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Great Military Authority Sees
Dangers in Present System
?United States Must
Ctiang'e Its Policy or
Suffer Loss of Prestig'e
The Tribune here presents the first of an exclusive series
oi articles dealing with our military polity, written by Pro?
fessor Johnston, who is one of the foremost military scientists
I of the country, professor of history at Harvard and co-editor
of "The Military Historian and liconomist." He proposes to
analyze our defence problem and suggest modern methods by
?which we can strengthen our position so far as it relates to
an etticient military system.
By Professor R. >f. Johnston.
IN THE series of articles of which this is
the first I propose considering the prob?
lem of national defence as a military,
net as a political, proposition. And this dis?
tinction is vital. Hitherto politics have cre?
ated our armies, politicians have commanded
our armies and in the period following the
Civil War our armies?that is, our pensioned
a-mies?have controlled politics.
But these little indulgences of a free peo?
ple in an irresponsible continent have had
their day. The nations are elbowing one an?
other more and more vigorously in the rap?
idly congesting avenues of trade. And if we
attempt to hold our own against the hustlers
of militaristic commerce by creating a new
Grand Army we may as well throw up the
sponge at once. It is a technical proposition
that we are up against as a nation, and tech?
nically I propose to discuss it.
I ?-hall attempt, first of all. to indicate
briefly some of the economic factors that gov?
ern modern war and that affect the United
States especially. The application of these
iictors to the organization and mode of em?
ployment of armies, together with the value
of armies in terms of war work, will next be
touched on; and this will naturally lead to a
consideration of the problems of territorial
distribution, reserve systems, mobilization,
loncentration and the control of railroads.
Next, turning to the definite problems of
defence actually before us, a rapid discussion
of the function of our fleet and its relation to
national defence will be followed by an ex?
amination of the question of the staff of the
army, its training and the education of the
army in general. A summary of modern doc?
trines on the conduct of war and military or?
ganization will lead to the conclusion in the
form of definite recommendations for the re?
organization and increase of our forces.
As we look out on Europe and attempt to
search down below the diplomacies, trade
jealousies and racial antagonisms that have
been large factors in bringing about the pres?
ent war, expansion of population intimately
associated with industrial development stands
out clearly. Over and over again history has
witnessed similar phenomena?popu?ation in?
creases abnormally, great wars follow. It was
so when the Arabian tide of conquest burst
over Europe; z great expansion of population
preceded the wars of the French Revolution,
and Germany to-day is in the same case.
This matter of density and expansion, which
goes hand in hand with industriahsm, is at
the foundations of correct military thought.
The densely populated country is likely,
though not certain, to tight for markets. It
is strong to support armies because of its re?
sources. It is equally weak to resist armies
if unprepared because it supports the invader.
On the other hand, a thinly peopled country,
while strong :or purposes of resistance, is
weak for purposes of offence. This range of
facts will bear a little closer investigation.
Russia, whose conditions offer many paral?
lels with those of the United States, is a good
example to consider. In proportion to her
size Russia is a weak military power; she is
agricultural, not industrial. Poland and the
district near Moscow alone have considerable
density of population and military resources.
Professor R. M Johnston, Who Pleads for a Scientific Revision of
Our Militarv Policx.
Hence it follows that to wage war Russia has
to rely, for the most part, on the industrial
resources of F'rance, England, Japan and the
United States. Poland represents in terms of
territory only one-fortieth of European Rus?
sia, but in terms of military power it repre?
sents one-fifth The occupation of this valu?
able district by Germany means therefore a
considerable displacement in lier favor. And
it may be noted that the Russian territory
now held by Germany, however small its pro?
portion to the bulk of Russia, includes about
eight and a half of the twenty-five army corps
districts of European Russia.
And this is the real measure of Germany'-,
success. She has diminished Russia's mili?
tary power by something like one-third and
will increase her own correspondingly. In?
deed we may view as credible the relegation
of the Muskovite empire to the steppes, which
are Impossible to conquer, but impotent ta
maintain armies on a modern basis.
Take Russia from another angle. At the
time of the Manchurian war she removed her
army from Poland to the east after securing
guarantees from Germany, but these guaran?
tees were paid for in a treaty of commerce
that has resulted in Germany selling Russia
from that time to this something like 90 per
cent of all metal manufactured goods, save
for a few special articles. The war now rag?
ing is largely to maintain that advantageous
situation on the part of Germany, and on the
part of her opponents to get rid of this eco?
If we turn to Turkey we find interesting
facts of the same general character. The
opinion appears to prevail in England and the
United States that Germany has views of
spoliation and conquest over the Ottoman
New Yor?-L, Greatest of War
Frises, Could He TaRen
Easily?Oc?an Is Hot a
of Defending Long'
Empire and that at some early date she will
play the Turk false and leave him in the lurch.
Such views ?rill not bear close examination.
The policy of Germany, military and diplo?
matic, is founded on pure business calcula?
tion. If you turn to the German specialists
on Turkish affairs?and none is more author?
itative than Field Marshal von der Goltz?the
impression left is very clear. Turkey is in?
capable, for a considerable time to come, of
industrial development. Her active clement,
like the Young Turk party, looks to political,
not economic, aims. The more Germany bol?
sters up Turkey the more there is likely to be
formed anew a great military state in Asia
Minor, that will threaten, for religious reasons,
the three great enemies of Germany?in the
Caucasus, in India and Egypt and along the
North African coast. And that state can easily
be made the best of customers and o? suppliers
for Germany's industries. The Kaiser's diplo?
macy is never brilliant and sometimes clumsy,
but it is not capable of such folly as injuring
the Turk save by palming off on him those
numerous articles from tinpots and Krupp
shells that are world celebrated as 'made in
In the United States we have a country
even more thinly populated than Russ?a. save
for the dense triangle, Chicago, Richmond,
Boston. Apart from this district the country
would be powerless to wage war?that is, war
on the armed nation basis. On the other hand,
it would offer too few resources to admit of
conquest, with a possible reservation as to
California. So that in reality, when we con?
sider the problem of our approaching clash
with European powers, we must figure our
country in economico-military terms as pre?
senting a front to Europe roughly at 400 miles,
supported by a d strict extending back irregu?
larly 600 or 700 miles, possessing the means
required for maintaining that front. The rest
of the country hardly counts, save for patches
of economic resources here and there, mostly
in the interior.
NEW YORK A DESIRABLE POSITION.
Within that triangle New York is the great?
est centre of latent war power and yet is the
most easy prize awaiting an invader in the
whole civilized world. Its possession would
place a hostile army in an enviable situation.
For the many millions of inhabitants centred
there draw their supplies from a vast area
reaching well beyond Chicago. The sale of
those supplies is the Ihrifif of large regioni,
a-.id for this rcaron. together with humanitar?
ian considerations. New York could not be
deprived of its food and would therefore
nourish the invader.
In a similar way we can sec that the busi?
ness of the whole country centres in the New
York banks and that every hour an enemy
held the city would be so costly to the whole
country that any ran?-o m ?*v**Bti*? for it?
evacuation would presuma!?!?' he paid and paid
at once. We have, la fact, in New York the
strongest possible illustration of the power
and of the weakness ci the densely populated
region in terms cf modern war.
To reach New York the M I BsOSt be crossed,
and by a quite obvious process of reasoning
many view the ocean as a protection. In :.oma
ways, though not in all, it is precisely the re?
verse. Later I propose to discuss both the
function of the fleet and the value of our ex?
isting fleet if we are forced to use it as a line
of defence. For the present I wii! only point
out that transportation by sea has of late years
been enormously developed by the ?ncreased
tonnage of steamers. It is cheaper and, for
masses of men. far more rapid than land trans?
portation. A coast line o? 400 miles cannot
be fortified adequately except at prohibitiva
expenditures of r??en and moiey.
THE OCEAN NOT A PROTECTION.
These questions are each and all complex,
hut the present conclusion need be nothing
more than that the ocean, so far from being a
protection, is the very best means for con?
veying an army to our shores under the con?
ditions that are now developing.
Our account is not, however, wholly on the
debit side. One advantage we possess to a
high degree. We are economically self-con?
tained, or nearly so. Even in the case of the
most dangerous war we could face?against
a combination 01* the greatest European and
of the greatest Asiatic power?we can feed
ourselves and supply our armies. A very few
years ago we could also have made the whole
of our trade movement internal and self-sup?
porting. And we are still near enough to that
situation to regard that aspect of the problem
with great confidence.
In my next article I shall examinr the fac?
tors that enable the armed nation to produce
the maximum of war work at the minimum of
( .-:/'. rir.ht. 1915, by The New Vruk Tribune.)
T?he Ladies Tilt Their Lances at Free Speech Dragon*
THE ladies went to Paterson last week
to demand that audience be granted to
that sweetest noise on earth, a wom?
an's tongue.'' Thirty strong, and armed with
the democrat:: principle of free speech, they
went to call forth the sweetest noise of the
specific and particular tongue of Elizabeth
Gnrley Flynn, the tongue that Paterson had
said it would never listen to again, the noise
that Paterson had vowed was the worst noise
u had ever heard. And they came away, baf
3ed and defeated but, true to the type of suf?
fragists, entirely indomitable.
Miss Flynn had been I. W. W.-ing too much
for the happiness and comfort of the good
people oi Paterson, and one night was car?
ried out of a meeting, rather roughly, but
quite toccessfully. It was an indignity to her,
her eau??; and the American doctrine that
People nay say what they please (slander and
"profane, ?ndecent and abusive language" ex
cepted). A group of interested women de?
cided to protest The date was set and was
Preceded I y much effective newspaper pub
iicity. Plans were laid.
We met for dinner on the fateful evening at
the Dutch Oven, where excitement immedi?
ately ran high. The Dutch-clad maids
whirled around in the flurry of serving so
?iariy strong-minded women at once. The
tables buzzed with talk?-"her legal status in
the courts," "calling her from the floor," "Do
Wu actual'/ imagine we might be arrested?"
And, Sadly Enough, Me Vanquishes Them With Mis Polite Sndomit
ahleness, So Elizabeth Gurley Flynn is Still Barrea
From Paterson, N. J.
"Oh, anything that's already cooked and black
coffee." All eyes turned at one time or an?
other to the round face in the boyish black
hat over there by the mantel, the face with
the lifted, humorous eyebrows, the pleasant
mouth and the steady gray eyes. F'or that
was the face that Paterson had cast from its
midst, because it was the face that the work?
ing people of Paterson were beginning to
know and like too well. She smiled at her
friends rather seriously, and they all said she
was a bit frightened.
"Because she is afraid she will be ar
"Because she is afraid she won't."
Rather a bold fear, one thinki, for a young
woman about to enter the city of the forbid
den. For Paterson has an alert police ser?
vice that has learned from experience what
to do with free speakers and the like. ("And
r'ght at that juncture one humble reporter
that I know approached a kind friend and bor?
rowed the price of bail, not caring a whit that
".My Night in Jail" would make a fairish
"There sat the Free Spcechers, having
their shoes shined."
In the midst of everything a man clapped
his hands, told us we'd have to hurry to catch
the 7:25, and we all rustled around and up and
out. In twos and threes, arm in arm, the
crowd reached the tube, then the station?but
not the train. Yes, ve did what a Sunday
school picnic never does, we missed the train,
?ve, on a mission bent! It was a bit humiliat?
ing, and we could hardly believe it.
Alice Carpenter spied a bootblack. And
she climbed joyfully on the stand to have her
nice looking oxfords shined while we waited
for the train. She was followed by Ida Proper,
who had pumps, and Henrietta Rodman,
whose stout square boots are the last scream
in feminism, and others with varying kinds
and varieties of bootery. There sat the free
speechers, in a nice, contented row, having
their shoes shined, when
"Supposing we should miss the next train?"
suggested somebody prudently.
"Oh, my!" they all cried and climbed
Put we did not miss the 7:45, and in due
time Paterson was reached.
POLICE PROVIDE ESCORT.
We were met hospitably by plainclothes
men. It is very interesting to be escorted by
city officials from the station to the hall,
gives you a sense of your own importance,
makes you feel like an alderman or some?
thing. So we marched along in a dignified
phalanx, the pung, pung, pung of our rubber
heels regular and measured, our faces rigidly
Elizabeth Flynn was in our centre, dis
ga sed impromptu with a strange coat and an
alien hat. We thought we might get her in
ihe hall unnoticed, or if she was discovered
drive through with a sort of football flying
wedge, and thus gain her triumphal entry.
But Princeton was not allowed to retain the
lying wedge method in football, and neither
m vete we in free speech. For we had. in deep?
est truth, reckoned without our hosts.
The hosts were a substantial set of detec
? ?ves, and they were lined up in martial array
?t the bottom of the steps of Institute Hall."
I here was also a crowd of villagers outside
?he hall. We tried to appear unconscious of
^the situation, and tripped merrily up the stairs.
At least, we started to, but we were suddenly
startled horribly by a hand on the shoulder
of Elizabeth Flynn, and a mocking voice, "Oh,
no, you don't. Miss Flynn. You don't enti
this hall to-night."
"What's this?" was the surprised chorus.
"Miss Flynn don't enter this hall to-nigh
and she knows it," came the firm words c
Detective Captain Tracey.
Gasps of astonishment.
"Will you be good enough to tell us th
reason for this?" asked Marv Austin, frigidl)
"The orders is to keep M'.ss Flynn out,
replied Captain Tracey. Then more expan
sively: "Miss Flynn knows me, all right
I've taken care of her before."
"Do you mean to say that Miss Elizabetl
Flynn cannot enter as our guest this hal
which we have hired?" inquired Mrs. Rober
Bruere. "Miss Flynn, I invite you to com?
M'ss F'lynn made a slight movement for
vard. Mr. Tracey and his trusty two blocked
Do you mean to say that you prevent our
going into this hall?" came a voice from the
"No, ma'am, youse can go in. but Miss Flynn
"Mercy, what English!" came the relevant
"May I ask why?" asked Henrietta Rod?
"Because them's the orders," came the re?
ply again, in a sort of smug I-seen-my-duty
"Where's your warrant'"
"Show us a badge."
' What right have you"
"What has Miss Flynn done?"
And so on and on, remarks?free enough,
they were, too?flew around, and nobody was
getting any place. Then came the telling
"Then, Captain Tracey, I would suggest
that you arrest Miss Flynn," said Mrs. Marion
"No, ma'am. I ain't goin' to arrest her. Just
as little trouble as possible," replied the
He wouldn't arrest her! And that was the
only thing that could save her. The police of
paterson could keep Elizabeth Flynn forcibly
oat of their private hired halls, and they could
I eep her from bringing it up as an issue in
court. The women stood silent a moment
It was physical force and man against law
??lid woman, almost an impossible fight
"You ladies better go In and have your
meeting," said the captain helpfully. "I'll
?ake care of Miss Flynn. She and I been to?
"I wish I had the same confidence in your
chivalry that you have," said Miss Rodman
sweetly, and we left them.
The meeting was an enthusiastic one, de?
voted to the exploitation of the principle of
free speech and the bare statements of cruel
truths about Paterson to the gathered citizens.
Miss Flynn's speech was read by Miss Car?
penter and vociferously received. A telegram
of protest was sent to President Wilson.
And after it was over Mrs. Cothren was
disappointed. Miss Rodman was satisfied.
Everybody was sure the next step was to get
an injunction against the Police Department
to keep them from interfering.
Sleepy and tired and defeated, the thirty
boarded the train for New York, where
women den't have to fight for that first priv?
ilege of woman, the right to talk. Sleepy and
tired and defeated, but, as one of them said:
"Well, as far as free speech goes, we fliv
vered, but considered in the light of a first
battle it wasn't so bad. And it certainly was
not the end'"
"No, ma'm. youse
can go in, but /W Is*
Flynn can't. Them's