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New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, March 24, 1907, Image 7

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Dr. Butler Addresses the University
of California.
Ban Francisco, March 23 (Special).— Professor
JCicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
delivered an address before the University of Cali
fornia at Berkeley to-day, which was charter day,
on "True and False Democracy." He said in part:
It Is rriy purpose to sneak on the fascinating
theme of democracy and to endeavor, if I can. ot
point out. tome far-reac'ihig distinctions between
fc democracy which is true and stable, and one
»hich Is false and illusory. In each of the pro
greaatre nations of the earth it is clearly reco;r
ni«d that the pressing Questions of the inome.;t
ers not so much political, in the narrow sense, as
Ooy are economic and social. In Germany. In
I'ranr?. in England, in Italy. In Jap-in and in our
own country parliaments and legislatures are busy
ir.K themselves with those* newer, problem*, the
common characteristic of which is that they ap
pear to Involve ln*thrir solution a vast and rapid
«-it«!i!- of the field in which men work collective
ly t).rous-h their political agents, rather than in
dividually through th*>ir own wills ami hands.
We Americans approach these present-day prob
lems in the spirit of democracy, and with more
than a century of schooling in democracy behind
vr; but nro we quite surA that w* know what
democracy means and implies? For there is a de
jnocrncy false and a democracy true, and it 1* Just
when the «>conomlc or social problem presses hard
ert for solution thst the sharp contrast between
the two is lost sight of and the line which divides
them it- Murred.
Was Lord Byron rlpht when he cried. "What
Is democracy?— an aristocracy of blackguards!" or
was the truth not with Mazzini. who defined de
mocracy as "the rtrocxes? of all throuxrh all. under
th«" leadership of the best and wisest"? Every
thing depends upon the answer.
The state is founded upon Justice, and Justice
Involves liberty, and liberty denies economic
Banality: because equality of ability, of efficiency
ana even of physical force nre unknown among
men. To secure an equality which Is other than
the political equality Incident to liberty, the more
efficient must be shackled that they may not out
rua the less efficient, for there is no known device
by which the lesa efficient can be spurred on to
equal '..■'■ accomplishment of the more efficient.
Objectl»e conditions must, of course, be equalized.
ssiitlcitlarly those conditions which are created by
the FUtc. But this is true not because such an
equality Is an end in itself, but because it Is es
sectlaf to liberty.
I* we can fix clearly in mind this fundamental
contradiction between equality of possessions,
eauality of capacity, equality of attainment, and
liberty, we shall have reached the clew to the
distinction between a democracy which Is false
end spurious, and a democracy which Is true and
When one examines the proposals that are seri
ously rr.a.ie by responsible men In high place, not
In one nation of th*» earth but in many, he is forced
to afk whether liberty, which for four centuries
has been a word to conjure with, ha* lost its hold
upon mer.. ar.d whether we are coming to a pass
•where democracy is to be reduced to the expedient
cf seme of the ancient tyrannies, end is to be
tbie to maintain itself only by providing bread
and a circus for the masses of the people. If by
any chance we have come to this pass, or are
cornir.E to it. then be assured that it will not be
Irrg: before a ereat chanpe will come over the po
litical and social Institutions of mankind, and
• That It will be a change for the worse.
gpcskirir as one observer. I cannot bring myself
to believe that liberty has lost Its nold. or that
a false nnd spurious equality contradicting every
natural law. making progress impossible or only
temporary at best, enn lonp lure lnteligent men
f.-om liberty's path. The abuses of liberty are se
vere and Innumerable. The economic Injustices
rt't have not yet been removed are many and ap
jmVcT.t. The "forms of equality dependent upon
trvs- liberty that have not yet beer. sufficiently ee
tctlifhed are easy to name. But purely the remedy
Is not to be found in tearing down the cornerstone
of the political fabric. b'lt rather in first clearing
sway obstructions find debris, and then in build
lnr more thoughtfully, more wisely and more pa
tiently upon it.
The socialist propaganda, never more seriously
or :: n ably carried on than now. is an earnest
and elsKvre attempt ta escape from conditions /that
are burdensome- »nd unhappy. No just man can
quarrel with Its aim. but few readers of history
or students of human nature can approve its pro
gramme. /*i bottom, and without special reference
to immediate one-ret? proposals, socialism would
Fubstitute- for individual initiative collective and
corporate responsibility In matters relating to
property and production, in the hope thereby of
correctinp and overcoming the evils which attach
to sn ir<MvMua!ism run wild. But we must not
lose sigl'.t <>f the fact that the corporate or col
lectivp repporsibillty which it would substitute for*
Individual initiative is only such corporate or col
lective responsibility as a. proup of these very
same individuals could exercise. Therefore, social
ism if primarily an attempt tr> overcome man's
lndividurl imperfections by adding them together.
la the hope that they Trill cancel each other. That
is : ■• only had mathematics but worse psychology.
In pursuing a formula, socialism fails to take
saasuni of the facts. ' Out of the people It would
constitute a mob. in forgetfulness of the fact that
theme- led or onleA, is teh most serious foe that
tb% people have ever had to face.
I come back to th" conception which Mazzini
fcafl of democracy: "The *">roETess of all through
All. under tho leadership of the best snd v.'istst."
True democracy will carry on an insistent search
for th'!-- wisest and best, and will elevate them
to posts of leadership and command. T'nder the
operation of the law of liberty It win provide
\\w\: with real leaders*, not limited by rank, or
birth, or wealth, or circumstance, but operlri? the
Tray for each" individual to rise to the r.lace of
honor and Influence by the expression of his own
best et><s highest pelf. It will exa-tly reverse the
cw.Tr.ur.istic formu!.\, "From each according to
his ab;llti< f, To each according to his needs." and
will uphold th» principle. "From each acmrdlnr
to ':.:« :'. ':< To each according to hi" abilities. '•
It will take care to provide such a ladder of edu
cation £x.d opportunity that the humblest may rise
to the very tcp if he is capable and worth v.
The most precious thing in the world is the lndl
rlSual human mind and so-il, with Its capacity
for growth »nd service. To bind it fast to a
formula, in hold It In check to serve th« selfish
enfi» of mediocrity, to deny it utterance «nd ex
pression, political." economic and moral. is to mr.k»
dem<v~racy impossible as a permanent BO'-ial and
governmental form.
The United States Is In sore need to-day of an
aristocracy of intellect and service. Because such
an aristocracy does not exist in th« popular con
eclousr.ess, we are binding the knee in worship to
the golden calf of money The form of monarchy
and its pomp offer a valuable foil to the worship
cf money for its own sake A democracy must
Provide itsrlf with a foil Cf its own, 'and none is
better or more . ff.-^tjv*- than an aristocracy of in
tellect ana service, recruited from every part of
our democratic !if«». We must put behind us the
fundamental fallacy that equality i.s- demanded by
justice. The contrary is the case. Justice de
inanils.inequality as a condition of liberty and as
a ratans of rewarding each according to his merits
SSMI <«*-sertjs. Evrn tne socialist ;.. unite this. .
Jealousy of power honestly gained and Justly
♦xercis^d. envy of attainment or of possession, are
characteristics of the mob. not of the people; of
a democracy which is false, not of a democracy
which Is true False democracy shouts. Every
Train down to the level of the average. True dem
ocracy trie.*. All men up to the height of their
fullest capacity for service and achievement. The
<«"0 idea's are everjaetinely at war. The future
ef this nf.tion, as the future of the world, is
bound up with the hope of a true democracy that
bullis itself on liberty.
Tru<» detaocraey rejects the doctrine that medi
ocrity is a safeguard for liberty, and points to the
fart that the only serious menace of liberty comes
from thf! predominance of monopoly. of privilege,
*nd cf majorities. True democracy holds fast to
•■• notion that rlx^d nandards of rhfht and m-rong
*'• cf-cessary to ltn success and that no resting
Place Is to be found in the verdict of authorities,
"f majorities or of custom. It believes that noth
ing is t-ettl'-d until it Is settled right, and that no
Jeer of majorities and no threats of the powerful
•hould for an instant be allowed to check the
SglUttJor. 10 right a wrong or to remedy an abuse.
What Burke nays of I*arlia:uent Is equally true
*f the. American Congress at.d of American state
legislature*. Their one proper concern is the ln-
Urert af the whole body politic, and the .true
•**nocratir representative Is not the cringing.
• -awning tool of the caucus or of the mob. but he
**<>. rising, to the full stature of political man
aood. doe» not take orders, but offers guidance.
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We Americans well know that genuine leadership
is possible In a democratic state, and tha tan aris
tocracy of Intelligence and service may r>* htr.lt
up In a democracy; for the Immortal example la
found in the life and work and glory of Abraham
If, however, we were to leave the matter here, pom*
perplexing questions would remain unanswered For
one hundred years and more the i>fonle of the T'nh^d
States have maintained a democratic form of gov
ernment, which has grown from small and simple
beginnings to a complicated organism ruling a
territory comparable to that of the world's greatest
empires. Yet happiness and prosperity have not
become universal, nor Is justice yet established
Invariably as between man and man, or as between
the Individual and the community. For this there
are two reasons:
The first in to be found In human nature Itself,
with Its limitations. Its Imperfections. its ser-m-
Ingly slow progress toward the highest ethical
fttandards and the sureßt spiritual Insights. For
the removal of these obstacles there Is no hope In
man-made formulas or in governmental policies;
education and moral regeneration, taking long
periods of time to accomplish their aims, are the
only instrumentalities to which we can hopefully:
•turn. .
The second reason, however, lies somewhat
closer at hand. It Is to be found. 1 conceive. In
the lack of adjustment between the responsibility
and oversight of the community, acting through
its governmental agents, and the exercise of in
dividual initiative In matters relating to property
and production. This lack of adjustment is trace
able In turn to the r*»nld changes which the last
generation or two have" brought about in our eco
nomic and Industrial life. To keep pace with these
changes and to secure Justice without sacrificing
liberty, is now the purpose and the ho;,.- <„: true
democracy everywhere.
What chiefly attracts attention at the moment as
an element of serious injustice Is the- Institution.
under the guise of liberty or freedom, of what Is
really a form of economic dependence or slavery,
which Is usually described as the exploitation of
man by man. If this exploitation or use and op
pression of one man by another were (shown to be
a necessary and inevitable result of society as now
ordered and established, then might we well be
lieve that the socialist propaganda, If it could make
clear that socialism would bring such exploitation
to an end. would go forward with Increasing energy
and success. But it must be pointed out that th«
exploitation of one individual by another is not a
necessary, but an incidental, consequence of the
existing social order, and that, had as it is, its
results are in no sense comparable with th« evils
of the exploitation of one by all which is a neces
sary consequence of the establishment of a social
istic democracy. For the exploitation of one by all
puts an end to liberty. We should not Rain any
thing by substituting the more Injurious forn of
exploitation lor the leas injurious; we should rather
lose much. The rtal problem of democracy is to
prevent both forms of exploitation, either that of
one man by another or that of one man by tho
community. To prevent this exploitation, or. rather.
to reduce it to the narrow and necessary limits set
by nature itself and to take away from it all causes
added by the grant of monopoly and privilege, are
clear duties of present day democracy. How shall
democracy proceed to this task?
If the exaggerated forms of exploitation which
are now observed among us are studied with care
it will be seen that, almost without exception, they
spring from community-given monopoly or privi
; lege. They do not spring from the relation between
Individual and individual or from the institution
of private property Itself. They spring from the
relation between Individual and community. Those
relations would be multiplied, not diminished. in a
FocLm-tlc democracy. The only hope for the aboli
tion of exploitation la a socialistic- democracy.
therefore, Is the regeneration of man and the re
moval of hows natural obstacles to human perfec
tion to which reference has already been mad. In
! other words, the socialistic democracy assumes and
mu't assume lor the success of its programme a
f^ndituTn at individual perfection which the whole
of n h"t2rV «LnU«u The lack of thi. individual per
reetlon cive* rise to the evils of the present hour.
I^fJ ii? would continue to slve rise to the same
evils 'but in an C exa«*r.t*d form, if the socialistic
Vwhaf 2fied^lU«o^£to bo
nrevented this can only be aecomplf^d. I con
cHve by developing with clearness ana precision a
X^lw^nt «* Biibllc property which shall have an
e?hlc« P l foundation and a legal as well as a social
ml \i^ «Pn« ethic*" foundation for the coopept
sanction *™» '" and the legal and social saac
?lon.fSr 1? ere Perfectly clear and well known.
none WTlf of nubile property is not In so fortu
*?<, P imon It needs elaboration and d- Ilnl-
H«n i»»«m arrive this elaboration and defl-
S?ton of th^concept of public property, then we
™v mmhiv assign its control to the government
S*d y e«luo>"e individual from any share in that
B d » a!op- theee lines and on this basis a true
Z* n 'i,, SS bring so-called exploitation to an
democracy can *™* lnK to , Ma blish a false equal
ul d I2d °hold?n« '« : meanwhile to true liberty.
•nil. tea D ractlc*ble «nd a practical programme to
K^i.t wer asalnst the impracticable and unprnc
i^pr^»rome offered, by the socialist prop-
Sn d «nrl;lnc ' out '.tola programme we must take
caVi To Protect ourselves sjfatest tfce :mob-a _ma«
According to custom The- l/rnc
Island Railroad Company will adopt
a Spring Tin* Table to take effect
about May lOtb. Additional trains
and some better trains will then bo
About June ITth the Summer Time
Table will taw effect, and will be
about the same as the one of last
It is understood that the train
service on both the Spring and Sum
mer Time Tables asi year -."..us sat
isfactory to the patrons of the Road,
but any suggestions as to desired
changes will be gladly received.
at tli« sa?r.<> rnts- for <-a< h month, which 1* a
cr.npl'iPraMfl re.surtlf>n from the rates for
marl] paid by ttasM who commuted only in
the hammer.
Tratlc l!ina«fr, C,rn. ruin. A(?«-nt.
9K3 Fifth Ay* . New York.
of men whose power* or reflection and Judgment
.ire unhorsed and who arc driven by the force of
blind passion; for nny social or political reconstruc
tion Whets the mob's appetite and stirs its passions.
There are those among us who understand the
mob so well thit fhey sedulously and skilfully en
deavor to bring to pars lust such a state of iUTa.rs
as Talne described. These wreckers of society, un
restrained by principle and unhampered by convic
tion, are playing with the fire of human passion
and mob violence. They attack a conception 01
democracy which In true in its every aspect in me
hope that they may enthrone in its stead a democ
racy which is false and futile. They begin by
playing upon the term "labor." Taking note of
the fact that the world's workers constitute an but
an Insignificant remnant of the world's citizenship,
they would «el one form of labor against another
and confuse and confound the meaning of the term
"labor" Itself. All the world over these mischief
makers when they put forth an academic theory
us" the term "labor" In a way to Include »very
form of productive activity. For that purpose the
Inventor, the overseer, the manager, the guide, ana
Insplrer of an undertakinK, Is .1 laborer; but when
from the height or academic theory they come
down to the plane of popular agitation, then they
make the t.rm "labor" apply to manual labor
alone It is true that leading economic writers
themselvi-s are responsible for the widespread con
fusion between the* two uses of the term ' 11 l "' r -
As a matter of fact, ordinary manual labor Is just
the opposite r.i what the socialist supposes It to be.
Instead of being the sole Instrument In the pro
duction of wealth, as the modern world Knows
wealth, It la a subordinate element In that Produc
tion. Manual labor is always essential, to be sure
but manual labor alone does not now produce, nor
has It ever produced, much more than « mere
minimum of subsistence. All of the Increment in
production which has made the modern world pos
sible is due to the directing faculty. to capacity
to organize, to manage and to apply. These powers
and capacities operate both through labor and
through capital. Therefore, to attempt to si bstl-
StelhS mob for the people.' manual labor for labor
in all Its forms and economic equality for liber >
is to destroy all those Institutions and accomplish
ments upon which mans progress r^ a f. I res t ro < i *'-r
thre.; thousand years and which man m progress
a-urtns; that period has developed and applied in so
*IffieHmuve M oiS!e" dlv'Ucl authors' Into two
elaases— qul agitent le mond- et eras qul ? le
clvllisent So v- may divide statesmen and leaders
of public opinion into those who dlsturt the world
and those who advance Us civilization The touch
stone will be their attitude toward wealth. It I s
wealth-accumulated possessions of value in »•«*"
or immediate needs-that makes "etaure powible.
and with leisure comes genuine human lrt ins. cU-
Ilization. The world wants more wealth. "»l »«?■
To al-n to destroy wealth, to make jta accumuU
don Impossible or personally «^ a f79 a "ffi£S.ilr
to disturb and distress the world and. ultimatel..
every one in it. To seek to promote wealth to
secure Its just distribution and its proper us^ is to
advance the worlds civilization. ft is not money
much leu wealth; which Is the root of evil, but
the love of money. The cruel lust for gain, which
stifles every -:i-r-:.us Instinct ;nd all desire for
Justls>. Is the despicable thing. <. id that Is a purely
personal characteristic which nc law can reach.
Nothing but a Fense of honor and decency, an ap
precU?lon of true values and a genuinely moral
view of life Will cure that distressing and pain
fully contagious disease.
The hurest antidote to the mob and Its violence
and nassion Is to secure, in orderly and legal
form," after due consideration and discussion, tne
prompt and effective execution of the people s will
and to gi\e voice to the peopled judgments and
aspirations. This raises some Interesting <jut,-s
la sv own form of goveramsnt ther« ore «stab
H3 II 0 fi:l ? i ""Ilft Sfl
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lished three independent i>ut co-operating powers
and agencies lor representing the people and for
executing their will— the executive, the legislative
and the Judicial ugfcncy. Koch Immediately repre
sents the people In Its own way and in it* own
sphere, and tnat sohere is and should remain In
violate. Somehow 01 other the curious notion baa
been bpread abroad that th.- leglslati agency.
the members of which are chosen at abort inter
vals and by small constituencies, more fully ami
directly represents the people than does either the
executive 01 the judicial branch of the govern
ment Members of the legislative branch «.>!' the
government have themselves actively spread
abroad this notion both by words and by acts.
it is, however, not only untrue m theory, but It la
ludicrously falsified by the facts. As matters are
to-day, and as they have been f'>r a generation
past, the Congress of th? United States, the !>gls
lative branch or iii.- nitn.nal government, is far
inferior to the executive and tin- judicial branches
us ;i direct ami effective representative of th.- will
v.iii purpose of the people of the United States.
It is primarily the President and the Supreme
Court who speak the peope's maturesl muni and
Who express in sunken and written word, in ad
ministrative act and In judicial decision, the high
est, will ol the whole people.
Moreover, ever since the Civil War the Congress
has steadily Invaded the province of the President,
and has long been arrogantly asserting contiol
over his administrative at ts. At the moment it is
being urged to invade the prerogatives of th 9 ju
dlclarv ami to curtail and regulate the proceed
ings in. equity of tho United States courts— a field
i', which the Congress has ih< same right and
authority that it ims In Cores or in British Indra,
no more and no it-;-*. This Invasion of the execu
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large that the executive power Is in some subtle
way antagonistic to democracy, and. moreover.
th.it Hi.' executive is Invading or has Invaded the
province of the legislature This latter cry. .is in
sincere as It Is false. is Invariably raised when
ever It is desired to distract public retention from
an invasion of the executive by thn legislature, or
when some private or privileged Interest wishes
to ward off from Itself the execution of the peo
ple's laws. As a matter of fact. if our American
political experience proves anything, it proves that
11. executive branch of the government 13 the
most efficient representative and spokesman that
the popular will has. So It was with Lincoln In
the Civil War ><> it was with .Cleveland in the
struggle for n sound monetary system: so It Is
with Reosevelt In the battle against privilege and
• I say, father," queried little Johnny, "what's
a diplomat?"
•A diplomat, my son." replied the old man. "is a
person who doesn't mean what he means others
to think 4w »eaaa."-TU Jiita, „;, , ' "i .: ,-
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and is consulted in the great universities of learning. It has
No. 37 East lSth Street. New Yorkt
Flea«» send me a copy of the tn* Illustrated Port
folio of American History as offered to The Sw-T>ri
Tribune renders, also handsome specimen pages descrip
tive of the work, with full particulars of the Tribe:. • j
Encyclopaedia Club and the special price to members who
wish to boy Nelson's Encyclopedia. This doe* cot obli- j
gate me to buy.
Name • .•••••«,, [
Address ........
City - • 7
Mr. JOHN OXENHAM'S striking novel
The Long* Koad '
"An unusual and almost unac- "Mr. Oxcnham has worked out his
countable charm of Men led strength theme with unusual skill, and 'The
and delicacy-such i, ,he *.., •_ Lonrr Koad' must stand as one of the
and dehcacv — such is the nrst lm- l> , ... , .
- very best ot his novels, perhaps as
pression made by John Oxennam s the' high-water mark of his powers
'The Long. Road.' . . . . Aside as a novelist. Certainly it is a novel
from the striking originality of its of fmusual quality and dramatic
fundamental idea. 'The Long Road' puwt-r. The fight with the band of
is remarkable for the skill with famished wolves, where Stepan
which the principal characters are turns Berserk in defence of his wife
delineated, and for the quiet beauty and children, is a very vivid bit of
of its style. ... It would not description. The character studies
be at all surprising if by right of his are all good. . . . 'The Long
story Mr. Oxenham should take his Road* should prove one of the prin
place as one of the strongest novelr cipal successes of the season." :
ists of the day." — Post-Desputch. — The Brooklyn Eagle.
- The Long- Road
By JOHN C\L\H,\M Cloth, urith frontispiece, $1.50

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