New-York tribune. [volume], November 20, 1915, Page 10, Image 10

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First to Last?ihe Truth: News?11 t'oriale
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*i >:? cr.n purchase merchandise advertised
In THE rttIBl NE with absolute safe'.??for
if dissatisfaction resulln in any ra?e THE
TRIBUNE guarantees t?> p..> ?our mor.e;
back upon request. No red tape, no uuib
hllng. We make good promptl? if the ad?
vertiser does not.
The New Americanism.
Bin and again in recent months the
*Basst Ian has baasj asacad of those who vent
ureil to criticise the foreign policy of Mr.
W .!.?.?? r. l>o you want war? In the same
breath ?M a.-.-fition BBS l>een made thnt
the supreme inert! of Mr. Wilson's policy
!ih- baon thai H has preserved peace, that
BBS mysterious fusion of patience and
persr : m-ity all that Americans could
I'.emand for their country's honor ai.ti
security had been obtained for nothing?
withou. th. iii'.'iiii/.iition of a regiment or:
UM risk of ? lile, as one inspired press
?.Kent phrased it.
Now, it i- a matt*, r of common agree
mei.t that no American df-sires war. LtSaSt
of i'il doss ? people which just beyond its
own boundaries perceives the most terrible
? I al! confiaurations still burning up ami
Ulisailing in new direction.-. War has no i
romantic or sentimental appeal to a na-1
tion which, like our own. has no consum?
ing idea of expansion, conquest, reorgani
n of mankind.
If Mr. Wilson's policy, without cost in
bit. ui in treasure, has preserved our honor
and assured can safety, there then can be
no warrant in criticism-? it. t.o justifica?
tion in challenge.ir it; least of all can it be I
challenged because it has escaped that
which every sensible human being most!
desires to escape, namely, war.
But has Mr. Wilson's policy preserved
American honor or security? This is the
question that the letter columns of The
Tribune demonstrate is more and more
disquieting Americans. It has so far
avoided war?but on certain terms war is
always avoidable. The men who stood at
Concord Bridge could have stayed at home
and they would have avoided hostilities.
The Minute Men who formed in the gray
dawn on Lexington Common deliberately
invited strife, and some of them gave their
lives.
In 1801 nothing was more eaBy than to
avoid war, if those who believed national
unity a vital question for them and for
their children had been satisfied to warn
the Southern States by notes, alone, of the
immoral and the unrighteous character of
Secession and the transgression that it
constituted against the United States. The
campaign of 1R;>8 could have been escaped
if only Americans had been satisfied to
admonish Spain by post and let the assas?
sination of Cuba continue.
Vet in all our history, as in the history
of all nations, there have been certain
things for which men have been willing to
fight. In all written and unwritten his?
tory we are taught that men, tribes, na?
tions, however much they valued life,
valued certain things yet more highly and
la preserve these went unhesitatingly and
unfalteringly to battle and to death. Al?
ways there is a point which having been
reach?. d disritfcsas a generation not "too
proud to right." but reatly to sacrifice all.
The sum total of this experience of ages
demonstrates that this point is reached
when life and honor are imperilled. Men
do not then necessarily make war. We
have a hundred incidents to a single con?
flict, but at the fixed point the race or the
nation unhesitatingly gives warning that
the things in peril must lie saved, that
they are ready to die to save them, if neces?
sary, and the choice of aggression or re?
treat lies with the other side.
Concord and Lexington, the firing on
Sumter. the destruction of the Maine, these
in our own history were occasions when
the country as a country, the people of the
United States as a people, responded to a
call that was for them imperative. It was
for those generations, as they saw it, bet?
ter to sacrifice all than to endure any?
thing which further passivity would bring.
Now, in the ultimate analysis, this read
ineas to fight springs out of a conviction
that only by such action can conditions
which are tolerable, conditions which make
life possible, be preserve?!. There was no
love of war in the hearts of the farmers
who heeded the warning of Paul Revere.
Abraham I.i:.coin's first call for volunteers
to save Wa.sbii.i-ton fell upon the earn of
the most pacific generation our country
ivas ever -
Vox many American- the q?e..i,on raised
by the assassination of more than a hun?
dred men, women and children on the Lusi
tani. was wholly comparable to the ques?
tion, which had roused Americans of other
generations. It was an aggreB?ion> an in.
jury. a calculated murder, which found no
warrant either in the laws men have made
at thoae they have accepted as of divine
origin. It challenged the first right of a
?Batist* a'"? involved its primary duty, that
it protect it? own citizens.
At this point what qu?;ntion of peace or
war could p?**j*ti* be. laised? If Crrmany
was inU-r.t Ofl continuing murder. th?-re
c./uld t?e as PSBCO' war was l>ound to come,
boeauM- war la i**?aBBBBB*M| when one na?
tion a-.w-rt*. die right of asnas.,ination al
th* cost of another. Crante?! a continu
bbbbs of murder, war was ineluctable, but
if wsr was avoidable at all, It could only
'?c avoided by giving final evidence
Americans are prepared in l'.?l.">. I
1861 and 1775, to defend national live.?
national honor at all costs.
Instead of thi:- Mr. Wilson proclaim
Mw doctrine ? nation could be too p
to flghl ; H might possess the new an<
perlntivfl merit of enduring murder wit
?ace. This was possible; it was
:sibia' In 177"?. when rights rather
Ihres were at stake; it was possible in I
when rights were discernible on ei
Fide of llaaon and Dixon's Line. Bo
I Mr. Wilson was on solid ground, aitli?
new ground in American history.
But he then had recourse to still ano
policy. Hfl a-.-erted and maintained
there eras ? virtue in words as ? ipa
for assassination, that by phrases ne
turned and law? exactly quoted the daf
might be snatched from the hand of
assassin, and those who came to stab w
linger to apologize. He asserted a doct
.' mors? influen?a in a world of force,
b) hU?eourafl nrcclaimej hi- faith In :
sounding pretensions which represe;
the slight cost of ink and postage.
Tai- doctrine failed to convert tho 1
tonic navel authorities until there arri
a time when, British anti-submarine ac
ity having made Germany's campaign
murders perilous beyond all possible pn
Germany gladly welcomed Mr. \Vi!s<
? cover for'its retreat ani
pretext t.? escape confession to the (iem
people that the campaign of von Tir?
had been ? lamentable failure.
So far the thing t? .?till tolerable, evei
humiliating, but at this juncture th
entera ? new "lenient. We were as a f
?ie fat and prosperous. Out of war c
tracts and war conditions we were rnak
profits beyond all past conception. Wl
our countrymen had been murdered
had contentad to talk about the crime;
had accepted, not without protest, but s
we had accepted, the policy which was
us least expensive. We had found it eas
to argue than to defend. We had clung
our profits and our prosperity?this v
intelligible.
But now comes the claim of superi
virtue. We had been too good to fig]
We had followed the easiest pathwj
Where our ancestors had dared and di
we liad written notes and kept "busine
as usual," but now we proclaimed that >
were better than our fathers, bettor thi
thoM who had made America by their ov
sacrifice. We had kept honor, won bri
iant diplomatic victories, and---all impc
tant detail?we had done it on the cheap
we had done it for nothing. There was
virtue in being safe which passed all tl
merits of risking life in other days.
This is tho sham and the fool's paradi
of The New Americanism. The sham wi
n? longer to be concealed when the enn
of the Ancona was committed. It being
Austro-Gennan profit to kill again?thei
was more killing. But as a pretext fi
American non-intervention the Austria
flag replaces the German. It was as
the Austro-German alliance, which is
all essentials German, had said: "We ui
derstand you Americans; we know you ai
too proud to fight, but you need a pr?te:
on which to hang your notes, your expre
sions of The New Patriotism. Well, tal?
the Austrian flag and we'll take the Amei
ican lives. If we give you a chance t
talk you cannot grudge us our toll c
lives."
And in the last analysis this is wha
cowardice always comes to before it i
exposed. The men of 1775 went down t
the Concord Bridge, rifle in hand, not b<
cause they wjanted war, but because the
knew that life and liberty were purchu?
able on no other terms. You may not hav
liberty, your rights or even your life, i
you are not ready to defend them, and yo
do not deserve liberty if you do not fe<
that it la worth all that you have to giv
for it.
Mr. Wil.-on's German policy was a shar
I because it was founded on the notion thn
| you can get something for nothing. Wha
jwe Americans have our fathers and ou
grandfathers paid for in blood and suffei
: in^. What the children of any natio
have their fathers have sacrificed to wi
and earn, and upon them devolves the dut
of defending it.
It is a false and futile charge that thos
?who would defend Mr. Wilson now brin
against his critics?the charge that the
desired war. The question of war o
peace was never a question that had plac
in our German problem. If Germany pur
posed to murder Americans, war was in
evitable, not by American making, but Ger
?man. Our course was simple, plain, ineluc
table. We had a duty and that duty re
| nains. We shall not escape it in the end
We shall not escape it because there is n<
escape in cowardice.
."Ir. Wilson has taught that the word It
the law, that all that is demanded of t
man as the price of tho inheritance tha1
jhas come to him from the generations whicl
'suffered and died that their country mighi
be a better and nobler nation is the word
that the rued of sacrifice has passed ani
prosperity is worth preserving at any cost
He has taught us all this, and it is fais?
teaching. It II false altogether, and th?
vice of it li'-s in ?M fact that it saps th?
true moral libre and the real spiritual
?one of the nation. It abolishes no danger
and it averts no peril permanently, but it
leaves uk wenker on the duy when the dan?
ger is no longer t<> be escape?!.
Our fathers and their fathers would not
have suffered the long agony of the Civil
War if R had been avoidable on honorable
terms. They were not fools; they were
men who ,-aw the truth and dared to face
it through. They hated war, but more
than war they hated tho things that were
inevitable if war were to lie escaped.
Despit* all the temporary success of Mr.
V\ linon s foreign policy, deepHe the appar?
ent escape from war, we have escaped
nothing. We have ,-irnply fl,.(1 a shm|ow
?t.?l? will overtake us, and we shall MM
day pay in blood and treasure the price
that ia inexorably demanded of men and
nations who ?eck to evade duty and escape
payment of the sacrifice which is the price
of life and liberty. Mr. Wilson's New
Americanism is the oldest of follies?and
the bitterest.
Winston Churchill's Goodby.
Few things In Win-tor. Churchill'.-- com?
paratively short life, crammed as it haa
boon with the very -tuff of drama, have
seemed more dramatic than his quiet
icavetaking for the front. Within a day
or M of his ovation in the House ?if Com?
rnons he appeared nt the railway station
wearing his officer's uniform and sword.
"His mother and wife," the little London
| dispatch says, "were about the only ones
to Mfl him off on the dark, gloomy, foggy
morning. He wa? practically unrecognized
, as he stood on the platform."
Perhaps down in his heart he would
have preferred a DOisy congregation of
follower! to neutralize the par.g of part?
ing. Even former Cabinet ministers and
mal favorites are only human at -uch
crises, an?l the best of soldiers dread those
' exquisite farewells mora than all the .-hells
and shrapnel of a war?mad World, But
! so much the more reas in, it may be, why
they should face them alone, without in
1 terruption o ? extraneous help, since, hav?
il,g once gazed with steady ttft into bunt?
ing hearts, the sight of bursting bomba
n moa iike a comedy relief.
In any case, Mr. Churchill aooma not to
have spared himself the ordeal, so that in
this respect, at least, he amply bore out
his assertion: "I'm simply Joining
regiment as any other officer does, and
? there's nothing more in it than :
But if one ceases for the moment to
contemplate aon and husband in the hero
of this incident and .-ees only the former
First Lord of the Admiralty, still smart?
ing, despite his "vindication" in the House,
under the responsibility for defeat and
useless sacrifice of life, then it must ap?
pear that there is a groat deal "more in
it than that." Inevitably, then, will come
the temptation to put into his mouth the
words of the tragic Sidney Carton: "It
is a better thing I do than I have ever
done; it is a greater rest I go to than I
have ever known."
Well, heaven grant that he shall live to
enjoy his peace of mind!
Pink Jeans.
There is something nbout tho color, !
pink, which would eeem to unsuit it as a
trapping of manual toil. We associate it
with daintiness, with crowing babies and
debutantes and flowers and fair com?
plexions. Few, indeed, are the men with
the temerity to wear pink, whether pink
ties, or pink socks, or pink shirt?;. They
would be running too (treat a risk, they
feel, of being kissed, publicly.
But it appears not unlikely that soon
we are to have pink overalls! It is simply
another tragedy of war. The blue which I
iuns to jeans is fast running dry, or, in,
the words of Mr. F. R. Hamburger, sccre
tcry of the National Association of Gar-j
inent Workers, "the supply of blue vege?
table dye is just about exhausted, and we
are unable to get more, as Germany is
the sole exporter of the blue dyes used
here."
If we could only distil a little of the
atmopphere now resting above the United
Kingdom! In lieu of which it will be nec?
essary to become used to mechanics in
pink. But since we have already accepted
without protest the army officer with a
wrist watch, perhaps this other ordeal will
prove lighter than it appears in prospect.
The great danger, of course, will bo the
tendency among some of the more extreme
of our young men later on to affect pink,
as an evidence of hard-fisted manhood.
Against this we must set our social face
like adamant.
Mr. George von Skal is quoted a? predict?
ing thtat thousands of his countrymen will
rotara from thi? country to Germany < Her
the war. He adds: "America will be badlv,
h.t by the loss of so many loyal German?."
But not so badly hit as Germany with the
addition of so many loyal Americans.
Mr. Wilson's notes in the Hillstrom case
have proved us effectue as usual.
Military Medicine in the Seven?
teenth Century.
li'rom Tht VOOOOt |
The librarian of the Royal Society of Medi
?cine has, ?lone with larger and more recen!
work?, placed on the shelf two little book?
t dated 1674 on military medicine and surgery,
or, as we may say, war primers. The on-,
entitled "C.ista Milituris, or A Military Cheat,"
is "A Description of Dr. Lower'? Lancet, for,
the more Safe Bleeding," with an illustration1
thereof. . . . The second book is entitled
"A Body of Military Medidnos Kxperimented
by Haymundus Minderen! . Inte Chief l'hy
?itiaa of the Electoral Court of Bavaria, and
Englished out of High Ditch." it fa ,? ?.
.with the Morals of a Souidier, who ought to
serre his Prince faithfully to the best of hi?
skill and power, to obey his Officers readily,
and to do to all others us lie would be done to
If he were la their condition. Then ia given
advice regarding the caro of his Body as fol?
lows: "To free thyself from Verm.n, tak? a
food ?juantlty of Wormwood, and the inner cut?
tings of horse-hoofs; boyl these both to?
gether in half lye and half water, and so put
thy shirt into it, and afterward, dry II [i
the Air, without washing it out any other
way, and not a lowse ?ill come into it. If
then canst not hav.- Spring water, let some
drops of Oyl of Vitriol fall into it, and you
need not thon fear any corruption or poys? n
in such water. Otherwise if time nil] i., -
mit. let H boil up and cool again, and yea
may drink of it safely." Concerning the
Army Medical Staff w? learn: ';These ought
to be no Youngsters, that are' lately c?.me i
from Schools and Universities, but such a?
are expert in the Cure ?if Diseases. Th
I'hysitians and Chirurgions are to be inti
mute friends together, assisting one another
without envy and pride, for the better relief
Of '.heir Patients. Tis very necessary, both
these should go ?broad and travel before
they umlertake to practice, thereby to learn
| to converse with the more ?liscretion and
gentleness with all sorts of humors." In
therapeutics the work is both informing an.l i
?logmatic: "To arolil fixer*, keep thy body
Biens every way; be cheerful; never fac?
ing, nor never full. To heel injurie?, keep'
the wound clean, und let not many look into
it, for fear they should by their breath an?
noy it. You may .?lso recover ttOmtm fms,t\
with white rettOS Turnips heuten with Hut-'
i ter or Tellow, ard so clapt on. If you have,
|a strong breath, take now and th?a three.
lor four Aloes-pills."
THE SAWDUST STUFFING
With a Reference to the Subject of
Moral Cowardice.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Your editorials on the present admin?
istration have certainly denned the situation
in an exact manner. We have gtood for the
Mexican fiasco, for this country was SS*l?;
Bad Mexico not wholly responsible, and "too
proud to ?'.,??? '" ?vould have passed as a fair
?xcuse for 'he Vera Crus muddle. Ru', the
situation ?vith Germany la intolerable, and
ur.less there is some sign of action we will
have In addition to their contempt abroad
increasing violence here as the spies get
bolder when they see that we are so ?asi!;
biu.Yed.
PreeiSOBt Wilson has in the past spoken
often of "moral cowardice," and yet ".hat
phrase SO well describes his o??n action with
(..< Tinaii? !
Do not stop in your good work, Mr. Editor.
You have laid op?n the sawdu*t stuffing at
Washington as no other one has.
?'ongratu'.atior.s on passing the 100,000
mark. Keep up the good work and give us
3(ir?f more of the same. W, G. B,
BnSjSaBSOt Park. N. Y., Nov. 17, 1915.
Protected by Rhetoric.
? . -he Editor of The Tribune.
: .-: BealeVea l?baeriblag to The Tribon?, I
?e subscribed to "The Evening World,"
:. id via? greatly amused at one or t?vo ex
rerpti ???hich I give below from an editorial
the lattet paper in ?M issue of November
12 r.i.dor the caption 'The Case of the An
" i :?... ?:-.. ning World" as a stanch
? ner, of course, of the administration,
concludes in all seriousness and by no sieaai
in an ironicai .-.ense: "Submarine attacks
nri'n passeaajei shipg are. from any nano
oolat of view, unwarranted, wanton, profit
loir.. We have gone to the limit of our
power (italics, please) ai a nation at peace
to discourage this kind of warfare at sea.
We condemn it as uncivilized. We ean only
continue to protect our cltiiens, at all costs,
whenever it breaks through its bounds to
menace their lives and rlghtg." How reasur
:ng is the foregoing comforting statement to
th ?e ?vho go down to (in) the sea In ships!
It is to laugh.
ALFRED PAUL PHILLIPS.
Danbury, Conn., Nov. If3, 1915.
Commendation.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I take great pleasure in writing you
this letter to compliment you most.highly
upon two articles in The Tribune of this
morning, your leading editorial and the letter
if my dear old friend, George W. Smalley.
I think both articles deserve the highest com?
mendation from all right thinking men, and
it is my hope that both will receive wide cir?
culation and attention. I am taking occasion'
to send a great many copies of The Tribune.
????th the articles marked, to friend* of mine
?-ho are prominent and influential in London,,
feeling that they should know how the best,
??intiment in this country upholds the just
cause of England and her allies.
Repeated compliments to The Tribune for
its attitude and its able articles. J. II. D. !
New York. Nov. 16, 1916.
Prudent Pride.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: When before, in the history of this
great nation, were true Americans ever "un?
prepared" to defend their country's honor,
to defend their women and children, to up
hold the sanctity of American lives? Did
.?. watt te prepare in 1776? Did we wait to
prepare ?vhen Fort Sumter was fired upon?
There is a kind of pride closely akin to
pusillanimity. That pride which is too lofty
to interfere when Mexicans spit upon and
defilo the flag, too lofty to fight when bar?
barians murder our women and children on
the high seas, and too lofty to BCt when
traitors blow up and set fire to our factories
at home -that pride is not an American
bland. W. F. II.
Pridgeport, Conn., Nov. 18, 1915.
Ashamed.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Will no paper express the opinion
of nine-tenths of the American people con?
cerning our administration?
Nine-tenths of our people are ashamed of
their country. The rest of the world despise
us. We are fat and prosperous for the
present. Our flag is respected by no one.
Our honor is gone. Retter be a ruthless
bandit like Germany than what we are.
The history of the American people by
U'ii'.drow Wilson was something to be proud
of until its author had the making of It; now
it is a blot on civilization. A. WORM.
New-York, Nov. 14, 1915.
The Wet Hen.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: It is reported that an American aboard
the Ancona wildly waved an American flag.
To put it mildly, the crew of the submarine
must have been tickled to death to see that
flag!
Yes, sir, it is high time that the Wet Hen,
a? an emblem, took the place of the Amer?
ican Eagle.
I.Al DATOR TEMPORIS ACTI.
Ne?? York, Nov. If, 1'J15.
Many Supporters.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Please che?r up Mr. Editor; your pro
Ally views have a vast number of supporters
? women included.
Your Lusitama editorial ought to inject
the germ of patriotism into every bonehead
with a perverted vic?v obtained from the
muzzled press.
What happened ? nder the McKinley ad?
ministration? "Remember the Maine!" Our
chief was not "too proud to fight."
AGITO P. SISSON.
Meadas, Conn., Nov. 1H, 1915.
They Ring True.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Just a word of appreciation from one
who thoroughly appreciates your glorious
and wonderfully patriotic editorials.
They certainly ring true. Frequent men?
tion is made of Roosevelt by some of your
readers, and I would also like to remark,
?vould to God we had him at the head of the
'?"'-ion! PROVIDENCE READER.
Providence, R. I., Nov. 17, 1916.
Keep It Up!
To the Editor of The Tribun?.
Sir: Just a line to congratulate you once
ti.?re on the Ruperb editorial work you are
sola**. Your editorials last week were an
ir.spir.-itiot., and when I read the one on
Saturday morning I felt a thrill such as I
haven't experienced for a lung while. Do
keep it up. ,.
New York. Nov. IB,, 1918. " j
THE MODERN LUTHER.
OUR IMMEDIATE INTEREST IN THE WAR
Why for Americans It Is Morn Than a Struggle of Civilization Against Bar?
barism and Why Many Old Supporters of Mr. Wilson's Ad?
ministration Are Beginning To Be Troubled.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The great majority of our Amoricar
people are of opinion that England and hei
allies are fighting not only to fulfil their ob
llgations te defend their own territories, and
in fact, to maintain their independence, bu'
in defence of the principles of civilization
We believe also that the success of Englanc
in this contost is essential for the defence ol
tho United States against similar aggression
W*C contend that this is a war of Germar
aggression, which was initiated with the pur
pose of establishing a German world's em
pire. We hold that the war, which was be
gun with an act of infamy, the invaiion anc
destruction of Belgium, has been conducted
with unwarranted and indefensible acts ol
barbar, i .
In order to defend their action in waginf
war through Zeppelins and submarine,
against non-combatants and in tho murder ol
women and children the Germans can only
refer back to **>e brutalities which have at?
tended conflicts of earlier centuries. On?
recent German writer points out that "during
the French Revolution there ??ere murder;
of ?vomen and children." He might as well
have reminded us that the Thirty Years' wai
?fought by Germans against Germans.) was
characterised by many barbarities such a?
the twentieth century ought naturally to be
ashumi-d of. Even the soldiers of the revo?
lutionary army of Franco, lighting under
such leaders as Dumouriez and Napoleon, did
not venture to carry on deliberate warfare
against unfortified cities and to indulge in
the wholesale murder of non-combatants, of
women Bad children. Why, however, should
the Germans of 'to-day take the ground that
they are satisfied ?vith tho standards of ac?
tion which characterized warfare a century
and a half ago ?
Tho actions of the Germans in this war
and the principles on which they are de?
fending these actions, the methods under
which they have dominated tho territories
occupied by their armies in Relgium und In
the northeastern provinces of France, are
examples of what th>? world may expect, and
of ?vhat the Cnited States may expect, if the
plans of Germany for a world-wide empire
shculd be brought to a successful conclusion.
Germany and her allies I or rather, her de?
pendents!, Austria and Turkey, are, under
their pr?tent methods of conducting the war
with a Bjratesi of murders, to be character?
ized as the wild beasts of Europe; and the
states which are giving of their blood and
their treasures to restrict the operations of
these ?Hid boasts, to put back into their own
territory the forces of Germany and of Aus?
tria and to drive the barbarou* Turks out of
Europe are entitled to the sympathy and to
the co-operation of Amuricum.
The success el Germany in this war would
mean tho destruction of the independence of
the mailer ?lates, such as Relgium. Holland,
Deataarh and Bwftterland. It ?vould moan
thai the Chrl tian population or such fiajs
raOBta of thtl population as may at the etc I
of the ??ar he surviving? in the territories of
Turkey il to be left under Turkish control
for murders in the future, such as Turkey is
to-day, without protest or question from
Berlin, carrying on ifl Armenia. It would
mean that Europe ?vould be brought under a
military dospotism and that the rights of
the peoples to .elect their own ruler? and to
direct the policy of their several states
\ieuld be disregarded. It would mean the
trraaaiag af France a'.'! the breaking up of
the Uritish Empire. The appropriation of
the British colonies in the Western Hemi?
sphere would bring to us, as an immediate
neighbor, this imperial and aggressive power.
The United States would then have the alter?
native of either fighting or of submitting to
the ?unie crushing domination that had over-j
taken Belgium and France.
Americans have, therefore, in the success,
of England and her allies in this struggle,
not merely a general interest in the fight ofi
civilization against barbarism, but a direct1
and per-onal intni.-t in the protection of
their o?vn independence and in the mainte?
nance of their own policies.
It seams to u?, therefor?, that wa should at
this time do nothlrif that mlrht make It more
difficult for England to carry on this fight
which is our light as well as hers.
England ha? already expressed her readi
ness to accept the decision of the court ?
Tho Hague in regtrd to any losses tha
American merchants may have sustained o
may yet sustain through her blockadini
policy. It seems to some of us absurd tha
we should be pressing sharply these conten
tiwns against England for damages in con
nection with cargoes when as far as our com
plaints against Germany and Austria are con
cerned for the murder of American citizen
and our protests against the murder of l.un
dreds of non-combatants other than Amert
cans we permit ourselves to follow a laisse
faire policy. The C,ermans seem to have ?s
sured themselves that our administrativ
can be trusted not to take incisive action
The increasing indications and evidences o
.conspiracies in this country, to incite strikes
I to bring about the destruction of munittoi
factories, to find moneys for conspirator
placing bombs in passenger vessels, to organ
ire disloyal citizens to withstand the polic;
of the country, give ground for the conten
' tion that Germany now feels herself to b?
, practically ?t war with the United States.
Our citizens, including thousands who, iiki
myself, are Democrats and have been support
ers of Mr. Wilson's administration, are be
coming troubled, not to say indignant, at th?
unduly patient delays in securing redress fo:
s. rious grievances. It is months now sine?
the destruction of the Lusitania, but we hav<
still to learn thut such redress as may yet b<
possible has been made for that act of mur
der. The lives of the dead women and chil
dren cannot be restored, but we ough'
months ago to have had guarantees thai
such acts would not be repeated. In plac*
of such guarantees we have the repetition Ol
the acts. The German-built submarine, con?
veniently for the time flying the Austrian
colors, repeats, in the destruction of the An
cona, the barbarities committed by the sub?
marines in the British Channel.
Americans are prepared to support the
President and the administration, but they
contend that the time has come for action.
If there be no incisive action, if Germany
an?! Austria feel that they can still depend
upon the patience of the I'nited States, we
may look forward in the near future to fur?
ther similar barbarities, and the responsi?
bility for these will rest upon us.
GEORGE HAVEN' PUTNAM.
New York, N?iv. 18. 1916.
For Real Preparedness,
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Such letters as mine may do service if
they show editors the trend of certain divi?
sions of the public mind. However that may
be, I am fre to admit that I am in hearty
agreement with Elihu Root ?nd the Union
League, ami, like them, would argue in de?
fence of stringent methods for known strin?
gent conditions.
Again, wh?;ii national military efficiency has
been attained, I would advocate that certain
concessions be made, so that the military sys?
tem might the more readily coordinate with
national prosperity. Hut present conditions
call for rapid and thorough development on
ii lcrge scale. Halfway measures will only
bring about halfway results, and at the
crucial moment the nation may find itself but
half prepavd to meet a thorougWy organized
enemy.
The nation should encourage existing mil?
itary schools, and do everything possible to
encourage the formation of such institutions
throughout the land. Manual drill should be
tnuglit in the public schools, and, when con?
ditions admitted of its being done, in all
private school?, colleges and universities
throughout tha? nation. "For as the twig i?
bent so will the tree incline."
And some will say, Why all this wast? of
wealth and human energy when all know
that the world will be soul weary of war?
Lest ye forget:
When the devil wa? sick
The devil a monk would he.
Hut when the deviVgot well
The devil a monk w? ; he.
Veneer and the genuine article may be
years apart. J, L. WELLS.
Oanhnrv, If. .T_ Vor 1?, U?lH.
THE ARMENIAN MASSACRES
A Rejoinder from Zia Mufty-Zada
to Dr. Ussher's Criticisms.
; To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The Tribune of November 12 publish??
a letter of I ? r. Clarence I). I'-^her, in ?niwtr
?to mine of November ?). I am surprued to
r.otioe the haste with which l)r. UssBSf junpi
in the fray and takes part in a ?iiscutsion of
which, accortling to his own statement, it
i has not a complete knowledge, as h? has
'neither seen my letter peblished by "Th?
New York Times," in October, or 0. T, K?i?
, ghazouny's letter in The Tribune.
Besides, the fact that Dr. I.'??her takee mt
for somebody holding "a prominent position*
jand generously adorns my name ?.???th th? titl?
?of "excell?ncy" is a further proof of th? in?
accuracy with which he jump? Ht conclusion?.
?Therefor.', judging by th.> two ?'vamplei abov?
i mentioned of the doctor's exactness, I am not
? surprised at the account he fives of the hap?
penings in Van and aoighborhood.
I will not venture to again discuss the?tttui
of the legal reprisal inflated by 'he imperial
'government upon the revolutionary sets of
| the misle?! Armenians. I have ?uvered th?M
?points in my two previous letters, and I hsr?
?too high an opinion of the American publia
I to believe they will judir" --r?-rriciaily ?
'ration by believing all the tales of horrori
j perpetrated in its name in some : ewsp?p?n
by interested people and b> "eye?wltaaaTa?
| In order to put a stop once for ever te tk?
i incriminating charges parpo? y made ?f?'n,t
i my country, I wonld hMitily welcOBM tk?
?sending of a mission of inquiry ??Bailer n
?the one s. nt to the Balkan?; I have no do?'?*
ithat the fairness of its member?, if proper!*
selected, would again bring to lifhl the troth
and render justice to tha Cause of Turkey.
In the matter of the par- taken by th?
American missionaries, permit mo to remind
Dr. Ussher that tha^accounf I far? an? based.
as mention??, at the tim.\ en !a-?-lar?.tions
I made by Dr. Yarow, member ai the Atneric??
I Board of Foreign Mission?, in Van, ?s Pa?"
llished in "The Times" of Oetobi I ?. It ??*",'
?to me that the two doctors enffht ta consult
! each other in the future before |lri*l tw0
absolutely different account- OB UM ftm*
subject.
As to Dr. Ussher's ?rend?ring if I would
not have deserted the army. I an willing to
ignore this most discrediting suggestion, h??"
I cannot help reminding the d 'or of th?
gross mistake he makes in m;\:ng Personal?
ities into a public muter, especially *n??
the person he is talking of is completely
unknown to him. As an exampi? : Would'
be justified in concluding that Dr. L'sshif ?
following his characteristic haste in jumpiSf
ut conclusions when diagnosing t?W various
esses submitted to him in his r
ZIA MCFTV-ZADE.
New York, Nov. 12, 1915.
An Explanation.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: In re your editorial "Tha' Ideal -Jo?."
appearing in your November It iue, m?y '
call your attention to the last paragraph, ona
state that I deeply regret your cynical ?*?''
tude. Obviously, the lay mind Caaaot coto
prehend by a brief study of our \ocatiensl
guidance self-analysis blank the real purpo*
of its use. and for this rtaaoa snap Ju0*"
ment should not be passed as to the result?*
There is no compulsion from an; on? t?
fill out the application or eaewef aay of tn*
questions, and the applicant will be given th?
same opportunity to use the bureau's ?ciliti??
as every other applicant.
Doubtless you are not aware that by pro???
scientific methods of character analysis SJ
the observation method it is possible *j
determine for what vocation a youth I? fitte*?.
und, this being ?o, you do not beliov? ?
worth while to try to get the boy started right.
Of course you do not need to be told th??
the bureau, or any number of public emplojf"
ment bureaus, cannot eliminate unemploy?
ment, end that we do not create or mak? joj*j
If you could find the time to call here tot
aha area for yourself, or send a representa?
tive to lrnrn our methods of handling minor?.
I feel sure that you would rijit about fsc?.
WALTER L. SEARS,
Superintendent Public Employment Uut?n% .
Vew York. Herr. 11. Itnl?.