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New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, February 20, 1907, Image 4

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lix'ti in: ox socialism.
IV. 11. Mallock Completes His
Course at Columbia.
W. Vf- M;ti!o-k delivered the fifth of his lectures
on fo« S-.Jlmh at Columbia University yesterday be
fore a irrge audience. -Mr. Mall dealt with the
■OclalU 't' theory that the majority of a people
might ; tirompllsh anything which was in accord
ance wi Sj Its will ;:t any moment, and showed thut
*>vn t!" '.majority could govern only as It did BO
In accor. to nee with natural laws. Mr. Mallo.k dis
closed p. secularly the- socialistic proposition ,l.a:
it would *' • <rt - c >' t0 Iln;i t Incomes to any certal'i
amount, .-. ««1 said that, while i: might be done, the
amount w »W be determined, not by the majority,
but t.y th' ' amount which the minority would ac
cept as ar '• adequate remuneration their e;i
r.clor ;!b!'i 3-
He pe»intr I out that the majority might enact.
any law. su -:• as one prohibiting the use of fooJ.
but, because It was natural for men to eat, either
the majority would tIU- or the law would be disre
Mr. Mallo'-k criticised socialistic thought also be
cause of anot! Xt error th.H it made, not only In fail-
Inp to recotrni '•(■ the powers of the minority, but in
falling to re- o pitze its own powers, which were to
provide the i:. 6t«?s that the- minority supplies.
While, said Mi - Mallock, the majority cannot de
cide what the i minority shall receive in return to
Its efforts, neit her can the minority decide what
tht majority :;h; J' buy. Mr. Mallock then pointed
out the reasons 'or what lie called the optical lUu
elon of the great power of the majority. He said
It waa due to tl c fact that the majority had the
appearance of \ coducing everything industrially
and of governtng ir > politics. In reality, he said,
the majority hi id the. power of overthrowing, but
not of building up. He continued:
The belief thai i socialism represents a practicable
form of society- tuts is wna.t 1 ended with pointing
out to you in in 1 t^£t audress— rests, in the minds
oi those persons who Hold it and is defended by
them, on two g,T One of these is a ductrine
relating to ti.-i i.\. 'jor of ordinary nu-ii: the other is a
docinrie rela-iint' to the motives which will secure
ior society vu« * srvices of exceptional men.
(1) Popular soci allsm— socialism as expounded to
the masses— sa>t,: "'lije many do everything, and
the few nothing- We need not, therefore, trouble
ourselves with cs<i siderins the position of the lat
ter. We have n<-t hing to do but dispossess them,
ftr.d their whole i; iheritanoe will be ours."
C) Socialism of t he mure thoughtful kind is now
obliged to say: :'\ ''« by no means deny that the
exceptional few •**} .something. We recognize that
their services are ittssential, and we will get thc-tn
to exert Lhemselvew precisely as they Go now; but
they shall work ic* us on our own terms, and the
whole of liic-ir pr^Vnt Inheritance shall be appro
priated by us just .Vh« same."
Now, what I want to l )o ' nl out to you as to these
two theories of sjueiai'ism Is Ciis: That, widely dif
feitnt and iniee-d ccftradlczory as they are in
their details, they rest "aJik" on a fallacy which is
in both cases fundame tally the same. This fal
lacy consists in an ascrj vtion to society as a whole,
or rather to an overwht \minir majority in any eo
clety, of powers which it does not possess— no
matter how completely dtim>cratic its political or
ganization may be.
i will give you an exam VU of this error, taken
from a Quarter which ntiders it exceptionally
striking-. About eight or iliue months age there
appeared ir '.The North An terlcan lew" an ar
ticle dealing with th~ growt i, not of ample, but of
colossal fortunes, which las t the writer earnestly
deplores, and which he de.sir SS to see checked. He
hides his personality ur.-i<-r t»4e initial "X." but the
editor of "The; North Amori< on Review" states in
a note that he is one of tne : rremost philosophical
thinkers living in the I'nfted h lates.. He is obvious
ly, moreover, a man of model ate. not of extreme,
opinions. I will, with your per mission, read to you
certain sentences from h:s srtit Be. "It is." he says,
*to the true interest of the multi-millionaires them
selves to join these who are fret? front envy in try-
Injr to. remove the rapidly gTO-vflrig: dissatisfaction
with ihr-;r continued possereion <of theeo vast sums
of money." That these men are not mere Idlers.
that, on the whole, they render exceptionally eco
nomic services to the country. "X does not deny;
ami he admits that it is rasco^sary to stimulate
them by allovir.e them some exceptional reward.
but h^ ooiiter:'ii that the rt*v?.rds which they are
fit present permitted to appropriate are excessive,
and ought, therefore, to be }-nlted. But limited by
what means? The means, he ••=. are ready to
hand and can b* 1 applied with the irmost ease.
They are provided by the- existing political Consti
tutie n of the United States. Ar.d here comes the
passage to which I would particularly call your
attention. "Xo one car dons)t." be sav-s. "that If
the majority of he voters csiose to elect a Gov
ernor of their own way of thinking, they could
readily enact a progressive taxation of incomes
■which woulJ limit every ctrfxan of New York State
to such Incomes as the' m^jor»iy of tjie voters con
sider suffic:<-:;t for him. .And it would be particular
ly easy," he proceeds, "t,. alienate the property
of every man at death, for Ir is only necessary to
repeal the statutes now authorizing "the descent of
BUcb. properly to the- heirs and the legatees of the
Mr. Mallock said that, "' "X*s" principles are cor
rect, he Is "too modest to his estimate of what a
government might do with the majority of the
voters at the back of it." He said laws mi**? bo
enacted limiting a citizen to "fwo ounces of food
a day." forbid him earing an overcoat in win
ter," or forbid any father bequeathing his wealth
to his children. He continued:
Ar.d why? By what Dower would their leglsla
• tlon *.c rendered nugatory— by what power which
is stid more sovereign than the sovereign democ
racy itself? The power Is a double power, and
voters contend !n vuin with it. It is the power
of nature and or human nature. Just as the laws
of* nature must .ie-terrn-i.ne all legislation as to
building, ilrr.itin? the powers r,f the most demo
cratic government more- stringently than any king
cr kaiser to laws which are [ n conformity to the
nature of the materials used, ho do the constitu
tion and propensities of the common human char
acter limit legislation generally, and confine it
Within certain channels.
All this X 2nd similar thinkers forget. X forti
fies himself in nis doctrine of the unlimited power
of majorities by a quotation from Lord Coleridge,
the English judce ar.d lawyer. "The same power"
Bays Lord Coleridge, "which prescribes rules for
the possession of property can of course alter
them' I—the1 — the power to which Lord Coleridge refers
being the will of the majority at whatever moment
may be. in question. Lord Coleridge may have been
p. clever lawyer, but he wag a very childish phil
osopher. Because, in any country, the formulation
and enforcement of laws have for their proximate
cause the will of the governing body, to thinkers
like Lord Coleridge, and to X who appeals to him
ss a master, it seems that the laws hare in this
their ultimate cause also. What Lord Coleridge
calls "the rules of possession" are, according to
him. the abitrary creation of the body which pre
scribes them in formal words, and provides punish
ment for such j-it rsons as transgress them. Hot
this is a secondary process, not a primary process
at all. Lord Co!erie3ge is simply inverting the real
order of things. Half the listing rules prescribed
as to the possession -of property In any civilized
country to-day have for their ultimate object the
protect ion of family life, the privacy of the private,
home, ami the provision made by parents for their
children, liut family life is not primarily the cre
ation of law, or of prr-scribed rules. It is •■„. cre
ation '.f instincts and affections which have ■!•■
veloped themselves in the course of ages. Instead
of the law creating family life, it Is family life
which hr.s dictated, and called into being, the pre
scribed rules which protect it. X, as a disci of
lyjrd Coleridge, appears to be under the; impression
that, the practice <,f bequest In this country has
noth'.ns behind it but the- statutes which now Au
thorize It in the various states of the Union. What
is really t»ehind it is a universal propensity of
human nature, a powerful and Inveterate affection,
which prompts the father to work for his children
no less than for himself, and desire to pass on to
them the advantages -which his own efforts have
obtained. Law merely sanctions and gives preci
sion to conduct which has a deeper origin than
legislation. Property is not primarily the creation
Of law.
Law is called Into being by men's practice of
acquiring property, just as the legal rights and the
legal duties of parents owe their being to the un
alterable fa-cts of parentage. Laws, e>r prescribed
rules, as Lord Coleridge calls them, are like clothes
Clothes can be varied indefinitely, within limits by
majorities from time to time; but the clothes must
all be such as will adapt themselves to the hu
m-in body and its movements. The will of the ma
jority may prescribe the rule that trousers shall
be tight or loose, that they shall be black or brown
or bright green or vermilion; but no majority can
prescribe that they shall be "only three inches
round the wast. or that both l*-gs shall be put Into
a single, trouser. or that slc-eves shall start not
from the shoulder, but from the pockets in th«
coat tails. To say. therefore, that majorities etta
enact any laws they please which are in accord
ance, as X puts it. with their own way of thinking
(if we mean by laws that can be carried Into effect).
is sense. The power of the voters is hampered
in every direction by the physical constitution of
the beings for whom the laws are made, and the
prevalent traits of their moral and intellectual
Then Mr. Mallock continued his analysis of the
article by X by discussing the power of the voter
In controlling incomes. He said X proposes that the
Individual be allowed to accumulate and bequeath
J!.OOC\OOa. He. said the reason that he did not place
the limit at COM was becaune he evidently
recojniztd that the men whose capacities are im
mensely and incalculably above the ordinary would
rot be tempted by a reward which, reduced to its
smaller proportions, was not comparatively at all
events large. He said that X failed to see that
the sum would not be ■ .lent Just the citizens
themselves thought it was. Continuing, he said:
With what intellectual e>.->.re lrssrieps, md yet with
whet a solemn self-<:on!i<iem:e. thinkers like X,
with socialistic or >i -socialistic sympathies, ap
fproseb such questions as the present may be seen
Ptlll inor<! clearly by going a little further into the
detail of the arguments and the proposals of X.
He. represent* the relative positions of the excep
tional man, sach as the great Inventor or organ
izer, srfl tha' masses bjr meaa* at ths XoUowlnc
dialog between the two: "I have."' says the in
ventor, "discovered something which will be greatly
to your advantage. What compensation ought I
lairiy to receive for it?" And the cKosen re] re
s'-ntatlvf-s of the people, speaking fur then* an
ewer: "It is for the general advantage to encour
age useful inventions; therefore, if we rind your
Invention useful, we will glvi you tho exclusive
right to thf profits of it for fourteen years'— it
'i.'injr, of course, understood, as before laid down
by -X. that these profits shall not exceed an average
of KO.OuO a year. Similarly, the manager and ini
tiator of a great industrial enterprise .says vo tiie
American people: "I wish to devote myself to your
service. What will you allow me to withdraw from
the common property for such . ice?" The
American people, in their generosity, answer: ■ We
v ill £ive you as much as we Rive ;he President
of the United States-; and w'llie we give him the
compensation for eight years only. ' we will _ Rive
it to you for the active years of your life." '■'
Is difficult to se. ," X adds, with amuslnp naivete,
'how any undue restraint would be placed upon
any energy or ability of a beneficent character*
If the law were to limit the possible gains of such
;ih!lity to an income of something lik-< '■'■'■•'•
year and to place a orresoonding limit on the
i.mount of capital which could be bequeathed.
Now let us suppose that the American people to
flay strike nome such bargain with the Inventor Of
some new means of traction which will increase
the speed of trains, while diminishing their ex
pense and danger. The invention works well, and
the inventor for fourteen years draws the maximum
profit allowed, namely. $5O.«.OO a y«ar. But mean
while he has seen his way to making hi» Invention
still better, or to producing another of quite a dif
ferent kind, and even more generally beneficial, if
only t'..e community will offer him the required
inducement, or. as X says, the requisite encour
agement, to do so. But If matters are conducted
according to the principles of X. the community
is able to offer him no inducement whatever; for
he already enjoys the maximum which his country,
In its generosity, will allow him; and though his
further exertions might enrich it with untold mill
:ons. his country will be obliged to tell him that
he shall not keep a cent of these for himself. What
then will pen? If the original compensation was
necessary, as X assumes it was. in order to encour
age the man to achieve his first great success, the
Impossibility of his receiving any such encourage
ment again' will be equally operative In discourag
ing him from pushing his success further. In
.-hort. if the principle of which x so glibly says
that It is hard to see how It could check the de
velopment of ability were really applied to ability
in actual life it.- most obvious effect would be to
render able men rile at a period of their In
dustrial life which was early and premature in
proportion as their ability was productive; for in
proportion as their ability was productive the ear
lier would the time he reached by them at which
their efforts would have gained for them the ut
most number of dollars which the State, by way of
encouragement, would allow them either to enjoy
or to bequeath.
Of the astonishing looseness of reasoning which
tne arguments of X exemplify let me point to
one example more. He- implies that the people of
the United States would be generous— would he of
fering- more than the occasion really required—be
cause the limitations which he proposes would
leave to th« Inventor or th great industrial organ
izer a larger income than that paid to the Presi
dent. He l.ere makes the same Kind of mistake
that the ordinary socialist makes in arguing from
military activity to Industrial. The position of
President of the United States carries with it aa
1 a free gift to the man who occupies it powers be
yond any that th" vastest private fortune could
nurchr.se. '■•' dignity, In eminence. in Influence, the
President if the T'nited States has only perhaps
1-:ilf a dozen equals In all the countries of the
F.lohe. For the President his Income is the mere
shadow of Us power. For the private citizen It is
the engine Of it. All this the philosophy of X
overlooks: and this philosophy is merely a scholar
ly and cultivated development of the kin.'! of philos
ophy which prevails among the more educated ex
re. ne-ntp of socialism Irstead of dealing minutely
with the hard facts of life, they cover these over
with the vapors of a vague sentiment, and. carried
■'■.•:. by their enthusiasms, they mistake clouds
for the hard rocks of fact.
Continuing, Mr. Mallock declared that the.
"formal legislation of minorities, beyond certain
limits, Is Impotent" He compared society to an
electro-magnetic engine. "Men are pulled Into
their primary activities by their more or less equal
needs." As an 'example, he said:
Let us suppose that the main desire which moved
exceptional men to devote their capacities to the
augmentation of their country's wealth was the
desire, by retaining at least a considerable propor
tion of their own products, to retire from the busi
ness of production at a certain period of their !
careers as possible, and to join a class which,
whether Idle or active otherwise — devoted J
to mere pleasure, or to philanthropy, or an en- !
lightened paaronage of the arts, or to speculative •
thought and study— was itse'f In an economic senna !
altogether unproductive. Now, In order to Join such
a class, and to work with a view of Joining it,
society must be so organized that such a class can
exist: find the. fact of its existence would constitute ,
the main moral magnet which, on our present i
hypothesis, would be essential to the development i
of th© highest kind of economic power. Such being
the case, the [lowing conclusion reveals itself,
which, though at first sight it may seem a paradox,
will be found on reflection to be, self-evident— the !
conclusion, namely, that a class which, if con- j
sidered by itself, is absolutely non-productive, may. i
when taken in correction with the social system j
as a whole, be an essential and cardinal factor In j
the working machinery of production, supplying,
as it would do. by the mere fact of Its existence,
the magnetic or attractive power by which the
machinery was kept in motion.
He said this might be an extreme case, but with
qualifications differing in different countries it bad
Its counterpart, f'oiitinnlng, lie said woman played
an Important part in nil economic (ruestlons. He
It la no doubt quite possible that the Inducements
at present offer<«i to Industrial ability may be, In
.some cases, excessive, and could be diminished to
a certain extent without rendering the ability any
the less active. But should this prove to be the
case, and should tne majority pass measures on
the assumption that It was so, It would not be the
case because the majority made the assumption,
but because the assumption happened to coincide
•with the psychological traits of the minority.
Ail this that l have been urging may bo ms
pected as an exaggerated attack on the , principles
associated with all conceptions of democracy: and
not only socialists, but others, on this account may
be inclined to reject It with impatience. 1 think I
shall be able to show you that such objectors are
very much mistaken, and that the» exceptional
powers of dictation possessed In some respects by
The minority are so far from being inconsistent
with the real powers of the majority that the
powers of the majority, when properly under
stood, do but illustrate the nature of the former,
and are. indeed, their counterpart. For. though
socialism ascribes to majorities powers which they
do not possess, we shall find that majorities do
actually possess others, in some ways very much
greater, of which socialistic thought has thus far
taken no cognizance at all. The nature of these
powers has been implied in what I have said al
ready: but I now propose to deal with them in a
more direct and more explicit way. I have said
that minorities are able to dictate their own
terms to any body of legislators which desires '•>
secure their services, because they alone can de
termine what treatment will supply them with a
motive to exert themselves. What holds good of
•the minority as opposed to th» majority holds good
in essentials, though In a somewhat different form,
of the majority as opposed to the minority.
Let me begin with an example from a sphere
other than that of economics— mean the sphere
of religion. In no other sphere has the Influence of
great individuals been so vast, so far reaching, so
conspicuous, so notorious as In this. The mere
mention of such personalities as Buddha. Zoroaster,
Manoxnet and another gre.xter than all of them will
enow us that such is the case; and to these wo
may add the Apostles, philosophers and theologians
who have spread and explained the respective Gos-"
pels intrusted to them rind given by their saintly
lives examples of the value of their teaching. But.
while nowhere Is the power of the few more con
fpicuous than In the domain of religion, nowhere
Is the power of the rm.ny more conspicuous also.
No religion has ever become established and influ
ci ced the lives of men unless its doctrines and Its
Fplrlt have appealed to those spiritual wants Aiiirli
have been shared to a degree approximately equjil
by all the multitudes among whom the religion in
question has been established. Thus the Christian
doctrine of the atonement would never have been
accepted by men— lt would never, Indeed, have con
veyed any meaning to them— if there had not been
something in their nature corresponding to a sense
of sin: and the universal effect which this doctrine
had on all classes alike throughout the Christian
world shows that this something which correspond
ed with a sense of sin was on" of those character
istics in respect of which there was a general
equality, ar.d that the acceptance of the doctrine
was, therefore.' a true act of democracy. For true
democrntic action is. <n it- essence, this— an action
;!ris,ng from .1 spontaneous coincidence of a multi
tude of thoughts and feelings, which happen to bo
identical not because those who entertain them
have allowed their thoughts and feelings to be de
termined for them by the same leaders, but because
with regard to the points in question they naturally
themselves think and feel Identically.
The lecturer then took up the subject of "the
power of the few and the many In the sphere of
economic production." He said "all the productive
powers that have ever been possessed by men of
the highest economic ability would be absolutely
futile unless the commodities which they cheapened
and multiplied, or the services which they wero
employed in rendering satisfied tastes or wants ex
isting In various sections of the community." He
Thus while, so long as the productivity of labor
Is sustained and augmented by the ability of the
few who direct it, the ordinary man can never be
free as a laborer, he is free, and must always re
main free, In respect of his tastes as a consumer.
A man employed in a brewery may be ordered
about by an employer In respect of his technical ac
tions: but no employer could make him like or buy
the beer If his palate found It nauseous, and if he
preferred whiskey. In other words, demand is es
sentially democratic, while supply. In proportion to
Its sustained and enhanced abundance, is essen
tially oligarchic. Now, that demand is essentially
democratic and depends on the taste and charac
ten; of those by whom the demands are made, no
body will be incline^ to deny. But if, turning our
attention from society, taken as a whole, to the
exceptionally .able minority, on whom the business
of supply depends, we shall find that they, as sup
pliers, make their own demand also— a demand for
a recompense, not indeed equal to the value of the
whole of the goods produced by them, but bearing
a proportion to ft which is, in their estimation, suf
ficient; and this demand rests on precisely the
same basis as does that of the public customer. It
rests on the tastes and the characters of the men
who make it: and it is just as Impossible for the
many to decide by legislation that the few shall put
forth, ths whole of their exceptional p?wes» toe *
* "See and Brut"
The Best Champagne
that Care, Experience and Money can Produce.
Francis Draz &. Co.. Sole Agents, U. S.. 24 Hudson St.. N. Y. City.
Art Exhibitions and Sales. | Art Exhibitions and Sales.
Fifth Avenue Art Galleries,
366 and 368 Fifth Avenue, N. Y.
! Fischhof Collection
i Waldorf-Astoria Ball Room,
j On Friday (*£££*) and Saturday Evenings,
Feb. 22d and 23d. at 8:30 Promptly
MR. JAMES P. SILO will conduct the sale.
1 sm.. • ' *
maximum of fifty thousan I dollars, I
want i I, as it Is 1
make the many buj bad beer when thej %\ int good,
or green coats when they want black.
That Is to say. so long as the wealth of any
try depends, firstly, on the iv<
titudc of average men. and. secondly, on th<
whl< h the products ol aver
age la
r.n- co-ordinate with the d<
nnd vi -
dispensed with altogether, they are bound t.< Im
press themselves equali ■ onomic structure
lety Just as the chara
.lirtaf s terms to the f< w, so 6
of the few dictate terms I the many. So I
production depends on men of vastlj uneqi
tions of all men to a level than we •
tableland by throwing a blanket ■•■
hills and valleys.
A quest!< n, however, still roninlnn to (■•• answered.
If the power of the majority is In reality
as we liave sfen It to be, both In tho dom
. tlon nnd politics— if Instead of pi
wealth by its ".ihor. it produces only a fraction of
: If, lnst< ad of being ' ■ '
any laws its pleases.
Lies of bume
a'questlon which I referred to in a former ■
ana ask hon intrai y
amoiiK nn. .Jv:catcd, but
that the labor of the many Is t • • *er In
production, nnd that the votes
potentialiy the supreme , ■■.• ■
asserted over and
table, by so many dl
kin, i - arl> l<
and : on-soclallstli ■ -
ral s fai I
I have all
with "ne of them nan
have be< i Ized by In ■ I
lut there ■
t!,m arc dua parti) I
■•!■. what, In Ruskin's phrase. w<« ma
■i rlbe an "pathetic fal tter re
inforce the forn
Wl at I mean by saj Ing that t
[m thi i : that
Bid. -m the surface of thing) o can
pc Its Infl
. ■ men, the laboi ■ the i
even tblng
. on all of
example . v. . «r it
crude Iron being
ng Wi


thing of life •
- i. when wi them
re i ■ • rdln
si:pi-r\ • ■ formed
Ility. even if Iw


to what th< y :• illy prod ice \'.
suffer, or are < t to sufl
t: la sort of < xaggeration both In I
ment 1«. for those who sympa
Mr. Mallock said that there was a similar
delusion "1 icle In den
if the many aa a fo I i tlnulng
alonjj this line, lie said:
the current nxaggerationa .-i* to the posltloi
the majoritj the average men. • from
the exceptional men hold; nnd this reason
potent than any of those Just mentioned
of ordlnarj i men Inferior to th*» av
erage, possess, v. them to
aci In which, as related to their
Immediate objects, an really so great that It 1h
possible to exaggerate them; and they are
not only great, but th< ■- formidable Ol
powers, that most familiar to the modern
is the strlk.-. A Rifted employer may be read) to
endow the world with Inventions or producti
would not only enrich himself, but would also
cheapen and Improve the food oi mlnli
comfort of mil lions; but if the mass of laborers
required to give effect to his designs refused his
wages and unanimously declined to work, this one
man confronted by several tho tld be
practically Impotent h<. lon* as they maintained
th<Mr attitude. Still more Impressive In th<
.[■■ ti. -• further and fiercer powers which,
as history shows us. reside In mere numbers also.
I mean those of rlol and terrorism and pli
force generally. Paris is sufficiently famtll ,
manifestatii ns of power of this kind with shat
tered palaces, with barricades and streets running
with blood; and a similar familiarity ha
lately acquired by Russia, if we look ba< k Into
the remote past, we encounter the Bame phenom
en > The physical bower of numbers was often
f^lt In Rome, notably In connection with the
agrarian laws. There nave been ;
Germany, Bohemia and medieval England All
this la not only true but obvious. The power of
thf many an against the few Is, In certain r<
Invincible. No wonder, then, that In the presence
of facts ilk.- these an Impression la produced that
the many '-in do everything. But If we i
all the many Seeds, of the kind now In question,
which the many in sucb momenta of triumph have
ever actually a< mpllshed, or from the nature
of the case ran accomplish, we shall Una tl it
they, all of them, fal! Into the same categorj
that they are not positive, but negative; that thej
m»- obstructive, not productive; that they are de
structive, not ionstructlve. in many cases even
an Individual can <k> ut much as ;t crowd.
The same fact is Illustrated, in a less sen latlonal
but a more direct way, by the power ol the many
as embodied In the modern strike The ntrike be
ing essentially an economic or Industrial move
mont. it is held to exemplify the power of labor
in the sphere of economic production in ■
it does nothing nt the kind, i am not for a mo
ment Baying that Btrikea are not often to Ijp justi
fied; but, however Justifiable they be or however
unjustifiable, no single power Is exerted In them
or represented by them which tends to product
a^ythlnsr— so much as a blade of grass. Still less
do strikes represent those nlgher forms of mind
and enerry on which the larger part of the produc
tivity of modern labor depends. They represent
not labor, but the power to abstain from laboring
Such being the case, they are limited not only In
their scope, but also in respect of the time for
which they are able to exert themselves. The more
extended a strike Is, the more Inevitable is its
early end— an end caused not by the surrender of
labor to capital or of capita! to labor, but ol
to the Secessitiss ot nature, whii h decrees that the
majority must work, unless one and all are to
Th« many laborers. In striking- against tho few
directors of labor, can avold»ruln to themselves -md
sfcure advantages only by hami>erinK the latter
not by paralyzing them. If the men. for Instance'
employed in some great chemical works could per
manently paralyze the employer who was the brain
of the Industry, the business would tali to pleoes
and the men. Instead of securing; a higher wage'
would destroy the source from which the wasrea
II w. Hut t>y harnfisintf the employer— by ma kin*
his business difficult without nvikinif It Impossible—
strikes, or the menace of strikes, are doubtless a
powerful weapon in securing for the laborers wi.-es
and general conditions superior to those which
they would probaly have obtained otherwise The
harassing, however, as experience shows, cannot
b« carried beyond a certain point without reacting
on the men themselves. Injudicious strikes have
ova* a*4 over again- killed the industries oa wUob.
the strikers depei i I all events killed thrm
s.i far . - their original localities were concerned.
The epoekcr brought his l»r*turo t" a close with
.'. .if conditions during t)*» French H
Uon. He said:
During the French Revolution a chemUK was
condemned to death on the groulM thai he was an
aristocrat. Attempts were ■.. Ide to Induce the revo
lutionary tribunal to spare him on tho ground of
his scientific eminence, and the answer of the tri
bunal was this: "The Republic has no need of
chemists." Nutl.tiiK could Better express tho state
«>' mind prevalent among those who arc so heed
lessly proclaiming to-day the economic omnipotence
<pf labor as opposed :<.> the forces and classes J<y
whom labor Is directed; anil the Insensate folly
of the view which ih thus so confidently promul
gated has, since the days of the French Kevolu^
tlon. been Illustrated In tli* most Mrlkin^ and >trn
matic manner by some of the most striking foots of
subsequent economic history. Not only has Prance
itsHf since then been obliged to » conditions
which make the life of th< chemist secure, hut tho
Kroat rival of France and the Industrial rival of
Great Britain, named Germans;, lias, solely !>y
the fcenius of Its chemists as applied to economic
processes, established Industries— notably those con
nected with dyeing— which are the source of liveli
hood to thousands and '.■ns •<' thousands of labor
ers, who would, were tho talents of a few hundred
chemists paralyzed, not know to-morrow where to
turn for » crust of hr^ad.
Henry <«eorp» *alci, not very consistently vlth a
certain portion of his arguments Th-»»» in which
he so strenuously defend? th<« .-.'••■ private
capitalist— that to plai ■■ the control of the many In
the -„......, to sfnv.d a pyramid on
Its apex. To 1:1 m this n»'em«d an absurdity; IT <!.
If we take a spectacular view of things — If we
view ti.liiKH fro:n the outnlde only -no doubt It la
bo. But the dynamic tr::th Is the exact reverse
of the spectacular truth. Dynamically it in pre
cisely tho apex or the head on which the social
pyramid actually i!o«* stand. Soldiers realize this
when they fruar>l the life of their general. His
life, tht y reroirnlze. Is us Important to them as it
l» to himself. And I believe I am riKht In saying
tlmt th» mor* j>ra^tlr;il and hard-headed repre
sentatives of lafor r«-»iJiz<» thnt, given the i >*■!
bUity on tliolr '■'•''»■ n reasonable bar
saln with employers ' tholr* own prospects nr«
Kikxl. bad or Indifferent, according im tlvir labor
Is directed by the Intellect. th« knowleilrrfl and
the strenuous ami keen sairaclty of the picked men
e>f the day. In nil product lon there are two part
ners — the laborers and the director of labor; and
those laborers have th«» most ample opportunity of
securing and Increasing their own wnlfnm whoso
labor Is co-ordinated and directed to the best pro
ductive* advantage.
Appoints McClrllan Man from
.Hiram's District to Good Job.
Controller •■ ■? yesterday appointed Richard
Weldon deputy collector of assessments and ar
rears, at 13.500 ■ year, to. succeed Edward A. Slat
tr-ry. resigned.
Mr Weld( n is chairman of the >r<>nornl committee
Of the If.th Assembly Idstrlr-t and the man who nt
the meeting of the Tammany general committee
on Monday nlKht demanded to bo heard In behalf of
the Ahearn men of the district. Ahearri Is th<» Mc
i'lHlrh district leader In th«» 19th, who won handily
at th« primaries last year, but who has not been
able to obtain his seat from Charles F, Murphy's
executive committee. He Is Mill out In the cold,
and will remain th«re until after thi> next pri
maries, at which time the Murphy men will try to
beat him.
The prompt recognition of Weldoa by the Mayor
and tho Controller sii >ws that tho Controller Is
willing to lend a hand when the Mayor neods It,
and it shows, too. thai there is no truce between
the Mayor and the boss of Tammany Hall.
Pour or five clerks have been released from th«
Bureau of Assessments and Arrears in the last
month. It is expected that, «v» far an possible, their
successors will be. men in various districts hostile
to diaries F. Murphy.
Alderman Charles Jiahn, the Murphy leader In
the 10th, admits that th« appointment of Weldon
to a Kood Job Is going to make It hard for him to
curry th« district next. fall. Weldon Is popular with
th« Democratic voters, and is out to prevent tho
rencmlnatlon of Hahn next fall.
Borough President Ahearn, although ■ Murphy
man, has hired a horse and carriage from James
Ahearn, the McClellm leader of the Ifth District,
for which lie pays $;! a day. The norse Is used by
one of '[!«■ sewer Inspectors. The Hahn men are
very sore at the Horoigh President for doing this,
and they threaten to go to Charles p. Murphy
about It.
Commissioner O'Brien appointed John Harvey as
secretary of the Department of Water Supply. Gas
and Electricity yesterday, nt a salary of £l,Oiio.
Garvey is a McClellan man from the 81st Assembly
District, and succeeds Joseph F. Prendergast, Joint
Murphy leader with George Bcannell of the 25th
District, who resigned to become Deputy City
Captain Ira Harris Makes Charges Against
Road — President's Reply.
In tlu> final hearing yesterday of th.> case of
Ori n l>. Relyea, a pilot of the Delaware, Kacka
wanna «^- Western Rallroad'a ferry service,
charged by the local Hoard of Steamboat In
spectlon Service with acting as pilot without a
lici nse, the pilot was sentenced to a suspension
of I<m> .lays, dating from February 20.
Relyea was suspended for threo months last
summer nfter the Delaware, Lackawanna &
Western ferrj'boat Bergen, of which he was
pilot, was In collision with the steamboat Per
seus, of the Iron Steamboat Company. Later
he was found in the pilot house of the Bergen
acting as quartermaster, but drawing a pilot's
J. J. Marklln, who appeared ns cnSjnsH for
th<- pilot; Perry Superintendent Emory and one
other whoso name was not Riven, were charged
hy Captain Ira Hurris, of the local Steamboat
Inspection Hoard, with conspiracy in violating
the steamboat Inspection law. When the case*
cajno up on Monday Captain Harris stopped
the hearing, maintaining that Mr. Macklln could
not act ns counsel for Superintendent Emery, as
he was a witness In the conspiracy charges him
self, as well as being under charges.
Captain Harris referred the case to L«awrence
O. Murray. Assistant Secretary of Commerce
and Labor. The former said yesterday that
the Delaware, Lacka wanna & Western Railroad
ferryboats were flagrant violators of the law*
fa ffftom*fe> Jbm
Store Closes at 5:30 P. M.
Some Decisive Reductions
On Fine Oriental Rugs
This morning we will place on sale about fifty handsome Oriental
Carpets in room sizes. They are in Kirmanshah, Goravan, Savalan
and Amritza qualities. Each piece was selected for our regular stock,
and was excellent value at the former price from which the straight
reduction is made today. All are of good, dependable texture and
straight flat rugs. We print a few sizes and prices merely to indicate
the values :
Savalan Rug, 13 ft. 9 in. x 9 ft. 5 in., at $95. from $160.
1 India Rug. 13 xlO feet, at $120, from $190.
\ ' Meshed Rug, 13 ft. 4 in. x 8 ft. 5 in., at $165. from $215.
"V Goravan Rug, 12 ft. 3 in. x 9 ft. 10 in., at $185, from $235.
\ *i Kirmanshah Rug, 14 ft. x 9 ft. 4 in., at $395, from $495.
'I ' Kirmanshah Rug, 14 ft. 5 in. xlO ft. 2 in., at $410. from $510. /
1 Kirminshah Rug, 13 ft. 10 in. x 1.1 ft. 1 in., at $415. from $515.
We also place on sale a fine offering of the popular Kurdistan
and Kazak Rugs, in small sizes, including quite a number of hall
shapes. The sizes range from 3to W2W 2 feet wide by 6to 9 feet long.
Three groups:
$15 to $18 Rugs at $12 $22 to $30 Rags at $18
$18 tO $22 RugS at $15 Fifth floor. Wanamaker Bids;.
• . i
At February Savings
There is a fine assortment of oak and mahogany tables for library
use in the February Sale. In fact, there is a fine showing of tables of
every sort for almost ever}' purpose. Today the word is of a few
special library tables at extremely low prices:
At $10 % from $15 — Quartered Golden Oak Library Tables: oval pattern,
top 42 x 26 inches, one drawer, one shelf, shaped legs, highly polished.
The same table can be had in mahogany finish, at same price.
At $12.50 from $17 — Imitation Mahogany Library Table; top 42x28
inches, heavy shaped legs and stretchers, one drawer, one shelf, highly
polished. The same table may be had in quartered golden oak.
A $9.50 y from $ 12— Quartered Golden Oak Library Tables ; top 36 x 24
inches, one drawer, one shelf, turned legs, highly polished.
At $17 from $22 Veneered Mahogany Library Tables; shaped top
42 x 28 inches, tapered legs, one shelf, moulded edges and highly finished.
At $18 y from $24— Veneered Mahogany Library Tables; top 42 x
inches, French legs, one shelf, one drawer, highly polished.
Some of the finer Tables are priced at $90 from $135, in oak; $100 from
$120, $110 from $160, $110 from $165, $120 from $150, in mahogany.
Sixth floor. Vv'anamaker Building.
Remarkable SHOES
At $3.90 a Pair
" Wanamaker Special" Shoes, for Men y at $3.90 a pair present
the same style and character, the same leathers and fine workmanship, as are
found in usual $5 shoes. This fact is the reason for the tremendous business
we do on this one popular line alone. The positive saving or $1.10 on every
pair is a compelling feature of this great shoe business. The assortment in
cludes practically every style that any taste could desire, for both dress and
business wear. Xo shoes sold elsewhere regularly at this price, or near it, have
the intrinsic value possessed by the ''Wanamaker Special."
We particularly invite men accustomed to buying $5 shoes elsewhere, to
come and see the new models in the "Wanamaker Special." and see what
style and quality can be secure at this popular price. $3.90 a pair.
Man floor. Wanamaker Building.
"Wanamaker Special" Shoes are also made for Women. The same
style and quality facts apply. They will meet the fullest wishes of women
who are accustomed to wearing $5 shoes. There is splendid variety for selec
tion, both in fine dress shapes, as well as the handsome new walking boots.
Women who are accustomed to buying $3.50 shoes elsewhere will find
the maximum of style and quality seen elsewhere at this price in the
"Wanamaker Reliable" Shoes, at $3 which also include an assort
ment of handsome new models for dress and walking wear.
Main floor, Stewart Building.
New Spring Suits
For Boys
Handsome Sailor Suits, with
bloomer trousers, oi all-wool bloc
st'.^r and fancy mixed cheviots, made
in attractive new Spring styles, in
sizes for 5 to 10 years, at $5 a suit,
Worth $6.50.
Also at the same price new Nor
folk Jacket Suits with knickerhocker
trousers, made d absolutely all-wool
mixed cheviots, in sizes for 8 to 16
years, at $5 a suit, worth $6.50.
Main floor, Wanamaker Building.
Formerly A. T. Stewart *t- Co..
Broadway, Fourth Avenue, Eighth to Tenth Streets.
of the river and harbor. Ho Bald he Informed
President Truesdnle, that unless tho rules were
changed nt once t ho company would bo prose
cuted. In his letter to Mr. Truesdale Captain
Harris said:
The co-illusion of the trials by the local h.>ar.l
<>f steamboat Inspe itors, Now York, of Pilot
( troii I>. lU'lyoa and O. W. Bottton. leav-a me
froe to lay before you the deplorable conditions
of your ferry system. I hoped you would allow
the general manager of the American Associa
tion of Masters. Mates and Pilots to lay
before you the positions of some of the pilots of
your ferryboats, who are compelled to disregard
the rules.
Your ferries carried In 190 ft 35.000.000 passen
gers. For more than a year I have been en
deavoring to have your boats managed In ar
cordance with pilot rules, and I acknowledge
I'oniplfto fullure. I am convinced that you do
not fully appreciate the fact that the lnlsman
aKement of your ferry systems la endangering
the lives of many millions of people.
Replying to Captain Harris, Mr. Truesdale
said In part yesterday:
In my reply to Mr. Harris, dated January 26.
I Invited him to cite any Instance where any
complaint had been made against any of our
pilots violating the harbor rules. After receipt
of Mr. Harris's letter I directed a rigid inves
tigation to be made, and obtained many letters
from persons acquainted with the rules of navi
gation who were dally using ferries In the har
bor. Such letters were all to the effect that our
pilots were strictly observing all rules.
I am advleeU that Mr. Harris, without any
for Washington^ Birthday
Wanamaker Plags are made of special
bunting woven with doable war] well
twisted. They are- Kiz;>.ranteetl as to dura
bility of color, strength of material and
workmanship. Stars and stripos are spe
cially sowed to prevent fraying. The fiags
are strengthened throughout. Prices rartgs
from $1 for a 2 x 3 feet size, up to $*0 for
flags 26 x 46 foot.
We also have a complete stock of Stand
ard Alt-wool Bunting Flags, pruwl at tSe
for a ! x '■'■ feet size, up to $r>6 for rtacrs 23 x
40 feet. Couplet* stevks of Silk and Muslin
Flags. flag Poles, Braci
Basement, Wanan Building.
charges, has again suspended Mr. Relyea toT
another one hundred days. There would seer^
to bo no explanation of the foregoing and of
tho chants, except that the employes upon our
ferry boats are not mem of tho American
Association of Masters, Mates and Pilots. Th:.*
company is unwilling to permit tiny labor or
other organisation to come between it and It*
ferry employes with the effect of Interfering
with or regailatins its discipline.
To. Spend a Million Dollars in Improving
Boston & Albany.
Boston. Feb. 19— What Is virtually th«» first
definite promise of Improvement of Boston & Al
bany Railroad conditions reaches] this city to-day
in a letter to Secretary Erwin H. Walcott of th»
Boston Merchants" Association. It came from
Vice-President W. C. Brown, who met the Boston
business men In conference at the South Station
on behalf of the New York Central management,
and it promises the expenditure of C.000.000 in sucH
additional trackage as will enable the Boston A
Albany to handle freight without the delays that
have recently hampered business here. Mr. Brown.
in bis letter, says:
I am now working on plan.* and estimates for im
provements on terminals in Boston, and assure
you that nothing will be left undone to prevent
a recurrence of the conditions that' have existed
there during the last sixty days.

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