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First to Last?the Truth: News?Editorial?
Member et the Audit Bureau of Ctrci_lat__ns
TUESDAY. MAY 21, 1918_
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America and Ireland
By Frank H. Simonds
There is one fact which must be recog?
nized at this time by all friends of Ire?
land in and out of that unhappy coun?
try. This is the fact of the war between
the United States and the German Em?
pire. It has changed Everything, and its
influence will determine American action
and American opinion until it closes.
? It will be a mistake, and a tragic mis?
take, for Tnahmen to rely upon Ameri?
can sympathy and support in any optn
or covert attack upon our British ally,
which can serve only a German purpose
and end only by placing a larger part of
the burden of the battle against the
common enemy upon the shoulders of
American m an-power.
There is just one way that Ireland
can enlist American sympathy for her
aspirations and her ambition. And this is
by performing her part of what all
Americans believe is the common task of
-all civilized mankind. If Ireland will
not f.ght the enemy, not merely or pri?
marily of England, but the enemy of all
of us who hold to certain ideas and cer?
tain ideals, then the Irish people are out
of court. They will have no standing,
however great may be their local wrongs,
however unjust in detail their punish
The United Staff's is to-day thoroughly
-at war with Germany. It is at war with
Germany as no one could have believed
it would be two years ago. Americans
returning from Europe will find them?
selves amazed at the transformation of
the American spirit and the Ameri?
can point of view. The country has
risen to the war as a united people. It
?has a determination and it has a unanim
ity which must confuse the critics of
other days and satisfy the most ardent
;cf cor.t?mporary patriots. And, this
.being true, there is not the smallest hope
"that Ireland can enlist American sym?
pathy for any rebellion at this time, par?
ticularly as such a rebellion must havo
.the appearance, if not the reality, of be?
ing fomented by German agents.
There has been in past years an enor
;zaous sympathy in this country for Tre
?land outside of the ranks of the profes?
sional Irish agitators. There was a very
?genuine feeling of sympathy at the time
of the Irish Rebellion in Easter week,
*19 IS. Sut since that time the United
'States has entered the war. It is de?
moting its resources, in lives as well as
^treasure, to defeating the German as?
sault upon our common civilization, and
Sou-day if Ireland does not march?if, in
*__tead of marching, Ireland draws British
.bayonets from Flanders to Connaught,
?rom the defence of Ypres to the holding
of Cork?there will be but one conse?
quence, and there . nn be bnt one conse?
quence. There will be lost for Ireland
now and perhaps forever all that sym?
pathy and all that support which have
been so real in the last half century.
; The same thing has happened in
France, where the tradition of sympathy
Jwith Ireland is very ancient and has sur?
vived all previous changes. Invaded
France cannot understand why the Irish
:havc chosen thia moment to lessen the
?effectiveness of Allied military opera?
tions for the deliverance of France. Nor
shall we in America more easily under?
stand why our own soldiers, passing
through Ireland on their way to the
;front, are attacked, or the common task
made more difficult by a threat of Irish
rebellion behind our firing line.
' There should be no illusion as to the
? fact. Many who love Ireland will regret
f the present attitude of the American peo?
ple, but none of those should misunder?
stand it. As far as America is con?
cerned, futur? sympathy for Ireland
must be predicated on Irish participa?
tion in the great war?and participation
on the Allied side. If the Irish will not
march with us now, neither now nor for
long hereafter is there any reason to be?
lieve that the real grievances and the
>st claims of the Irish will obtain a
hearing in this country. We do not un?
derstand and we cannot understand why
?when the German is loose in the world
;any man cart do other than fight him,
whatever his private wrongs or racial
grievances. When this war is over the
'voice of America will be heard in Europe
,_and listened to in England, and with it
Baay be joined the voices of the British
Colonies. But all will be silent so far
?s Ireland is concerned if at Armaged?
don Ireland stands with the German or
fails to stand against him.
It is the plein duty and the immediate
'?'duty of all who have an interest in Ire
land or have preserved any relations
with Irishmen to make clear what Amer?
ican feeling is. If Ireland chooses to
sacrifice American sympathy by a course
which will hurt only her friends and
help the German alone, the American
consciences will be certain. Not in
many long years to come can Irishmen
hope for American support.
The present appeal of Ireland to
; America has fallen on deaf ears. , Our
sons are fighting in Lorraine, in Pi
cardy and in Flanders. They are fight?
ing with Englishmen and Scotchmen and
Frenchmen against a common enemy.
Our friends, our allies, now and here?
after, will be those who also fought.
How Much Shall I Give?
The present Red Cross appeal reaches
each of us with new and redoubled force.
Our men, our friends and relatives, are
fighting, falling, dying in France, and a
few dollars given here to-day mean doc?
tors, nurses, skill, comfort, saved limbs,
saved lives over there to-moirji-w. It is
useless to waste words urging such a
gift. Every American worth shedding one
drop of blood for will dig into his pocket
at the first call and give every penny
that he can spare.
The only question that each of us faces
is just how much he can spare. The
words are easy enough to say, but they
raise a puzzling problem, one that in?
volves the whole theory of our duty in
To give we must have, and, for most
of us, having, in the present hour, means
caving?steady, consistent, increasing
saving, day by day, courageously, with?
out regard to convention or comfort.
This sounds like a truism. But most of
us realize by this tim.6 how inexpert
we are at saving, how much we have to
leam of thrift, how hard a rub it is to
fall to and put behind us cherished con?
veniences and luxuries that make either
for display or for a tickled palate.
We are learning how to gi>e, which i..
to say we are learning how to save. It
is all one task. The absolute unity of
the war, of our job in it as a nation,
is steadily becoming clearer in our eyes.
The old rhyme of our childhood of the
battle that was lost for lack of a nail is
seen to be no poetical fancy, but cold, lit?
eral truth. We must all of ur?; fight if vf.
are to win. And for us at home fighting
means, first and foremost, a reordering
of our lives, an abandonment of show
and brag and the setting up of new
ideals of thrift and patriotic generosity.
So wye say, don't give the Red- Cross
merely the spare change in your pocket.
That is a lazy peace trick. It is not war.
Give, rather, what you can save, to-day
and henceforward, by fresh self-denial,
by a new dedication of your daily life to
your country's needs.
Love or Hate?or What?
In Sunday's Tribune, in the little
group of aphorisms and epigrams trans?
lated from the Russian Anton Chekhov, #
our eye caught this particular one:
"The strongest hurgar, tie is not love,
or friendship, or mutual respect?but a
common hatred of something or some?
What a self-revelation in tx ringle sen?
tence! Here you have the character of
the man, as it were, flashed upon a
screen. This is his idea of life!
Tf this same question were put to any
hundred people, how many different an?
swers would be received? A score or
more, at least. Indeed, would any two
And the same is true of practically
all of life's relations. Why do we work
cO hard? Why do we struggle so in?
tensely to make some little place in the
world? Is it love of riches merely? Is
it envy of the rich? Is it jealousy of
those around us and above us.? Is it
the joy of doing, the lust of feeling our
strength go out to practical ends? Is
it family, or ambition, or a wish to con?
tribute something to the common good?
JTer., again, out of every hundred
probably fifty or seventy-five would
make each a different answer from the
other. The real fact probably is that
we have a will and a desire to live;
and th_ reasons for Hiis we each fashion
after the idea of what will bring us
the largest measure of happiness. Even
in Anton Chekhov's darkly inverted soul
this same principle was stirring when
he wrote the bitter gibe we have quoted.
What Credit E_tp?an_ion Doe.
We reprint to-day a remarkably clear
exposition of why credit expansion
makes prices higher and hinders our
war progress. It is from Professor O. M.
W. Sprague, of Harvard, who has the
gift not only of thinking clearly but
writing simply. Sometimes we are
tempted to believe that the two things
go together. If at the end of a column
or two you cannot make out what a
writer is trying to say, you may make
a fair guess that he does not know him?
The credit question bothers a great
many people, even those who pretend to
write about these matters and even
those who have dealt in credit all their
That is why we have distinguished
bankers proposing to inflate credits with?
out a thought as to what this will do to
the cost of living and how it will affect
people whose incomes are small and
more or less stationary. Professor
Sprague does make this clear, and we
hope some of our bankers and those who
have the finances of the nation in their
hands will read it. And we wish there
were hundreds of Professor Spragues
to write so admirably, and then a thou?
sand Tribunes to print what they have
to say. Then the larger public would
understand, and we should have a pub?
lic opinion to forbid headlong credit ex?
As it is, the number of men like Pro?
fessor Sprague and Irving Fisher and
George E. Roberts and Simon Patten,
who have made their protest, is small,
and The Tribune is about the only news?
paper or journal we know of that has
given the question any wide publicity.
It is no especial wonder why we re?
main "a nation of oconomic illiterates."
The Bayards of the Air
For Americans Lufbcry held a place
among fighting aviators like that of Guy
nemer in France or Richthof en in Ger?
many. He was our ranking "ace";
though, with our remoteness from the
slang of the front, most Americans
would probably be puzzled to identify
him, classified thus in the terminology
of the card table.
There have been Kings of the Air
and Queens of the Air before this war,
but never Aces. Yet the new term was
needed, so completely have the air
prodigies of the present eclipsed the air
prodigies of the past. To be a first
class air fighter to-day is to rank with
the great knights of the era of chivalry,
who towered so immeasurably above all
By a curious parallelism, too, air war?
fare is the only branch of warfare in
which anything of the old spirit of chiv?
alry has persisted. This doeB not apply
to the bombers, who commit assassina?
tion from the clouds, attacking hospitals
and undefended cities and slaying civil?
ians?mostly old men, women and chil?
.But as between individuals fighting in
the blue a strange code of personal and
professional respect has been main?
tained. They fight as enemies, yet
without passion?as men and not as
maddened animals. In a contest requir?
ing so high a degree of daring and valor
each antagonist involuntarily concedes
the other's quality. Richthof en was
buried with military honors by his oppo?
nents. And the same tribute would be
paid to an Allied aviator falling within
the German lines.
This is the cue field in which we
find the more honorable traditions of
war as Frederick the Great and Louis
XV knew it surviving. It is so, per?
haps, because air fighting is still an
art, rather than an impersonal, brutal?
ized business. However that may be, the
world is right in heroizing the great
air fighters above all other fighters.
They are Chevalier Bayards of our day.
Their names, like his, are sure of immor?
Our AH-American Team
No American army in France would
be complete without negro regiments in
it. And no negro regiments of oifrs
could be very long in France without
breaking into the news with a vengeance.
It is a way they have, whether the spot
is San Juan Hill or anywhere else.
Now that Harry Johnson, of Albany,
N. Y., and Needham Roberts, of T^renton,
N. J., have been cited in the orders of
the day and are to receive the cross with
the palm, we can feel sure that America
is in the war, and in the war to stay.
They are of Hayward"s Browns, as
nearly as the censor graciously permits
us to guess. And the regiment is bri?
gaded with the French, who cannot .say
enough of their soldierly qualities. The
story of Johnson and Roberts and their
fight with guns and grenades and hands
and knives gives us a glimpse of one
of the finest and pluckiest American
scraps of the war.
There could not be more loyal Amer?
icans or better two-fisted fighters than
our negro soldiers. We are proud as
proud of them, and we salute them all
in the persons of Privates Johnson and
Roberts, cited for the Croix de Guerre
before the army of France.
A T_r.y Billior.
The first Federal budget of railroad
capital is announced. It is approxi?
mately $1,000,000,000, to be allocated
among all the carrier., according to their
apparent needs. This is hailed as a pro?
digious sum of money; but it is only
about 6 per cent of the existing capital
investment in stations, terminals, r?__.d
way and equipment. If we could say
that railroad facilities were going to be
increased 6 per cent, that would be lit?
tle enough. It would be approximately
equal to the normal increase of peace
times. But it is really less than that.
"The figures," says the Associated
Press dispatch, "disclose Director Gen?
eral McAdoo's determination to let the
railroads make many improvements
which they had neglected during the
last three years, through permitting
tracks to run down and postuoning all
possible projects requiring big expen?
ditures of capital."
So it appears that a part of this
billion-dollar budget will be used to
make good depreciation and wear and
tear, all of which ought to be taken care
of out of earnings. How much of the
new capital will be spent upon work
which ought to be performed out of the
earnings of the railroad business is
unknown. There seems to be no thought
of distinguishing between (a) mainten?
ance and rehabilitation, which should
be a charge against earnings, and (b)
actual additions to property, which may
properly be paid for with new money.
Failure to make such distinctions has
been in the past a prolific cause of rail?
If there can be found the labor and
materials, railroad facilities ought to be
increased 10 per cent this year from
new capital, and all disrepair should be
made good out of earnings. If rates
are not high enough to give earnings
out of which disrepair can be made
good, then they should be raised.
The chief dangers of government con?
trol are two, namely, first, that new
money will be spent for maintenance,
and, second, that not enough new money
will be provided for additions, owing
to the difficulty of thinking in billion- ?
dollar units of e_u_enditure.
Coiled in the Flag
Hear s-s-s-s-s t
From The Evening Post
Democratic politicians, and more espe?
cially thoRo who ere allied with Tammany
Hall, are viewing with satisfaction the
barring of the Hearst newspapers from
suburban communities with columns and
columns of attendant publicity in all the
other newspapers, large and small, through?
out the state. Nothing, according to poli?
ticians, has ever arisen in the political
career of William Randolph Hearst that has
carried more menace to Hearst's political
aspirations than the campaign against his
Hearst's strength, it is ?acknowledged on
all sides, lies to a great extent in his news?
papers, but until the present time there has
been no real campaign against their circu?
lation. That the movements in Mount Ver
non and Summit, N. .T., where official action
was taken, or where there was official cog?
nizance of action barring the Hearst news?
papers, are by no means peculiar to these
communities is certain, for it has been re?
marked in other communities near New
York, and also within the city itself, that
the number of Hearst newspapers remain?
ing unsold on the newsstands has increased
steadily within the past month. This is
taken as proof that Hearst's support is fall?
ing away from him, by a process of what
military men would call attrition.
Politicians agree that the action of
Hearst and his business managers in seek?
ing to prove a criminal conspiracy against
his publications and in carrying the case
to Edward Swann, District Attorney, is an
indication that "the shoe pinches." They
laugh at the pretensions of the Hearst at?
torneys that they are seeking to safeguard
the rights not only of their own news?
papers, but of all other newspapers. What
they are afraid of, the politicians say, is
that the sentiment against the Hearst news?
papers will become so strong that it will
mean the political death of their owner. . .
Hearst is now entangled in a net, poli?
ticians believe, from which he will have the
greatest difficulty in extricating himself.
By fighting through the courts the boycott
that has been started against his news?
papers, his political antagonists believe he
will only "add fuel to the flames." Every
move he makes will bring additional pub?
licity for the movement, and the more peo?
ple know about the boycott the more pow?
erful, it is believed, will the anti-Hearst
sentiment become. This boycott of his
newspapers, it is argued, will lead inevi?
tably to the political boycott of their owner.
Hearst's political prospects have been dealt
a body blow, according to the politicians.
A Plea From One of
Hearst's Former Victims
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I arrived in this Citv from Denmark
my native country in 1892 unable to speak
or read the english language ?n a short
time I picked up enough english to realise
through the pictures in Hearsts papers of
Prest McKinley what a bad man the Presi?
dent was and as there was never, to my
knowledge, anybody who objected to the
information gi?rcn the public through the
Hearst papers I considered it must be taken
absolutely for granted that the President
was an unworthy person. . One morning
while walking on the street in Mt Vernon
where ? resided I was told the President
had been assasinated. I hurried home and
informed my Wife that now that bad man
was out of the way of whom we had seen
.0 many pirtnros in the Hearsts newspapers.
I immediately purchased one of Hearsts
papers and expected to f.nd it in joyous
celebration but to my surprise it had a
headline like this "That one of our greatest
statesmen nml best member of society had
been shamefully assassinated by a cruel mur?
derer." It did not take me long to detect
that no matter what city official was elected
if they did not run after Hearsts whist.e,
they would all be mercilessly attacked by
iiis yellow; print. I know Hint the assassin
was brought to justice and punished and I
am still wondering how Hearst got away
with this without being prosecuted as his
papers actually had the tendency to insti?
gate foul acts upo:-, the persons he in his
picture so t_dly besmirched without the
slightest reason, the only motive beir.g by
having sensational articles which absolutely
appeal to the most ignorant classes, increas?
ing the circulation of his papers and filling
his purse. yours very truly
FRED. W. JENSEN,
No. 107 West St.
New York, May 17, 191S.
(From The Globe)
Postmaster Genera! Burleson pretends to
be satisfied with his epistolary exchanges
with C<y!on?! Roosevelt. He salutes himself
as victor in a cock-a-doodle-doo manner.
No one having said that he has discomfited
his opponent, he says it himself.
Mr. Burleson is the author of a telegram
congratulating Mr. Hearst's chief lieutenant
when put in charge at Chicago. It is not
of consequence what exact language he em?
ployed. He is old enough to know what was
implied when such exceptional felicitations
were publicly transmitted. To condemn
poor "Billy" Hard for one offence while
gathering Mr. Hearst to his bosom would
seem close to showing that discrimination
of which Colonel Roosevelt complained.
If Mr. Burleson has real friends at Wash?
ington, and the mood of letter-writing as?
sails him, let them rally as one man and
keep pen and paper away from him. He
cannot be trusted to give himself a fair
chance. He has not yet learned the great
wisdom of keeping still when the only pos?
sible reply is a weak one. Let the Post?
master General stick to taking away mail
tubes from New York.
A May Evening
I SAW the long fair afternoon decline,
And in the amethystine west afar
Outgleam the glory of a single star,
A peaceful star, it seemed of peace a sign.
And at the woodland's edge a voice divine,
The thrush, I heard, bar after silver bar
Of melting music, with no sound to mar
The mounting rapture of one lyric line.
And then, and then, imagination wrought
A dreadful change, and, lo, mine eyes
The battle-stars above the Oise and
The cannon's awful music boomed and
And boomed again, and I could think of
Save the world gripped by War's de?
TOMMY'S AND POILUS GREETING TO SAMMY
A Thousand Greetings!
How inflation Hinders War
By O. M. W. Sprague
'Professor of Economics, Harvard University
(From "The Nation's Business")
I WANT to call attention to the way in |
which the manner of financing the war
reacts upo:: the speed with which the
government can develop its programme. In
raising $12,000,000,000 it has been absolute?
ly essential to make use of the credit nia
chinery of the country.
The extent to which credit is permanent?
ly expanded in connection with financing the
war has not been touched upon. The initial
subscriptions to the various loans must be
met somehow or other, to whatever extent
i . necessary, by nipan?. of credit evpansion.
But if the people who have subscribed to
the loans, or other people, while the pro?
ceeds of each successive loan are being ex?
pended, do not save enough to liquidate the
borrowings which they have made at the
banks in order to subscribe to the loans,
then we have a condition of a more or less
permanent addition to the volume of credit.
It ceases to be merely a revolving credit of
a more or __-ss fixed amount, perhaps ex?
panding a little and then contracting to
something like an equivalent extent. There
is a permanent upper swing.
Now, that mearas in the first place an ad?
vance i;_ ?prices. The government sets a
large amount of purchasing power, which it
uses, coming into the market for goods.
Th<? people have not contracted their de
i.iand for goods, their use cf purchasing
power, to an equivalent extent. Therefore
prices go up. To some extent I agree that
that is inevitable; but here it ?3 primarily
a question of degree.
As Germany Does
In Germany they have facilitated free
loans on every conceivable kind of security
in order to stimulate subscriptions to their
bond sales, and the people hav? subscribed.
But thereafter, while the government has
been expending the proceeds of the loans,
the people have to a very large extent saved
and liquidated those loans, so that credit
there has in large part revolved. When you
consider the enormous loans which the
Germans have made, together with the num?
ber of men in their armies, it is simply as?
tonishing the way in which they have kept
down credit expansions. The only way that
that can possibly be done is by saving.
What are the consequences of a failure
to save? A pull on labor by the govern?
ment in one direction and a pull for labor
on the part of the people in the opposite
War Will Not Stop
This war is not going to be allowed to
stop on account of the failure of the peo?
ple to save; but if the people do not save
prices will go skyrocketing still further,
with further disturbance of the local util?
ities and a further drain upon all the
people with fixed incomes.
It is sometimes supposed that by the use
of credit in some way or other the burden
of financing this war is shifted from the
present to the future. That is an absolute
and unqualified fallacy. The government
cannot use in this war anything but the
current products of labor and capital which
are now in existence.
The process of credit expansion, as con?
trasted with saving, has a very different
effect in the burden which it imposes upon
different classes of th<s community. Financ?
ing the war largely by credit expansion and
raising prices places a heavy burden upon
all people with fixed incomes. This means
not merely the persons who live on salaries,
It also means that large class of people who
live on investments in bonds and preferred
stocks. There was not such a class in the
time of our Civil War. when we financed
largely by inflation in the particular form
of paper money. The burden th.ii f?_!l main?
ly upon the salaried class.
In any event, then, we must finance this
war by a deduction from the current income
of all of the people, whether we finance it
by inflation or do the trick nniic directly by
What !i Wozztd Take
The Bankers Trust Company of New
York has recently prepared an analysis of
the amount of savings which would be r.ec
e.-sarv in the event that $7.r.00:000..00
should be furnished the government in the
course of the next year by those who pay
income taxes, together with subscriptions to
bonds. That is only half of the estimate
of the total amount.
According to those calculations, it would
be necessary, in order to raise $7,500,000,000,
that every person in the United States with
an income in excess of $150,000 should de?
vote between 70 and 80 per cent of his in?
come to the payment of income taves and
lioml subscriptions, ft would be nccessaiy
for all those with an income between $50,
000 and $150,000 to save between Go and 70
per cent. Dropping down a little, to those
between $9,000 and $30,000, they shculd save
40 per cent of their income, or use 40 per?
cent in the payment, partly, of existing
taxes, and the balance for the p?archasc of
government bonds. From 15 to 20 per cent
of their income should be used in those
ways by those with incomes between $2,300
and $5^000, and from 10 to 15 per cent by
people with incomes from $900 to $2,500.
Nohody Doing It
Direct saving to that extent would pro?
duce, according to this estimate, something
like $7,500,000,000. I think that will give
you some idea of the extent to which the
people must economize in order to finance
the huge sums which the government is
going to expend, and some idea of the extent
to which they must economize indirectly
through the effect of rising prices under
the credit inflation policy. I doubt whether
any considerable number of people, except
the people of large wealth, are saving any?
thing like the proportions which I have in?
dicated. I frankly confess that I am no?
where reaching that proportion which ?3
assigned for my particular income; and I
doubt whether very many are. I should
like to have a confession from men who
happen to be in receipt of incomes be?
tween $9,000 and $30,000 whether they have
during the last year, from their incomes,
eliminating the shifting of investments,
used 40 per cent in the purchase of bonds
and in the payment of taxes. Not very
many have, I fancy.
Because Nobody Does
The reason, I think, that hiany of us do
not do this is because our neighbors do not;
because we do not feel that our 20, 30 or 40
per cent, if we should make the necessary
saving, would matter very much when the
figures rise into the billions. Moreover, it
is very much more difficult to save when
our neighbors do not. Our neighbors large?
ly set for us our standards of living. Con?
sequently, I do not believe that any amount
of preachments on the importance of econ?
omy and any amount of argument, howevei
convincing it may be, that we are bound tc
be forced to economize through rising price,
if we do not save?I say I do not believ?
that that will prove particularly effective
and I do not expect that the people of the
United States, under the present method:
of financing the war, will begin to save the
amount which is necessary to carry us
along. There is the danger that we maj
. .save so little that the credit machinery will
From g letter by Professor Newton
Wray, in The Indianapolis News
ri ERMAN literature, like everything
f t!?c German, has for years been
spreading German propaganda. The
German mind has been drilled through ita
literature, its schools and its ch'arches to
exalt the German system, to glorify the
Kaiser and his "divine rifrht" and to dpny
the moral responsibility of a nation. Can
we afford to menace our national ideals b7
opening up this avenue of contact with
such pernicious teachings?
By tolerating the German language ?sre
encourage the German press, which is _.!
read, recognized n_? musing nuti Am_nf___i
sentiment and menacing our government.
This attitude toward the language is not
un-Christian, since we are taught to show
aversion to national wrong, and the most
direct and potent way to do this is to re?
fuse recognition to the language in which
such teachings are expressed.
The study of German has been based
upon the argument that it was aecess-iry
in business relations, but this arguaient is?
pointles. to day. ?ince our commercial re?
lations with Germany will enntin;;?. to b?
strained. Let us now emphasize the study
of French and Spanish in order that we
may develop our increasing business with
the allies and with South America?"the
continent of opportunity."
Pnui'jiisi-i ?requires that w<? overcome
the eiTort made by German leaders to keep
masses of Germans in our country alien
in ideas and sympathies. For years these
leaders have inculcated the idea that the
German language ?3 all that German immi?
grants need is this Esglieh-spe&kisg na?
tion; that Germans must remain Gerrr.ar.
and maintain their relation in a politics!
sense with the fatherland from which they
come. The result is that in certain sec?
tions of the country there are a?ien popu?
lations thriving en the prosperity of .In?
land, but out of sympathy with its language
and institutions, so that courts and public
business cannot be carried on without in?
terpreters. Any one can see that the wel?
fare of the Republic demands that tit?
anomalous condition should c?'a?e.
The A. S. of America
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: For your information, since 7??
seem in an editorial this morning to infer
that membership in the Aeronautical So?
ciety of America is limited to Manhattan
and Brooklyn, I beg to say that, while be?
tween 50 and 60 per cent of our member?
reside in Manhattan and Brooklyn, tM
others live in different parts of the Unit??
Colonel Raynal C. Boiling, recently killed
at the front, was a member; and now we
have thirty-five of our members, includinf
my own son, on active service with the
aviation branch of the United States army
If your remark this morning, "We h?v?
been unable to find any other evidence ?a?
in the reports of Mr. Borglum of the Aero?
nautical Society 'of America/ Manh?tta?
and Brooklyn" is made in good faith, yo*
will undoubtedly be glad to now c?"**r
the impression it seemed to convey to*
the society is a local organization.
Our sole purpose in exposing the Bho1**
comings of the production programme if V
try to create intelligent public interest ?
such a way as will induce the responsive
men to lose no more valuable time, but in?
stead to make full use of the resource? ?
America of material, men with aeronautic??
skill and production facilities, so that *?
may quickly take our place in the air *?
our allies at the battle front.
P. W. BARKER, Presidwt,
The Aeronautical Society o? America, I*?*- .
New York, May 17, 1918.