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Mr. Wilson's Evolution from Pacifist to Warrior THE earlier pacific attitude of Pi dent Wilson examined in the 1 of his present militancy supplia thock to the investigator only when l***olutionary processes that took plac? tabo crowded interval are ignored. When the whole record of the Pi ileat's spe-eches, acts, messages and n is ?et out on the table in front of ?here is then seen to be a growth, sud tat some dramatic points, gradual nthers. 'As a background for his mental pie there was the evolving posture of pu opinion, which in turn took its color fi the making of event?. American j chological reaction to the war underw a visible change as it became evident t the war was to be a long one, that Am din interests were to be imperilled, i finaPy that the safety of world democr was threatened. This chart of the growth of the Pn dent's "will to war" is at the same tim chart of the growth of the American p pjeV'will to war." The indicator mo ?low up, now down, but in surer lines I frard to the climax. At the outset, Pr, dent and people alike are seen to see preparedness and patiently to boar cr ?ism. Smarting under n fresh war wro Mr. Wilson develops a desire for "p paredness." Presently he becomes a st ro champion of armament. He is still the? ponent of "prepared neutrality." Frc wrongs move him to "armed neutralit; Finaliy, in a never-to-be-forgotten decli Stion of war to "make democracy safe i the world." he puts on the whole armor. But all the while he clings to his id? of peace, even while he wars. There is certain consistency to be perceived he end each occasion found the President least able to give a reason for the fai that was in him. However, let tht excerpts from his public utterances, ? sembled here without^prejudice, speak 1 him through these three long years. At First the President's Attitude Was Considered Academic In the early hours of the European w the President was ?puoted indirectly as i ferring to preparedness as a mert '"academic discussion." Even as late October 20, 1914, he is credited with ha ing regarded such debates as "ment exercise." A few days after war bro he announced a neutral attitude, "an hi toric American attitude," toward the b? ligerents, the dispatches from Washin ton speaking authoritatively for him thu Washington, Aug. 1, 1914. From t authoritative source it was learned late t right that President Wilson, in line with tl traditional yohcy of the Cnited Stute*, *ou pursue a course of absolute non-interferenc So unscrupulously neutral was the A' ministration that in October, 1915, it pr vented the making of loans to the Allies. As the friend of all the belligerents I issued this notice to the world, making r distinction in behalf of Belgium or again: Germany: Washington, Aug. 18, 1914. President Wi son in a proclamation issued to-day saic Every man who really loves America wi act and speak in the true spirit of neutra ity, which is the spirit of impartiality ar fairness and friendliness to all concerne We must be impartial in thought as well i action, must put a curb upon our sentimen m* well as upon every transaction that mig be construed as a preference of one party the struggle before another. A settlement at The Hague of Belgium wrongs, after the war is over, sufficed tl President, as indicated by his reply ? September 16, 1914: "Presently, 1 pray (?od very soon, this w; will be ottt. The day of accounting will th< come, when I take it for granted the natioi of Europe will assemble to determine a se ?tlement. Where wrongs have been committi ?heir consequences and the relative respons bility involved will be assessed. The Di tioni of the world have fortunately,by agre ment, made a plan for such a reckoning ar settlement. ** Hoping the War Will Be Ended By the "Light of Truth" Replying to his critics and stressing th value of the new Bryan treaties for arb: trsting internstional differences, in an ad dress delivered before the Pittsburg Young Men's Christian Association. Octc ber 25, 1914, President'Wilson said: "What you haVe to do is to fight, no with cannon, but with right. We have jus concluded treaties of peace with a grea many nationa, providing that we shall looi for the light for a year. My prediction i that after the light has shone on a disputa for a year it will not be necessary to do any thing." This White House announcement indi cates where the President originally stoot on preparedness : Washington. Nov. 10, 1914. Deapite th? declaration that this country is unprepare? for war. President Wilson let it be knowr to-day that there would be no change in th? naval programme put forward by the Secre tary of the Navy, the original small navy bill. The Chief Executive resisted the de? mands of the preparationists on Decem? ber 8, 1914, in his address to Congress, as follows : 'Dread or the power of any other nat.on wt ?re incapable of. We mean to live our ow? lives as we will; but we mean also to let live. We are, indeed, a true friend to all the nationa of the world, bee? ? we threaten none, coret the possessions of none, desire to overthrow none. Therein lies our greatness. We are the champions of peace and of concord. And we should he very jeal? ous of this distinction which we have sought to earn. "From the first we have had a clear and settled policy w-i'h regard to military es? tablishment?. We never have had, and while w? retain our present principles and ideals we never shall have, a large standing army. If asked, Are you ready to defend yourselves? w* reply, Moat ea-urrd?y, to the ntaaost; and yet we shall not turn America lato s military camp. We will not ask nur young men to spend the best years of the: lives staking soldiers of themselves." On December 29| President Wilson oj posed the belligerents in placing food udo the conditional contraband ! t. Europe Will Say: "You Kept Youi Heads When We Lost Ours" Mr. Wilson's pride in the America peace is disclosed here: Indianapolis, Jan. g, lili. In his Jackso Hay spe?ch here to-day, before the militar Democracy of Indiana, President Wilson said "What a future it is, my friends! Loo abroad upon the troubled world. OnlyAmei i?*;. at ptertl Among all the great powers n the world, only America savin'- h??r power fo her own people! Only America using h< great character and her great strength in th interests of peace and of prosperity! Do * r, not think it likely thai the world will som time turn to America nnd say: 'You wer right and we were wrong. You kept you heads when we lost, ours'?" On January 18, li?ir>, the Presiden thanked the League to Limit Armament for its support of his anti-prepare Ines policy. On February <?> the Allied pr?s ?scored him unmercifully for sending thi Kaiser birthday congratulations. I On April !? he intimated that it was "to< early to pronounce judgment" upon thi belligerents. Speaking at a gathering o Methodists in Washington, on March 26 he resisted the pressure of the war advo cates and asked thern not to "rock th? boat." The Famous "Too Proud To Fight" Utterance It was in Philadelphia, on May 10, I'll" that he made his famous "too proud t< fight" declaration. This dispatch tells thi story three days after the sinking of thi L?sitania: Philadelphia, May l'.i. 1911. "Not becausi it will not fight, but because peace is thi elevating influence of the world. There il such a thing as a man being too proud t< fight; there Is such a thing ?is a nation bo ing so right that it does ne* need to con vinco others by force that it is right," sab President Wilson to-day, speaking before l?, 000 persons in Convention Hall. The attacks upon neutral commerce anc upon unarmed ships brought forth the "strict accountability" utterance and marked a changing phase in the Executiv. mind. The mass opinion of the nation also shifted toward preparedness, and in part toward war. The President's note to Germany on the Lusitania sinking, delivered on May 18, 1915* bore these phrases: "This government has already taken occa? sion to inform the imperial German govern? ment that it cannot admit the adoption? of such measures or such a warning of dangei to operate as in any degree an abbreviation of the rights of American shipmasters oi American citizens bound on lawful errand.? as passengers on merchant ships of belliger? ent nations; and that it must hold the im? perial government, to a strict accountability for any infringement of those right?, inten? tional or accidental." Negotiations Over the Lusitania Affair Creep Toward a Climax The third Lusitania note, on July 28, 1915, sharply challenged Germany's meth? ods and yet credited Germany with havinp the same great object, freedom of the seas, in these phrases: "If a belligerent cannot retaliate against an enemy without injuring the lives of neu? trals, as well as their property, humanity, ai well as justice and a due regard for the dig? nity of neutral powers, should dictate thai the practice be discontinued. If persisted in it would in such circumstances constitute ar unpardonable offence against the rovereigntj of the neutral nation affected, "The government of the United States anr the imperial German government are con? tending for the same great object, have lone stood together in ursine the very principle; upon which the government of the United States will continue to contend, for that free dorn, from whatever quarter violated, without compromise and at any cost." The peace medal of the American School Peace League was awarded to the Presi? dent on August 24, 1915. On September I he was indirectly quoted as saying that h? had "a single track mind." The First Whisper of War In "Preparedness" Th6 first preparedness note was struck on May 5, 1915, following the Roosevelt Gardner attacks. In his address before the Manhattan Club, in New York, Presi dent Wilson said : "* "We feel justified in preparing ourselves i to vindicate our right to independent and i - ? molested action by making the force that is I in us ready for assertion. We do want to | feel there is a great body of citizens who have received at least the most rudimentary and necessary forms of military training; that they will be ready t(? form themselves into a lighting force at the call of the nation, and that ihe nation has the munit.ons and supplies with which to equip them without 1 delay should it bo necessary to call them into action. For the rest, it calls for the training within the next three years of a force of 400,000 r.tizen soldiers, to he raised In an? nual contingenta of 1.13,000." We come upon transitional evidences in Mr. Wilson's mind in this item: Washington. Nov. r,, |M|, William .1. Bryan's long expected rupture with Presi? dent Wilson on the national defence issue came to ?lav. In n formal statement Mr. Hryan declared that the President's policy wa? "a departure from our traditions, a re? versal of our national policy, a menace to our peace nnd safety .md a challenge to the spiri' salty, which teaches us to influenc?* others by example rather than ? The Presbknt in hi.? speech at the an? nual dinner of the Railway Business Asso? ciation, at the Waldorf-Astoria, January 27, Itlt, said: "There are nome things Americans want , more than peace. We won't seek war, but we won't try to avoid it if it becomes a nrees ?>'.;." A Review of the Emotional Processes by Which the President of the United States, and Behind Him the People, Became Reconciled to War Above?The President delivering his great war address before a joint session of Congress. In circle?President Wilson. It was on November 8, 191.", that Presi? dent Wilson "quoted Ezekiel" in support of his new attitude on preparedness. In a letter to Seth Low he said: The President Quotes Ezekiel To Justify Preparedness "I am particularly prctitied that you should so fully concur in the position I took in my speech to the Manhattan Club. There is a quotation from Ezekiel which 1 have had ver*,' much in my mind recently in connection with these important matters. It is the 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th and 6th verses of Chapter 83: " 'Son of man, rpeak to the children of my people, and say u.ito them: When I bring the sword upon a land if the people of the land take a man from among them and set him for their watchman: "'If, when he seeth the sword come upon the land, he blow the trumpet, and warn the , people; " 'Thi'n, whosoever heareth the sound of the trumpet, and taketh not warning if the sword cmtip, and take him away, his blood shall be upon hi:? own heni!.' " Then began a series of preparedness speeches and the tour to convert the West to armanent following his preparedness ?message to Congress on'December 7, 1915, j in which he said : "We will not maintain a standing army ex | cept for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war. Hut we do be? lieve in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of I the governments which they have set up to ! serve them. It seems to me very clear that 1 it will be an advantage to adopt a compre? hensive plan for putting the navy upon a ' final footing of strength and efficiency and to ' press that plan to completion within trie next ( five years." Mr. Wilson Goes Out to Arouse the Nation In Cleveland on January 29, 1916, he said: "I should /eel that I was guilty of an un I pardonable omission if I did not go out and - tell my fellow countrymen that new circum 1 stances huve arisen which make it absolutely necessary that this country prepare herself, i not for war, not for anything that smacks in the least of aggression, hut for adequate na | tional defence." At Kansas City on February 3, 1916, he told the Westerners that he favored ! "an impregnable navy." At Des Moines, Iowa, where he encoun I tered farmers, he said on February 1: "There are actually men in America who ? are preaching war. There are men who want the United States ti> hrve tntaBfling alli? ances abroad." He did not, he said, think these war agi? tators n pre>c!itcd the voice of America. The background at this period showed a light at Washington over the resolution "to warn Americans off belligerent ships," as indicated by this dispatch: Washington, March 7, 1916. By a vote of 276 to 113 the House of Representatives to? day killed the MeI?emore resolution warninp Americans off armed belligerent ships. The President Begins Now to Assume a Milif&nt Attitude Rid of Bryan and beset with demands for preparedness on one side, by demands for war on another and by Gorman apirres sion at sea on a third, the President be- ', gan ta, .-h'.'.v a militant attitude, as indi-! cated by this note to Berlin on April 19, 1916: "Unisse th? imperial government should ' now immnlirilily dsclaN and effect an aban- ' donment of it' present methods of submarine warfare sgsiasl passenger and freight-carry- ' in?,' ve ??-??! , the cimrnnifnt of the I'nited '?an have no choice hut to sever diplo- ; mntic relations with the (?erman Kmpire al- ? together. This action the government of the , United Btatee contemplate?, with the great- : eat reluctance, but feels constrained to take ! in beh.ilf of humanity and the rights of neu? tral nation? " But he clung to the vision of peace ngain in his speech at Charlotte, N. C, May ?0, HUG, when he said: "What are you going to do with your power* Are you going to translate it into | force or arc you going to translate it into ' peace and the salvation of society? I "Does it not interest you that America has run before the rest of the world in making trial of this great human experiment, and i? it not the sign and dawn of a new age that the one thing upon which the world is now about to fall back is the moral judgment of mankind?" First Expression of the "Peace Without Victory" Proposal His "peace without victory" attitude found expression on May 25, 1916, when i this dispatch came from the capital: Washington, May 11, 1014*. President Wil I son to-day made known the conditions on which he would consent to intervene as a mediator among the belligerent nations o*' Europe. He told callers at the White Houso that such intervention by any neutral could come only after the nations at war were ready to agree that the interests of all were to be conserved?in other words, that neither side was to gain a conclusive victory. In his mind there was shaping a central ? idea?a league of mankind. At the ban? quet of the League to Enforce Peace, held at Washington on May 27? 1916, he said: "The longer the war lasts the more deeply do we become concerned that it should be brought to an end and the world be permitted to resume its normal life and course again. We are participants, whether we would or r.ot, in the life of the world. What affects mankind is inevitably our affair as well as the affair of the nations of Europe and of Asia. "We should labor for a universal associa i tion of the nations to maintain the inviolate securi*y of the highway of the ?eas for the , common and unhindered use of all the na { tions of the world, and to prevent any war." In contrast with his "too proud to fight" speech, delivered in the same city a year ? earlier, on June 29, 1916, in Philadelphia, ; President Wilson, describing himself as "in a fighting mood," declared that Amer I ica, in dealing with other nations, must "vindicate at whatever cost its principles '. of liberty, justice? and humanity"; that "America first" must be translated into action. He Clings to the Theory That Force Is Wrong But in the West he stil! voiced some of hia earlier pacifism with'enthusiasm. In D?ttrott on July 10, 1916, he said: "I hear some men say that they want to help Mexico, and the way they propose to h?lp her is to overwhelm her with force. That is the wrong way. as well as the long way. After fighting them you would hav? a nation full of justified suspicion. Thus you would not help them. You uould shut every door against you." "Fore?* will not accomplish anything that is permanent," said President Wils??n. addressing the members of the New York I rcss Club at the Waldorf on the night of Juue 30, 1916. He cited the European War, and then said that the permanent things would take place after it was over, ?when the opinion of mankind crystallized. "Getting our fighting blood up," he told a Federation of Labor audience at Wash? ington on July 4, 1916, "is the long way, and not the short way, to secure our rights." The Arabic, Appam, Anconia and Sus? sex incidents had by this time wrought a profound change in the popular temper. The effect of these reactions upon the Wilson psychology may be traced in this series of addresses: Shadow Lawn, Long Branch, N. J., Sept. 30, 1916. President Wilson to-day, addressim; upward of 1,600 young men from New York and New Jersey, said: "There is only on?? choice as against peace, and that is war. Some of the supporters of that party, a very great body of the support? ers of the Republican party, outspokenly de? clare that they want war; so that the cer? tain prospect of the success of the Republi? can party is that we shall be drawn in one form or other into the embroilments of the European war." Indianapolis, Oct. 12, 1916.-?"I have said, and shall say again, that when the present great world war is over it will be the duty of America to join with the other nations of the world in some kind of a league for the maintenance of peace." The foregoing statement was made by Presi? dent Wilson in his address at the Centennial celebration here to-day. Omaha, Oct fj. --Prosident Wilson said here to-day: "When you are asked, "Ar? '* you willing to fight?' reply 'Ves, I am waiting for some? thing worth lighting for.' Ycu are not look inc about for petty quarrels, but you are looking about for that sort of quarrel within whose intricacies are written all th<* texts of the right? of man. You are looking for some cause which will elevate your spirit." Cincinnati, Oct. * 26, 1916. "This present war," declared President Wilson, speaking before the Women's City Club here to-day, "is the last war of this or any kind involv? ing the world that the I'nited States can keep out of. I believe that the business of neu? trality is over, not because I want it to bo over, but war now has such a scale that the position of neutrals becomes intolerable." German Crisis Reached, Wilson Appeals to the Neutrals On February 1, 1916, Germany resumed her ruthless warfare and laid out a zone of submarine operations. The dismissal of Ambassador Bernstorff and the recall of Ambassador Gerard followed. Many per? sons still looked to the President for peace. Nor ?lid he deny them hope. His play for1 neutral support again revealed his vision! of a League of Nations and a compact for j peace. On February 4 his directions to our ', diplomats nbroaal contained these phrases: I "You will immediately notify the govern- * nient to which you are accredited that the , I'niteal States, because of the German gov- ' erriment's recent announcement of its inten-1 tion to renew unrestricted submarine war? fare, has no choice but to follow the courte I laid down in its note of April 18. 191*5 [m*0 Sussex note!. It has. therefore, recalled thj American Ambassador to Berlin and has de? livered passports to the German Ambassador to the United States. "The course taken is, in the President's view, entirely in conformity with the princi? ples he enunciated in his address to the Sen? ate on January 12. The address proposing a World League for Peace.: He believe? It will make for the peace of the world if other neutral powers c?n find i*. possible to take similar action." Only Destruction of American Life Can Bring on \?*? ar Then came the fight for "armed ships" and for "military training," as outlined in those dispatches: Washington, Feb. 20, 1917, At a meeting of the Cabinet this afternoon the President indicated his firm purpose to go to the ex? treme of patience. He will insist on the long? est possible delay on the matter of arming ships, and when he again goes before Con? gress he will make plain that only as a last recourse, in the face of actual destruction of American life and property, will this country go to war. Washington. Feb. 21, 1917- President Wil? son and Secretary Baker, it is officially inti? mated, will go on record in favor of the prin? ciple of universal military training. Washington, Feb. M, 1017. -In his message to Congress to-day President Wilson said: "The overt act which I have ventured to hope the German commanders would in fact avoid has not occurred. "I am not now proposing or contemplating war or any steps that need lead to it. N'o course of my choosing or of theirs will lead to war. War can come only by the wilful acts and aggressions of others." Washington, Feb. 2-", 1917. The pacifist propaganda in Washington reached a climax ! to-day with the arrival of William Jennings , Bryan and the reception by President Wilson of two delegations of pacifists. The Presi? dent spent more than two hours with the propagandists, after which no statement 1 could be obtained from either the agitator j or the White House further than that the 1 President had assured them he would do i everything possible to avoid war honorably. Washington, March 4, 1917. President Wil? son to-night informed the country in a state I ment that he is without power to arm mer ' chant ships. In this statement he scored "the ! wilful Senators." "The Senate of the United States is the ? only legislative body in the world which can ', not act when Its majority is ready for ac? tion. A little group of wilful men, repre? senting no opinion but their own, have rcn 1 dered the great government of the United 1 States helpless and contemptible." War now seemed imminent. President Wilson is at once the champion of "armed I neutrality" and of peace. At Washington, March 5, 1917, following his second oath < of office, he said, in part: "We have been deeply wronged upon the sea?, but we have not wished to wrong or injure in return. We stand firm iir armed neutrality, since it stems that in no other way can we demonstrate what it is we insist upon and cannot forego. We may even be drawn on, by circumstances, not by our own purpose or desire, to a more active assertion I of our rights as we see them and a more immediate association with the great strug? gle itself.'* The World Must Be Made Safe for Democracy Finally here is war and here is Wilson, the warrior. On April 2, 1917, President Wilson, addressing both branches of the Sixty-fifth Congre.ss, assembled in the House of Representatives, called for war rgainst Germany. From the memorable document these pregnant paragraphs are taken : The present German warfare against com? merce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have, been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. "I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful Interference, our right to keep our people safe against ! unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. "With a profound sense of the solemn and. even tragical character of the step I am tak? ing, and of the grave responsibilities whict. it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I ad? vise that the Congress declare the recent course of the imperial German government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of bellifereat which has thus been thrust upon it, "Neutrality is no longer feasible or desira? ble whore the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its people, and the men? ace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments, backe?! by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last neutrality in such circumstances. ? "We have no quarrel with the German peo? ple. We have no feeling toward them but one of sympathy and friendship. " \ ?eadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership ?>*' demo cratic nations. N'o autocratic government could be trusted to keep fafth within it or observe Us covenants. "The Russian people have been added in all their native majesty and might to the forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice and for peace. Here is a tit partner for B league of honor. "The world must he made safe for democ? racy. Its peace must be planted upon the trusted foundations of political liberty. "We enter this war only wher*- \?e are clearly forced into it because there'are no other means of defending our rights. We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people." The Next Step Is the Decision To Adopt Conscription After first trying the expedient of call? ing for volunteers the President as a con scriptionist now stands revealed for the first time in these two dispatches; Washington, April 9, 1917. PrtiidentVi? son to-day began his campaign to driva i|J ! pacifists, little army men and opponenU ?* i universal service into line behind hi? ni i for conscription in the present war u ' called Chairr-un Dent of the House |fl**t, j Affairs Committee, prot?g? of ex-Chairm?? Hay, to the White House, and insisted on tk ? passage of the Administration army bill Tv. t President warned Mr. Dent of the i?ri91! consequences which would attend the r-iua-j ! of the House to grant the President tki j war measure. Washington. April 19. 1917. President W,l. i son to-day sent a letter to Repr?sent?t;-? ; He'vermg, of Kansas, strongiy supportin- %*. ?ective conscription. It read in part: "The principle of the Selectiva draft j* short, has at its heart Ihis idea: that that*? is a universal obligation to serve. *]?*,, ^.?, if adopted, will do more, I believe, than tor other single instrumentality to create tht im. pression of universal service in the array ana out of it, and, if properly administered, -.t'l he a great source of stimulation." His address before the Red Cress ?> Washington on March 12, 11*17, was re? garded as being too gentle. Later he took occasion to correct the impression it gsvi He said in part: "I believe that the American peep]? n^.. haps hardly yet realize the sacrifices and auf. fennga that are before them. I say tha heart of the country is in this war becaai? it would not have gone into it. if its heart had not been prepared for it. We "-?ve g.0R| in with no special grievance of our own. b?. cause we have always said that w? ??,-?-. ?ij, friends and servants of mankind." No Self-Respecting Nation Could Longer Avoid War This "correcting" letter written by Pro. ident Wilson to Representative Heflin, of Alabama, was made public on May 22, 1917, at the White House. It wss in part as follows: "It ii incomprehensible to me how any frank or honeit person could doubt or quas? tion my position with regard to the war an* its objects. I have aj-ain ami again stated the very serious and long continued wrongs whiclj the imperial OsmUfl gOftlOSNOt ha? perpetrated against the rights, the comm>rca and the citizens of the l'ui'ed States. Th? list is long and overwhelming. No nation that respected itself or the rights of human, ity could have borne those wrongs any longer. "There is no hate in our heart? fir tha German people, but there is a resolve cannot be shaken even by misrepresentation to overcome the pretensions o* the autocratie government which acts upon purposes to which the German people have never con? sented." The text of the second explanation, in the form of a letter sent by President Wl? son to Representative Pou on May Zb, 1 - * 17, \ is as follows: "Your interpretation of my message I sup : posed would be the interpretat.nn everybody wouK! give it. I meant just what you say, that our grievance, while entirely su? - I was the same as that of other neutral na l.tions, perhaps aggravated by the fact that I Germany has made us special promises wheh ?he has grossly ignored." The Wilson attitude toward war tad peace finds culmination in his mesgaj*e to the Provisional Government of Russia out? lining American aims, made public at Washington on June 9, 1917. These are significant sentences on "Annexations ani Indemnities": "The meshes of that intriga" muit be broken, but cannot be broken unies? wrongs already done are unaone; and adequate meas? ures must be taken to prevent :'? ttttt *?'*' again being rewoven or rep I "Of course, the imperial German ?*overn> ment nnd those whom it is ssing :or their own undoing are seeking to obtsis platlps that the war will end in the n ?.'oration of the status quo ante. "It was the status quo ante out of which this iniquitous war issued forth, th? povaer of the imperial German government within the empire and its widespread domination and influence outside of that empire. fm% status must be altered in such fashion al to prevent any such hideous thing from **,*r happening again." Navy Yard Activities WE ARE hearing a good deal about the production of merchant tonnage to feed the submarine, but we have been told less about the ex? pansion of our naval tonnage. UbcV Ssss* however, has come to the ro-vue with *oma specific information, as poblishod ir. "1"S Official Bulletin," from which we quote: "The shipbuilding facilities of the ' m\ States navy yards are being expanded >? that eventually sixteen war vessel* ray M on the ways at one time, whale tally *l"rtT" two may be in course of construe".!'*. Ti!" number does not include sehsssi SSI *ru* submarine chasers. "With the shipways now being built tt projected. 1'nited States navy yards will ?**? able to have in course of construction on the ways at one time sixteen w.?r in addition to submarines and submartu* chasers. Seven of these could bt ships, two auxiliaries, such as trar.-p'*-***. fuel ships, hospital ships.? etc, snd *-*v*a destroyers. "There are now urder constructa.-r*. in f**** ernment yards thro?* Satt'. ?' ''" stroyers and a number of submarines *'i submarine chasers. "In 1912 the shipbuilding facilities of the navy yards consisted of one ways for bat? tleships at New York and or.e ?ays ?t Mar? Island for auxiliaries. "At the beginning of the pieSSn? '?'*?* thi facilities available were: n.'sron, one auxil? iary; New York, one battleship; **b*\?mw* phia, one auxiliary; Norfolk, one d?grever! Charleston, one gunboat; Marc Island. onS battleship and one ?lestroyer. "At Portsmouth. N. H.. we now have foul V.HV-? fair mi bu* :? lines, which means taat fror* six to eight will be u-.der rn.??tnieti<**n ?* one time. The navy yard a? MetM has ?*?*?? ways for auxiliaries "The navy yard at New York now has ? waya for large-sized battleship* and ? ***** ond is being built for battleships. At **m*m* delphia there will be two ways, one for large battleships or battle cruisers and anothel for large battleships. A third. alread*j built, is used for auxiliary v?asela."