public or Private Library. To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: Your editorial upon The Tribune Index o"o<»s not elaborate upon it? value all that it- might have done; but perhaps modesty may bo excused in one when commending his own production. I am a trustee of a public library in one of the cities of this State, and my observation of the persons who patronize the library has convinced me of their fallibility as to dates of incidents, and their memories are also apt to be treacherous as to the year in which something they wish to know about occurred. We have in our library files of several of the New- York newspapers, but we have only two of them bound— one The Tribune, because of its Index, and the other to refer to in connection with the same articles desired for reference, and which can be found more readily through the aid of The Tribune Index, to learn if one has details that the other has not. As a library trustee of many years' experience. 1 can vouch th«-t no library can be sufficient for the people unless It has bound copies of The Tribune and copies of its annual Index. Club members and men interested in party politics and the politics of the world, lawyers.' school teachers and pupils, business men. the clergy. and even the laity, often come to the library to consult the Index for articles in The Tribune from which they desire to make extracts, or to freshen their memories about events for their speeches, their court cases, their sermons, their essays in schools, etc. And not only should each library have a copy of the Index, but the majority of the lawyers and other professional men will find it of great value, for, even though they do not keep the tile of The Tribune, they will often find the Index convenient to look up matters they wish to review. and then they can consult The Tribune where it can be found on file. I find that the Index is compiled in a manner suitable for a newspaper. The newspaper indexer must exercise judgment as to how a subject should be indexed, so as to be found as readily as pos sible. He must also exercise judgment as to what Is necessary to retain and what may be rejected, in order to make the work as compact as possible As one who has studied the decimal and other systems of cataloguing and indexing, I recognize that the newspaper indexer cannot make entries of subjects, titles and authors without making the work double the size it otherwise might be. The Tribune Index accomplishes practically the same thing by Its cross-references. I also like the di visions "of the Index. Take, for Instance, the coal strike of last year. Under the title "Strikes" there is a cross-reference. "See Coal Miners." The ar rangement of the editorials is good also, inas much as they are grouped together following the news items on the subject. The Index is valuable to a very large number of people, and every man having a" library ought to have a copy of it. New-York, June 5. 1903. TRUSTEE. CHANGE OF VIEW ON NEGRO ftUESTION. Cause of Some Misunderstandings — j Must Prevail. To the Kditor of The Tribune. Sir: If the negro question were not in its deeper relations a very serious one it would In fnmi> ways tend to arouse the risibilities of the pen; i . «'ertainly there is a vast amount of prejudice, mis- '■ information, misunderstanding and hysterical post- | uring over the black man. Just now we have ! the warm hearted and Impulsive Southern men pouring gold into the lap of a white woman who refused to make a bed for Booker Washington. New, it Is a fact that Southern white people, as a rule, respect Mr. Washington and his work. ■ These Hune men In their hearts would not respect a woman who would refuse to provide for the comfort of. a dumb brute which might fall under her care. a short time ago tli<- Rev. Dr. Hlllis, Inspired perhaps by the neml fueling of hilarious con fusion on the negro subject, pitched into trie Rev. Dr. Parkhurst orally, I mean— because ha said the wholesale enfranchisement of the blacks after the war was a. failure; that the negro, like a man just turned out of the penitentiary, was nut im mediately and simultaneously endowed with the qualities of good citizenship. Now. it seemed to the writer that Dr. Parkhurst spoke g<»i<l horse sense In his address at Atlanta, in which the above remarks, or words to that effect, were used. Perhaps, however, T am mixed up also on this generally mixed up subject. Dr. Hillid argues from what Dr. Parkhurst and others say upon th« subject that the negro is losing ground. He seems to feel that because men express their honest convictions on the subject they are seeking to injure the negro. There is where there is mis understanding again. Tho truth will hurt no good cause. Dr. P;-.rkhurst. no doubt, is a sincere friend of the negro, but does not believe in ignor ing facts. It may be safely assumed that no reputable people, North or South, really wish the negro any harm. The people who would willingly harm him are. no doubt, in the minority in influence and numbers. Certainly there is no disposition to re enslave him. In the South, where the negro is numerous, there is some friction, some Injustice, perhaps, at times, in the treatment of the colored man, and also no doubt a great deal of feeling: on the part of the whites, which is perfectly natural and reasonable under the circumstances. Ore rea son why there is so much misunderstanding of the position of the North and the South upon the negro subject by each other is: We are practi cally affected by it in very different ways- Here the negroes are so few that we do not have the remotest need to fear their social or political in fluence. Furthermore, the Northern negro aver- ; ages better as a citizen than the Southern negro Again, we have never had the same relations toward the negro as the South has had. We have not had our slaves taken from us after a hor rible war and then turned upon us in the shape of an irritating and ignorant political force. I elate facts. The North could do nothing else than fight, and the noble men who suffered and died for the Union did an imperishable work. The sober sec ond thought of the nation is apparently coming to the conclusion, however, that giving the fran chise i •• all negroes was a mistake— mistake In its effects upon the suffering white peopks of the South, and a mistake In Its effects up m the negro himself. It was natural that race animosity should ensue and be intensified by such action. Let us in the North who believe it was a mistake to rive the suffrage to all UtiUPCS say so and not impeach our fairness and intelligence as men by refusing to acknowledge the truth. As "hind sight is always better than foresight" it Is not a serious reflection upon the advocates of the Fifteenth Amendment of the Constitution to now acknowl edge the mistake. Liberty was a great advance for the negro. To at once clothe him witn equal political powers and privileges with his former masters was to violate the laws of prudence and propriety; to attempt a violent and unnatural change "in social and political conditions, which was bound to do and has done much harm to the South. 1 am a Republican. But I state as mv honest conviction, If we Northern Republicans hid occupied the places of the white Southerners in reconstruction days we should have hs bitterly resented as they did the giving to an utterly ig norant ex-slave an equal voting privilege with his i ma-tor and one of the ineffaceable crimes of all ! history was the arraying of these ignorant blanks by carps* baggers against their brave and Hufu-r ing ex-m..ster«. If the Southern white man at time! %o*h too far in his feelings and utterances upon the race subject let us be honest enough to wit that he has had strong provocations to feel deeply upon the subject. We certainly went to the extreme In fcrcing negro suffrage upon him. and one extreme generally produces .iti.ther. God forbid that the negro should be Imposed ! upon, that the strong should do injury to the ! weak* Such a course would purely return a har vest of trouble. But it is better to trust to the hotter seniie of justice in the South to do justice to th« neirro than to resort to too much pressure I and l coercion from th« North. It is not PrfenKiily {?r p fea° S \frV eras* a^Srj&vW^ f^rtf^oT^f ffi £»£ tSfi£?»ffl SS JVJ V T think, as Dr. Hillis *>». that the w«o *« t>«lng darted by his W"»«**S?' t*sfjt *sfj ever had. and "with charity toward all sjr.l malice toward none" approach this subject, the mere likely will it in time be settled aright A. Eagles Mere, Perm.. May 31. 1903. BRITISH TAPvIFF POLICY. Views Opposed to Those of Mr. Moreton Frewen. To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: Your issue of June 2 contains an interesting j letter from Mr. Moreton Frewen upon Mr. Cham- j berlain's scheme of an Imperial customs union and urging the acceptance of this or some similar scheme in the Interests of the British Empire. Bat, political economist ns Mr. Frewen may be. the grounds upon which he bases his argument in his letter are. to my thinking, unsound, and due to misconceptions of real national prosperity and greatness. Mr. Frewen speaks of Germany as "culminating: her commercial triumphs of the last twenty years by steadily increasing her tariffs." Is Mr. Frewen unaware of the great Industrial de pression in Germany of the last year or two and the widespread misery of the working classes there, In spite of the steadily Increasing tariffs? Or is suffering of the working classes Immaterial, bo long 'as there is built up a wealthy flats, limited though it may be? Partner, as regards protection in the United States, the conditions are too entirely different from what they are in the United Kingdom or the British Empire to furnish any true grounds of comparison us to the relative advantages of pro tection on the two sides 01 the Atlantic. A writer a few days ago, 1 think, sir. in your columns, laid doe emphasis on this Doint— i. c.. the vital c!tff<-r enc« between a compact, large country and a big. loosely jointed empire. . . Free trade must stand or fall on its merits, and !f it can be shown that protection will better the lot of the great majority of my countrymen. 1 win be the first to support it. ''"he imposition or a "registration duty" of one shilling a quarter on corn raised the price of the cheaper bread In Eng land (not the liner kinds of bread) one-half pence per loaf— a rise of at least I per cent in the staple diet of the majority of the population of England. Dot's anybody seriously contend that It- would lead to an equivalent Increase in the wages of agricult ural laborers, or that it has done so? Mo sir Mr. Frewen commits the mistake of tn« "three tailors of Tooley-st." and writes. "\\e, the people of England," where he should write "capi talists a few manufacturers and land owners. That these would be benefited by a measure or pro tection there can be no doubt, and also certain ot the colonial producers. To any one serious con sidering the condition of tli« country as a wno.e the idea that the -preferential treatment of the cuio i.ies gives England so much more security tor money advanced to them than Bhe had previously is amusing. Are the people living on weekly wages —the great majority of the population, be it remem bered—the holders of colonial securities and re cehers of Income therefrom? And these are the people whose necessities of life sire raised without pi oportional increase of wages. One may echo the wish that the starring thousands in English cities might find homes in the more favored colonies or 'the empire. But it must remain a wish. The great so-called social question will not M solved by schemes of emigration. A country whose labor market is understocked may flourish under a sys tem of protection, be that system the best or worst, but In the congested conditions prevailing in Eng land such a pol'cy can only lead to Increasing pov erty and widespread destitution, and the building up of a smaller and smaller moneyed class ana a larger and larger destitute class. It is not this that will promote the true greatness of the empire. Either with or without any scheme of federation the colonies must work out their own salvation. That nation Is happiest whose wealth is most evenly distributed, and no scheme of federation can be admitted which tends to th* enrichment of one rla-~s at the expense of the others in any one of the partners of the federation. Righteousness exalt«th a nation, and it would be better for Eng land and the. wr>rld that she should stand alone ami self-contained and every oot of her inhabitants have sufficient for his or her needs, than that she should remain the mistress of an empire with feet surrounded by starving millions. I believe, sir that the emnire is not Inconsistent with domestic happiness and prosperity, but let as keep our minds clear as to what is really groat, really true, md not be milled into thinking that federation of Itself, is a thine to be sought, except in bo far as 11 conduces to the creator ha] ess and cood of the greatest number of the inhabitants of empire. " ANOTHER ENGLISHMAN, Poughkeepsk'. N. V.. June S. 1903. A VIEW OF THE LABOR QUESTION. Wage Agreements Should Be Operative for Fixed Periods. To the Editor at The Tribune. Sir: The many years that I have read The Trib une have taught me thai its practice strictly ac cords with the name it bean, therefore by your permission I will express my views, based upon experience and drawn from general observation, relative to what appears to me to be an entirely unnecessary waste of time, and thereby the lessen lag of the material things of life that ought to be realized., growing out of the constant contentions between all elapses of employers and employes In this country, which has the effect to weaken the foundation and create uneasiness and distrust and at times almost humiliating depression in all kinds of business. A large majority of employers origi nated among and graduated from the ranks of em ployes, that is. among the laborers, thus making them familiar with and strong In knowledge of whatever occupation they engage in as proprietors and managers It enables them to correctly judge as to the price of wages that they can afford to Day and the hours that must be worked by their employes The class of employers here refer-.,' to base their business contracts and agreements upon prices of wages at the time of closing sue* agreements also the hours to be worked by their employes until their contracts are fulfilled, hence any demand of higher wages or less hours of work on the part of the employs during the performance of those contracts will not only embarrass the em ployers but may plac<? them bo that they cannot .-.imply without it ruining them financially. Thus it is that the employes or laborers must necessarily wait for an increase of pay or a lessening of thl * number of working hours till their employers make new contracts and agreements. I am sure that there is sufficient honesty and ability among the employers and employes In all the various lines of business and occupation to enable them to mutually and amicably agree on a plan and a positive sched ule of the price of wages and hours to be worked that will be binding and operative for specific times, or for such periods at least as will guarantee to the employers that they will not have to vary in prices and hours during the consummation ot the work for which they have contracted. The thought now occurs to me as to whether the demand for employe! or laborers in all classes ot work is at this time equal to the supply, especially f. if we couple with and add to the supply the vast number of immigrants that are continually coming to this country. If it be true that this supply of immigrants is glutting- the channels of demand for their services, then the effect works a decide.) bane to the whole people of this country. Better by far nay reasonable, comfortable living wages to the resent permanent residents of this country than to dwarf the fair living price of wages oi those who are here to stay for better or worse, for weal or woe 1 want to feel sure that the permanent present employes and laborers of this country, both met! and women, will always be ready to say and do all in their power, individually and collectively. to keep and protect this country intact &nd free from all fraternal strife. D. U. STANTWI. New-York, June 3, 1903. IRISHMEN DISCREDITED. To the Editor of The Tribune: Sir: It was with Intense pain and humiliation that 1 read your editorial under the caption "Irishmen Discredited" in to-day's Tribune. Reluctantly I admit the substantial justice of your strictures on the ••so-called United Irish- American societies" for their opposition to the movement in behalf of the Russian Jews. Irishmen have often recalled with pride that the great emancipator. Daniel O'Connell. championed the Jews In Farllarnent when Engliuhmen were Jew baiters. Certainly the Iri:--!i ought to be foremost in extending their sympathy to the oppressed Catholio Poles in Russia, to the persecuted Jews in Russia, as well as to the persecuted religious orders in Franco, to the Boers and to the oppressed of all lands, tor Ireland herself suffered more than twe centurit'S of ;»ersecution for faith and father land. Not merely in a, pa— tng riot has Ireland suf fered, but from the ttudled cruelty of the penal laws 'from which O'Cunr^eU liberated those people in the last century. ■",'•' , "■ , Those injuries may be forgiven, but the lesson of fidelity to Christian principles burned into the \ery soul of Ireland by those bloody persecutions should never >■. forgotten. Those principles demand chanty toward the Jews as well as toward the negro and toward the Irish race. Those people are just us precious to God as Catholic priests, bishops, pope, and Irish : people No Catholic dare deny this fundamental truth of the Christian religion. ! Those principles imperatively require charity and true loyalty to Unerica before Ireland on the I part of tbxse who are Irish-American citizens The American Jews form a large part of th. community in which we live. They art- our fellow i American citl«n.s. worthy of all charity, of ail respect, and of a.ll sympathy. .• , , , 1 Our first duty is to America, by cultivating ! harmony, and we cannot do this if we insult a ! \nrie number of our feilow citizens by opposing I the movement on In-half of their oppressed ■-- ' religionists In Huskl*. There is no more noble hearted, generous people on the face of Cod's earth toward the oppressed than th" American people, as they have proved In most prictlc.il witys on wo man) occasion*. The res poet and sympathy of the American peo ple Is ft matter of absolute necessity— ■•. life a:itl death to Ireland i That l •"<•!•/ and sympathy ! crave, even to eelf-arasement Earnestly I beg public forglve i "Is ... this intMrlsh ration and entreat that the noble American pro D le will overlook the \m i norant. i, t upU folly of "the Knlted Irish it 'i« nut necessary to cease to be .< Catholic in order to be a true Irishman. It i* not necessary to cease, to be a gentleman m order to be a loyal lover U liberty. £„,„ j^ CORCO RAN. • Brooklyn. June S. 1903 BALFOUR-CHAMBEMLAIN Discussing a Sew Fiscal Policy for the British Empire. Mr. BalfOUT ' ' '." British Prime Minister, in the course vf a notable speech in the House of Coin mor.s on May 28. spoke in part M follows concern ing the proposed changes in British fiscal policies. 1 He was speaking in reply to Sir Charles Dilke. j Bart.: One part ot his speech was intended to make I mischief between my right honorable friend. the- Secretary of State tor the Colonies, and myself. In that amiable Intention 1 think the right honora- | ble renfleanan v ill fall. (Cheers i And may i a.«k I the right honorable gentleman himself what course he tbitiKs mv right Honorable friend, as the Secre- | tary of State tor the Colonies, ought to have pur sued in this matter, after what occurred at tr.e colonial conference last year? The colonial Prime Ministers were asked to come f> this country, ar.d. when In this country, were asked to confer wit the .:•» ot State and with other nigh officers of the government upon questions ma'- to ip.t empire as a whole They did engage in these dis cussions, and the result of their labors is embodied In a Blue Book in the hands of members. One statement which the Prime Ministers Indorsed was this: "That this conference recognm-s that the principle of preferential trade between the United ] Kingdom and bis majesty's dominions beyond the i seas would stimulate an.] f<ie.l tute mutual com- I mercial Intercourse, an.i would, by promoting th« development of the resources s.nC Industrie* or the I several parts, strengthen the empire. Now, I •want to know whether, in the opinion of the neat ] honorable baronet, and in the opinion of the House . at large, or in the opinion of the country, my right | honorable friend who summoned that conference, and whose personal influence and whose personal | genius has lone so much to stimulate tb»* feeling of. common citizenship in all purts of the empire! (cheers), ought to have allowed that resolution of the Prime Ministers of our self-governing colonies to sleep In the pag°s of a Blur Bo I or whether he was not bound to raise the subject for the discus sion and for th- decision not merely of the people of this part of the empire, but of th» people of all the other parts of the empire who are interested in this policy. THE FAILURE OK FREE TRADE. I would remind the House that th» position of : these islands is r.o-w entirely different, not only from what it was 'n I*4* and in subsequent Tears, but is entirely different from what all the loading fr»* traders of that time supposed It would ue. (Cheers.) They thought, and I have never criticised them for errors in their pt i-phecy— none of us ■•■ endowed with prophetic gifts, and I think their prophecy was a \ery natural one- but tr- did prophesy that our example would induce the whole world to adopt a fie» trade- policy, th^t this coc.n try would find itself a free trade nation araonf free trade nations: and they deduced from the con dition they anticipated, conclusions with which I, as a matter or" fact, entirely agree. But these very prophecies unfortunately were wrong. There is absolutely now in the whole world not one civilized free- brad community, so far as I know, except ourselves. Thai ir.ay be a surprising result, and I am not going to examine how it came about; but it is th.- fact; and. what is mor>. I do not think that any .... of contemporary tendencies would suggest for one irstant that the policy in which every civile d community, including our own self-governing colonies, has thus embarked is a policy 1 which they have shown the smallest in clination or tendency to reverse. (Cheers.) *>c therefore have to look forward in future to a condition of things in which more and more there will be a wall of hostile, tariffs built up against us. behind which foreign nations will use th«.ir power for manipulating their own tariffs to their own advantage and to our disadvantage, and as a result of which we shall less and less be able to find In civilized countries a market for our manu fa.fur.xl Roods. (Hear! hear!) Ol>r«»rve. I am not treating this upon the old protectionist idea, which was that it was your business, by excluding rival manufacturers, to foster your own manufactures. That is not the argument I am advancing. Nat I am trying to point out to the House Is this— much v- this country must more and more be a manufacturing country as oppoT« to an agri cultural one; inasmuch as it must more and more depend upon foreign countries for its supplies of food inasmuch as it will have to pay tor those supplies <>f food by it.- exports, if we are com pelled by foreign tariffs, colonial or otherwise—by exterior tariffs whether in our own colonies or foreign countries— to dispose of our manufacture? on onerous terms, that would be sn onr-rous loss to the community as a whole, not merely to the manufacturers The country as ■■■ whole win pay an immense tribute t.. the country on which it must impose its goods in order to pet th» corn aßd ... raw material which of necessitj it is obliged to import, COLONIAL CONSIDERATION?. I ask whether th» time has not '"me when- w* may debate with advantage the possibility that a tax might be raised, not merely for the purpose of dealing with the national expenditure but for other •■•■- loses For example. are we really m our hearts content •■ it h * -■''-" which jte*Tes us absolutely helpless In th* face of all foreign coun tries in regard to tariff negotiations! (Hear. hear.> It may Se^aM »««< ' f •■ ;'; ' : " • T, 3O t K£s2«n «£?«& 2&&53& "i-H Joreirn .-ounuW to declare that we are so separate f?om £ '■ • rning colon* i . that they may e a ted as separate nattons. th« Isaj „ v b. forced by patriotism, bj lon by every regard for ourselves and ' to fesls that and. if need be. to adopt retaUatori tariff* l do not see how anybody can resist that \r- w.- really to be told that Canada ; Aostfatta ; ,i icVw 7~al-ind a*-* 1 not parts of the British FmV£* t"&t the*- are to be treated as wpante nn m ions'<mp!v been use we have given them self- KKS? ft c heW 'is hh a e sXVo«d reason I think we may wsmwmm have a t"x on food, in my opinion, accepted by the '•,,:. of this country, except as part of a big nT.irv which they heartily and conscientiously ac cent \Vlth that you can do it; without It you can ,,,,, do it (Heai r!) The idea that you can I i i k t th« old nrotectire -lay.- a»a. in the te ,, T - tnia . ■ ■ ix their food Ido nol ntSeva i, within the retfon of practical politics. working classes would repudiate such a tax? . • • a PLEA, FOR REASON. I always regret the manner in which political economy is treated in this House and on public platforms. It is not treated as a scienes •<- a si fc 3ect which people ought to approach impartially with a view to discovering what the truth is. either from theory or experience. Not at all. Thej find some fSrmula in a ■ book of authority and throw it at their opponents' beads. (Cheers.) They band? the old watchwords backward and forward, they arouse the old bitternesses, wholly alien, so far as I can see, to any modern question; and our contro versies are really apt to degenerate into outworn formula; imperfectly remembered and into modern doctrines imperfectly understood. .'Hear hesrO That is a very unfortunate state of things and i should hope that one result of my right honorable fr'eud's speech and of the debate to-day will be that the country will devote Itself not in a partisan spirit to considering the real economic position in which we stand and the real difficulties we have to face now and in the Immediate future, and the lx-St way of meeting them. (Cheers.) ■ • ■ THE AMERICAN EXAMPLE. I am convinced that the trend of thought which I have ventured— m, I believe, absolute conformity with the views by my rii;ht honorable tnena— to develop is eminently worthy of consideration, r.ot merely within these walls, not chiefly within these ! walls but by public discussion, by the collection tf< i Information as far as we can: and we. the P°verri mem mean t,> collect information upon it Then if public opinion ripens, if the colon! and if the ,-.;- of this country are of opinion that we ought to do something to put the British Empire in an economic position which would make it m any way equal to the masrniricent economic position obtained by the Untied States, then I think we should have done. well. 1 am certain- l am not certain, that i this scheme is practical)!* (Opposition laughter*— but lam certain that less tnis scheme provts to be practicable, or unlrss 'cm? otr.er scheme having the same . sum can be brought to fruition, and if f tlie British Empire is to remain as it is at present a veriest of isolated economic units, it is vain for I us to hope that this branch, at all -vents, of the irreat Anglo-Saxon race is destined to have the Xt-eat and triumphant economic progress which un doubtedly n< - before the United States el America. (Cheers.) • • MR. CHAMBERLAINS SPEECH. Afttr brief speeches by Mr. Lloyd-George and 1 Lord Hugh .Cecil, dissenting from Mr. Balfours rfewft Hie Secretary of State for the Colonies. Mr. Chamberlain, -delivered Iks addre** which h*» »•«.;: been described Mi martins an epoch in British fiscal history. Some of hit. salient passages were aa fol lows : 1 think my nobl« friend haw fallen into the error,, which seems to me to have been the mistake made bVTverTbody who has spoken In this dt&ate except the Prime Minister, of *>uppcsins thai a new policy ha« be*ii i>n>:>o*td to the country involving at a stroke un entire and absolute reversal of the- whole of the Bscal policy of iMs country. l am absolutely unaware of any such proposal having been made either by myself or by anybody else and betor* 1 Kit down 1 will show how very much more limited ta the »uggas«loß which, not fur the fir«t time, but '" several occasions during the last five or six veiir* I have put before the country. The second '... t.,,nent of my noble friend was to the effect that w»m»tnot hastily t<> ci- i;i with the fundamental nranositlona "f that treat historic doctrine which n hi*' judgment had in its practical application done ... much for tht i>rr.»;. : •!> of the country- Well, tho historic doctrine is free trade: huf my SMS] friend '■• '•'* '' as every one else had failed, to tell us what we mean by ire* trade. It is jierfectly clear that everything depends on the dertnition or tree trade We muy quarrel to the end of time unless In the first •:!,■•■ we come to "•"■ wort f conclusion as to our terminology. With regard to Hi" definition given by my aoKm friend it will notVbfl ....,- with by m* nor. ' tnink bjrJ.UV ■if my right honorable friend? on tins »ia<- or the Hou«w». We are perfectly content to accept Inter •'hang* of commodities at their natural price, and I 1 think we may S'J further with regard to that definition and Its strict application- Bat to car opinion there are cartairj. deviation* from this doc trine of free trade which we «ay necessitate th« carefnl and. in a ■en«». the Immediate attention of th« country. and of thU nous*. (Hear! fcearTi . . . DEFINING THE ISSUES. In the course of the debate wmrtady asked for a plan. If by "■ plan" he means a d^ta^ed schem© of ■M new tariff or some new fiscal afranKe ment or reciprocity treaty, nothing of the Una can be produced at 'he present moment; and that ■» not the question I have raised, or which hf»,b««a raised by the late or the present rrlrr.e _ Minister. What we raise in effect .• a principle. It is a ques tion which we put to th« peopl- of this count.y. In my spec If I maybe permitted to refer to it. I called attention in v.* nrst pi*e« to what I con sidered the opportunity existing at th<- presc.il time and the importance t/i seizing th«- oPP^J tunity of making preferential arrarstipems in t..« nature of a reciprocity agreement with our col onies. (Hear: ho;ir:> And. Ir, the second place l called attention to the fnct tHat under our existing system we are ! - [pie* and totally impotent U* I r:i.^ any influence to bear en foreign intr ■" If they attack our eo!ocJ*«. or 14 th»y attack us in any manner which we consider wouid bo unfair cr would seriously endanger our. industry. As teas as we can only say to thtm. a» wo U:d in 1302 Wt.^ Colonial Premiers. th;tt what you propose is acaji^t the fiscal system of this country, so long we n*v^ co weapon in our hairfs >md we cannot m*-t in attack* upon our colonies cr the attack* upon om- selves. which are already serious and wtecti py become much more serious. (Lcud cheers > #lr these are the, wo points which I have brought before the country, and the question which I asKf"J ana on which I invited discussion was. "Are you de termined to maintain your interpretation el free trade with such severity that you reiuse to S ly « u f ppwer to meet these case*?" If •©— tt tr.at is •■•: answer of the country— then let us announce that answer to ocr colonies; for notnir.K could be wors-s than to leave them in doibt. (Cheers.). .r. <. TARIFF RETALIATION. My noble frl«nd said, in very eloquent terms, that no one would resent, or doe» re»ent. more than n* does the action which ha* been taken by Germany In regard to the rase of Canada. Let me point out— ar.a I f*R-ret that there should b« any invidious reference to Germany— but I am obliged to refer to Germany, as Germany is th« only country which has taken hostile notice of these preferential r --men 3 with Canada. Neither France nor Russia nor the United States has taken objection, but Ger many alone has penalized Canada, to the extent ex a very large additional duty. 'Why? Because Canada has freely and voluntarily sriv«ir to Eng lish products this "preferential treatment. < Cheers.* My noble frierwi thinks, apparently, it is s>ur3ci«nt to say that we are a people who remember lor » lon^ period and that some la- or oth»r we *baii catch Germany in a hole. (Laughter. > That is es sentially my noble friend's remark*. That may b« very good, but doe» h* think that Canada is likely to be satisfied with that? Whit has happened. Canada gave us ; ii.« preference five years ago a- I for five years she has been penalized- wtj been bearing: hoi resentment in our bosom. Jiucn pood that does to Canada; and vre are to go on tow ins? it for the time which elapsed between the deata of Gordon and the final conquest of the Soudan. Whatever els*- that may b*. it is not business. THE APPEAL. TO THE PEOPLE. Now. I hay» said that this matter must come before the people of this country, and th »>' will have to civc an answer. They will jrive an an swer I am perfectly certain, for or against in no unmistakable terms. Honorable members opposite think the answer will be sriven in opposition to any change in our present fiscal system, and tnat therefore the raising of this question will be to them of great advantage. Under the?* clrcim stances lam sure they will ' p " grateful to mg- for the service I have rendered to them- «L*ujrtiter > J will make no electoral prophecy at the present time; but I will say that I have- generally found the prophecies of the other slrfe to be J**er& (Laughter and cheer*. > lam bot-nd to consider tn«* pnssibiHtv. at any rate, that the views of the na tion may be in f*»w «f Borne such < *hange as ♦« the subject of this discusser. Now. in that ;', when we have got the mandate— if we ever g*t:v then will be the time to produce ttoptea <^P;> t sition lauzhter and cheers.) Everybody knows that a plan in th. sense of a definite and «HBPIeW echeme. is absolutely bVOHOI* until w« ta «eat deal of matters into which w<s gyfjftlll.M inquire, and into which we cannot inquire rr^»rao^r r^» rao^ or advantaeeously unless we know we have gPtJfag country behind us. Is it net common sense— sup- POM we bay. the authority of the nation tgint* on the consideration of the f**£!*z££L2~?*£Ef thtejc we hare to do is to go to the coloni-s . Now rothinp would be worse than to nesouate w ith the colonies, and probably come to an W«M« try ftnrt tb»( th- wh*»i* rt»A »a* repu e«l»m I ear c^etv. nothin. mt the people of the country with regard to the pr.n ciple at stake. . - • NO HARD AMD FAST FLAN. I i^av- Pai.l that T conceive it tn ***22!!^ mmmmm wmmsm mmMMmm that I was in fa -^°VonoraWe member had no ward that lam IJ ™' la th ? t ls n«"r t« he alter- 1 roppositiori ironical laughter^ THE 'TAX ON FOOD." jaw without bindinr *T***JSL a &rtgJ mmmmm Mmmmm immmm SSS..*hU*«a 1 ch a »«t r\u eat ana ■ .ta - mmmmm and cheers. > . . . • iiuHiuw m win There is one other point that wij! have to be con we -ha.i .w f -■ methirg whi« h I N* . >n ha- he,-. - ent time" Has" the House por.siderert what .is the £?act ca! workintr of tite ?reat trusts wT!!rh ar ?owV"ng formed in A:- eric i .• ■! in G^«2t<^ on the Cor,tinent-the . enormous a?greKatior.^ WltldVd by one man. by a single brain and which can be brousht to bear in the way of *»"Wtaf ■ articular industry in this country without ruri rlri any ri*k whatever? V.> arp the one open rr-^ket of th. world. We are the MM .lumPins ground of the world. (Mhrfsterial cheers . Now what barren.? Let me try to rr.*k* thnt >***• Let us «i,pp«se a mar.uf*ct«irer p*«» sr^»d- to _ t»v» extent of £j'l' v^ a y«ar and makes a proftt «jf pm \~er.«es W>':!(i " 1 . ■ ■ t* £13 000 :»"-1 th« mall of th*» is. that h- car afford v" sell. U romnared with hi- rrevsou* c^n snS 1 Ssl^ ris&as* vsks the m their work- md » - - - ■ • ■ works malic. that is a m ■■•*; protitnb'.e arransement for th.- nri- • .. .. 1 . •? Pf»-nrf"T i-m by the rreslrtent of that Dmmdm tml ar..l trp I^ta^ntwn R"«i it t? ;iotu;rt!v bf.r.s dniM i.t this X« 'hi ?••£; BrV-t German Truvt-iti. p.r^-f.v certHln that quantities of iron will -be put down r? th * country or tl.e comitrie- -r. are ******** at . x, r ice w« cannot )«»— t^y cimt.^t. lUnir! hear!) I «»v this result win OCtrOT. that, inssmurh a^ r.r> manuficturer h*re ran pcr«lhly rtand a U»»o» of «h-\t description far m.my W«ra fggthw. btl Kt** re ..5 w ju be rulne,! and the whole of the- enj»!tal ,„,,, well l «« the nroflt It X not merer? O» l»w of two or threp years' picflt h*. t ?h<* wfi«le el th capital com lnro th- sera;, heap. At ail event.--, to mv mii.l it ta one of the tnos; tervamm i«suc-3 w have to d?al with. r>t or.c thins I am perfectly **T talr In spiti" of tb* h«nor:vMo member and of any derision civen hr the rov.ntry. if it is raUed In |M pnur.tr' now. If thero should b# depr^s^ion In some of th« 'greatest industries sr.J thin KSaXi BbOald f<'i fow thlrit will prevent the rer?p!c o* thl* country from immediately impcslnjr ■• •'"'v whi shall d.* f«n'' -i.eainst such unfair competition a great anri s<tn;ilr htdtjstry. (Cheers.* I thtnk I have indi cated- the lines on which my nstrd ha* moved unit the discussion which I w0 -h to rais*"— and which I promise the honorable member I will raise— before the constituencies. (.cheers.; V.