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New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, May 24, 1918, Image 10

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First*to Last?the Troth: News-Editorial?
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Temor Rorers. VlcPrssiden?; Richard H. "?*?t,!?
F A. Buter. Treasurer. Address. Tribune BulMlnf 154
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?re aise reser-red.
The Italian Anniversary
Three years ago to-day Italy entered
the World War with a declaration
against Austria. It is difficult now to
recall the Italian ?notions of that hour,
when, to quote the sneering phrase of
Prince von Biilow, "the street won." In
other words, the mass of the Italian peo?
ple, led by a small but earnest group of
patriotic "Young Italians," set out to
complete the work of the Risorgimento
and to give Italy her national frontiers
and her still unredeemed sons.
The purpose and spirit of this "Young
Italy" were little understood beyond the
Alps. Its first clear expression in the
Tripolitan war led to recriminations in
London and to a tense moment with
France. Yet, fundamentally, this new
stirring of the youth of the Peninsula
was a desire to raise Italy from her still
humble estate among the great powers
and to free her from the slavery which a
timid foreign policy had imposed upon her.
In May, 1915, the mass of the Italian
people, with nearly ten months of evi?
dence of the meaning of the world war
before them, decided for the Allied cause.
There had never been the smallest
chance of a decision for the Central
Powers. Italian neutrality early pro?
claimed had released the French army
i;orps mobilized along the Alps and in
Africa, without which the Marne -_.ould
not have been won. Again, Italian en?
trance into the struggle on the morrow
of the Russian disaster at the Dunajec
gave powerful moral aid, as well as
material military assistance, at a dan?
gerous moment. So much Italy had
done for the Allies before her first cam?
paign had opened.
Since that time the world has been un?
just to Italy in its appraisal of her diffi?
culties and of her achievements. It ex?
pected too much; it understood too little;
and there were needed the disappoint- ?
ments and the disasters which have come ?
both to Russia and to Britain to make j
oomprehendable Italian limitations and j
measurable failures.
Fortunately we have acquired charity
and something more than charity?just
appreciation of the difficulties of other
countries?through our own experiences
and difficulties in making our tardy prep?
arations. The Italian disaster at the i
Isonzo last year was the first in a series
of steps which brought about not merely \
unity of command but unity of compre?
hension between the Allies. In their own
defeat before St. Quentin the British
could better understand the Italian re?
verse at Caporetto. After the delays in
our own preparation we have been able
better to grasp Italy's problems.
And to-day, on an anniversary of very
great importance in the history of this
war, American respect and sympathy are
alike assured to Italy. It is a good thing
for the future that Italy, who has given
us so many of her sons, stands with us
in the battle line. It is a good thing
that in the League of Nations of the
Western world, now fighting for civiliza?
tion and bound to stand together here?
after, Italy is a member and a full mem?
ber. What Italy has contributed to the
war will be better measured hereafter,
but it is plain to see that if Italy had
not fought three years of war on the
Venetian front there would be added to
the weight of Hindenburg's present blow
many Austrian divisions. The collapse of
Russia, which brought misfortune and
defeat to all of us, brought the first mis?
fortune to Italy, and carried the Haps
burg cannon almost within range of St.
Mark's. There is an invaded Italy, as
there is an invaded France. In suffer?
ing and sacrifice Italy is thus repre?
There is a new source of satisfaction
on this third anniversary in the knowl?
edge that the Italians have made a fair
and equitable arrangement with the
Southern Slavs, and that henceforth one
problem which weighed large in the
minds of those who looked forward to
a just settlement at the end of the
war is thus abolished. While Russia as?
sumed the r?le of protector and master
of the Slavs of the Adriatic and the
lower Danube, Italy necessarily looked
with apprehension to the east coast of
the Adriatic. But the Russian menace
has alike disappeared from the shores of
the Bosporus and those of the Adriatic.
And the Italians have wisely and in obe?
dience to the advice of Mazzini recog?
nized the aspirations and the legitimate
hopes of the Serbs and Croats and Slo?
venian people between Fiume and the
Gulf of Cattaro.
To-day America salutes Italy?an
ally, ? comrade, a nation which ha?
fought bravely, Buffered much and pre?
sents an unshaken will and a determined ,
face to the foe. We are glad and proud to j
know that as our forces are pouring i
across the Atlantic to the support of the !
stricken Anglo-French troop?, in Flan- |
dcrs and in Picardy other divisions of ?
Italian troops are arriving for a similar \
duty on the same field, and that Foch, j
who commands the others, also ?com?
mands them in the common cause.
We shall not forget, nor can any Eng- \
lish-speaking race forget, that period of |
Italian history a little more than half a !
century ago when Italy by the devotion ?
of her sons escaped from the chains of '
tyranny and took her place among the
free and great peoples of the world. But
the task was not completed in the last
century, and we are glad to-day that
we may look forward not alone to
fighting with the French and this British
for the liberation of France and of Bel?
gium, but also to fighting beside the Ital?
ians for the completion of that great
work bf-gun by Cavour and Garibaldi.
The Vatican and the War
By publicly rebuking Father Magennis
for acting as chairman of a violent Irish
meeting at Madison Square Garden and
threatening to expel from the New York
Archdiocese him or apy other priest who
takes part in political demonstrations of
that character Cardinal Farley has made
it possible to speak forcibly on a deli?
cate matter.
Every suggestion that the Vatican's
influence is pro-German is in effect Ger?
man propaganda, whether in a given
repetition it is so intended or not. Re?
ligious prejudice and the racial sense of
oppression are among the most volatile
of human emotions. German propagan?
dists have been playing upon them in
this country as elsewhere. The negro is
incited to resent his discomforts. Upon
the Catholic is put the suggestion that
the Church is for Germany, wherefore
the war is anti-Catholic, and to the anti
Catholic it is represented with sinister j
innuendo that the influence of Rome is i
secretly active on behalf of Germany, j
This appeal to the anti-Catholic is a re- j
finement of subtlety to the highest de- I
gree. The intent is to inflame prejudice j
uncontrollably on both sides and thereby
create internal distractions. That hin?
ders the war.
Hohenzollernism has no religious or
other faith to keep and therefore none
to break. In Turkey it is Mahometan.
In Ireland it is Catholic. In Belgium it !
is Sardonic. Everywhere it is expedient I
until victorious. In victory it is German.
The Irish question is complicated by !
religious emotion, but if the religious
content wei'e cast out entirely there
would be the Irish question still as before, ;
Nor is there any Irish attitude toward
the war. Among ardent supporters of ;
the war we know of none more ardent
than Irish Catholics.
The bitterest denunciation of the mis- j
behaving Irish Catholics comes from j
other Irish Catholics.
The one question that a non-Catholic I
may properly raise as to the attitude of I
the Vatican is not whether it is pro
German, which it is not and would not
dare to be, but why the Church stands
neutral and aloof. The Catholic's answer
to this is that the Vatican, having "chil- j
dren" everywhere, is obliged to believe j
that it is God's business to take sides in ?
His own time and that His purposes are i
Work or Fight!
Provost Marshal General Crowder's j
"work or fight" order marks a wholesome
change in our military policy. It is a j
partial reassertion of the government's
right to control the services of men of
draft age, whether they are in the army
or out of it. Recently such use of the
power latent in the selective draft act
was deprecated in Washington as a step
toward "labor conscription."
The theory of universal service in time
of war covers labor conscription as well j
as military conscription. It is perfectly !
competent for the government to say j
to all citizens within the draft ages: j
"Either fight or do work of military
utility at home." Being put in a de?
ferred classification now excuses a man
temporarily from fighting. But it leaves I
the government with an option on his i
services and that option ought to be '
exercised outside the cantonments as
well as inside them.
General Crowder's first step toward a
real application of the conscription |
theory is a modest one.' He names a few
occupations which are to be closed to !
men in the deferred draft classes. No ?
dependency claim or other claim will j
any longer protect waiters, bartenders, !
baseball players, racetrack attendants, \
theatre ushers and attendents, pas- !
senger elevator operators, club and hotel j
servants, domestics and clerks in stores.
In all these employments men over
thirty-one or women can take the places
of men of military age. But there are
many other callings of little military
utility and there is an acute shortage of
labor in vital war industries.
It is not the army alone which makes
war nowadays; it is the nation as a
whole. We have been trying to blink
the fact that our whole industrial
system must be put on a war basis. The
country will not feel that it is at war
until it sees the^ effects of war brought
home to it in all the details of every?
day life.
What General Crowder has done is
therefore morally a beginning. We have
available at present only the military
material which can be mobilized from the
classes between twenty-one and thirty
one. If the maximum age limit is not
raised (and it would be a wise and
equitable thing to raise it) the ma'e
population below thirty-one will have to
be drawn on exhaustively in order to
fill our armies and supply labor to the
war industries.
Other bans will be laid in due course
in non-war activities. The limits of con
scription will also be widened. Event?
ually?at is should be?most of us will
have to work or fight.
There is nothing new or ingenious in
bombing a conspicuously marked base
hospital and killing wounded soldiers
strapped in their cots and the nurses
guarding them. The Germans have done
this before and they will do it after.
The point worth accenting is just this
lack of novelty and the consequent lack
of amazement and shock which we all
begin to feel. It is a thousandfold more
damning than all the horror and sur?
prise which overtook us when we first
had experience of the German way.
We do not expect a snake to be af?
fectionate and friendly; you do not trust
a man-eating tiger not to bite you. Sim?
ilarly have we come to expect a partic?
ular kind of brutality and bestiality
when we read the word "German." The
name has lost its old savor and has be?
come a synonyme for a species of calcu?
lated frightfulness of which the world
has never before witnessed the equal.
That is precisely what we are fighting.
Or perhaps we should say it is the sym?
bol of what we are fighting. At any
rate, it sums up better than all the wise
words that have been written the reason
why we fight and shall fight?until this
thing is banished from the earth.
Right of Scrutiny
The controversy between the President
and the Senate over the questions, how,
whether and by whom the conduct of the
war should be investigated has happily
ended with complete victory on both sides.
The Chamberlain resolution, which the
President thought would be tantamount
to a vote of lack of confidence in the gov?
ernment, is killed. But in a very unex
expected way the Senate has reserved to
itself the right and the means to investi?
gate the government's war activities in
its own discretion. This was accom?
plished by putting the Military Affairs
Committee in funds and leaving it free
to proceed under the old resolution of
inquiry which governed the investigation
of Mr. Baker's work last winter. On
the other hand, it is understood that the
Senate's inquiry into the aircraft situa?
tion specifically provided for in the
Chamberlain resolution will not be under?
taken. That muddle will be left to Mr.
Hughes. It should be. The Senate Mili?
tary Committee's authority is permis?
sive, not mandatory. But its right of
scrutiny has been established. Lot us
hope that it will not feel obliged again,
as it was last winter, 'to advertise the
weak spots. Publicity should be the last
resort. The government can very easily
avoid it by talcing the committee into its
confidence and keeping it there.
Dear Saving
The seriousness of the threatened aban?
donment of work by the subway laborers
should not be underestimated. It was to
have been expected. The city adminis?
tration has had plenty of warning of the
danger, both from the contractors and !
the Public Service Commission. These
men can turn to other employers and
without difficulty can get jobs which would |
pay them considerably more than the con
tractors can now pay them. "It was to ;
remedy this condition that the Lockwood
bill, permitting the readjustment of con- !
struction contracts, was passed. Mayer
Hylan objected to it, but finally approved
it. But no action has been taken under
it toward the necessary contract readjust?
ment, which involves some arrangement ;
by which the city will bear the cost of ;
higher wages for the workmen.
It may not be pleasant for Mayor Hylan i
and his associates in the Board of Esti?
mate and Apportionment to contemplate
the hole ?in city finances which granting
the workers' demands will make. But it
should be even less pleasant for them to
contemplate the evils which neglect to re?
adjust the contracts so as to permit the
granting of the demands will inevitably
produce. There is no use in theorizing
about this situation. The workers cannot
be held to their jobs at the pay they now
receive, for they can make more money
elsewhere. And if they leave there will
be a costly and wellnigh disastrous hiatus
in the building of the much-needed new
transit facilities.
School Teachers Feel the Pinch
The largest group of state or commu?
nity employes in the country is that of
the school teachers. It is now nearly
700,000 strong. The teachers are charged
with as important a function, certainly,
as any; and this importance does not
diminish by the intrusion of perhaps sev?
eral years of war conditions.
Their pay is notoriously low. These
700,000 employes with stationary in?
comes feel more severely than perhaps
any others the heavy increase in the cost
of living. They are beginning to realize,
acutely, what a 55-cent or 60-cent dollar
means. They cannot strike. All over
the nation they are now asking for an in?
crease of salary. It is justified. None
deserves it more.
Let us boast, if we must, but softly.
Representative Charles Pope Caldwell, in
a moment of rhetorical excitement, said:
"America has raised and equipped a big?
ger army in a shorter time and now holds
a greater section of the fighting front,
transporting her troops 3,000 miles
across an infested sea in ten months,
than England was capable of doing in
twelve months across the English Chan?
nel of less than thirty miles." Even if
literally true, it would be nothing on
which to base disparaging comparisons.
The population of Great Britain is 45,
000,000; ours is more than 100,000,000.
Half of our army is still going in British
ships. It was England that made the
Channel safe for us to cross.
The suggestion that for military and
economic reasons the United States might
buy Russia's surplus of cotton evokes
the intimation that Southern Congress?
men will object on the ground that it
would interfere with the sale of the
South's own crop at the very high
prices now prevailing. This is not, as
it seems, a symptom of conscious sec?
tional selfishness or unpatriotism. It
is an illustration of what happens to
people who live by one crop. They are
governed by a habit of fear.
We are too close to the turmoil and
suspicion of war' properly to appreciate
the fact that after having spent in one
year between fifteen and twenty billions,
in amazing haste and confusion, not one
case of graft has been proved.
Coiled in the Hag
Hear s-s-s-s-s t
{From Life.)
6? A ND " to tno He*rBt pap?*??
jTjL Mr. Burleson may say that
they have been very careful,
Bince we got into the war, not to
break any law. Before w?'get into the
war they were very actively anti-war
and anti-English. They were strong
for military preparation for defence of
tho United States, especially against
Japan, in whom Mr. Hearst sees, or
affects to see, a dangerous enemy.
They were also for more aggressive
proceedings in Mexico.
"But since we got into the war
Mr. Hearst has seemed to be heartily
and very carefully for Hearst and the
Hearst papers, and so long as the pros?
perity of those publications and
their proprietor requires him to sup?
port the war no doubt he will support
the war, after a fashion, and throw
in as much support of the Administra?
tion as it seems profitable to him to
afford. So long as he does not violate the
law, Mr. Burleson cannot suppress him,
and so long as attacks on the govern?
ment do not appear in his papers Mr.
Creel can hardly come to the rescue
with replies.
"If Mr. Hearst should permit his
before-the-war sentiments to get the
better of him and should get into
trouble with the law and Mr. Burle?
son, there are those, and not a few,
who would bear it with equanimity.
But the chances are that Mr. Hearst's
opinions will not get him into any
trouble with the law. His discretion
and his indiscretion are well practised,
and seem nowadays to be operated for
him by careful hands that know the
law from day to day and how not to
trip on it."
Since the United States entered the
war the Hearst papers have pi'inted:
74?attacks on our allies
17?instances of defence
or praise of Ger?
63?pieces of anti-war
1?deletion of a Presi?
dential proclama?
Total 155
?or an average of nearly three a week,
while America has been engaged in the
life and death struggle with civilization's
"Understanding the English"
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Your editorial of to-day entitled "Un?
derstanding the English" is greatly needed.
In our newspapers?throughout the West
and Southwest at least?there would seem
to be a conspiracy of silence regarding the
trials and the efforts and the achievements
of England in this war. The following ex?
perience suffices to prove this:
A French officer of my acquaintance was
recently on a speaking tour in that part
of our country in behalf of the Liberty
Loan. The main subject of his addresses was
"France's Part in the War." Having been
thrown much with the British armies and
been made familiar with their work, he
could not do justice to his subject without
full and frequent acknowledgment of
France's great debt to England.
The speaker enjoyed what his countrymen
would call "a good press" everywhere. His
speeches and his horizon blue uniform
were everywhere acclaimed with the sym?
pathy and affection that we all feel for
I have looked over most of the newspaper
clippings of this officer's speeches and of
his interviews with reporters, and while
all that he said of France was fully and
fairly and sympathetically reported, I have
yet to find a word reported of the facts he
stated as to England's work in the war or
his acknowledgments of French gratitude
I know that these newspapers that have
refused to print any single word of news
or of praise of our great ally were not in?
tentionally unpatriotic. What is the ex?
planation of their obstinate silence? Do
they still fear the pro-German in their
midst? Do they fear the anti-British Irish?
Do they believe the anti-British Irish to be
also anti-American and willing to jeopard?
ize our country's success in this war ? Or are
these newspapers under the spell of a cer?
tain great newspaper owner and his private
feud with Great Britain?
If these explanations do not explain, is
it that these newspaper editors and their
reporters really do so hate the British with
a Schoolbook history hatred that they are
blind to the tremendous services that Eng?
land has been rendering to us and po civili?
sation generally, and are unable to see that
in this great war the interests of England
and of ourselves are Identical, and that we
either succeed or fail against Germany
with England's success or failure?
New York, May 152, 1918.
Sammy: "Don't worry, granny, we are not going to stop till we get you back in your old home."
_ Copyright, 1913, The Bell Syndicate, Inc.
How to Be Vice-President
By Ralph Block
WASHINGTON, May 22.?He is the
Vice-President of the United
States; also, a discerning man;
therefore he has discovered that very little
is expected of a Vice-President. He has
become a quiet, even ,a demure, man, who
keeps union hours at the S?nate, runs his
side of the show with the minimum of
noise, takes his comforts gracefully and
looks with wisdom and tolerance upon the
"Nobody is paging Mr. Marshall just
now," remarks a member of the left wing
of Democracy at Washington, adding with
genial generosity, "although once in a while
they let him come up and get a cigar."
Some of this is due to the Constitution.
The Constitution was very sparing about
the Vice-Presidency. It made the incum?
bent of the office depend always upon the
things done by other men. He can listen
to other men talk; he can count other men's
votes; he can pronounce judgment on other
men's measures. Beyond that much silence
is expected of him.
Thomas R. Marshall wasn't always a
quiet man. Men from Indiana rarely are.
In fact, the chief quality that marked him
before he came to Washington and in the
early epochs of his term was a fondness
for rhetoric and an aptitude that equalled
his desire. There can be no doubt that in
the hierarchy of the Jeffersonian Democ?
racy at the capital rhetorical facility and
felicity are distinguishing characteristics.
There is an unhappy rumor that the Vice
President's indulgence of his gift has been
curtailed. Whatever the implication, the
facts point out the result unsparingly.
Most of the talking being done by the Vice
President ?3 limited to speeches for the
Red Cross and saying mild things in a sar?
donic tone to Senators who forget why
they came *to Washington. When it is<
considered how often the heat of argument
can make even a Senator forget, it must be
granted that this is no small contribution
to the national cause.
There are two kinds of biographies. In
the case of Mr. Marshall his own leaves
the impression that he was born in Indiana,
educated in Indiana and entirely fashioned
by Indiana for the Vice-Presidency. He
leaves it to some more meticulous recorder
to write that he smokes large, dark and
redolent cigars, is fond of children and is
particular about his lunch hour.
He appears through a small door near
the front of the Senate chamber at the
very minute that the hand of the clock
above his chair rests at 2:30 o'clock. H?
is a small man, dressed in a smooth ma?
terial of light gray that matches the al?
most silken grayness of his hair. His eyes
are intrenched behind impressive horn
glasses. He awaits the retirement of the
temporary president, then scats himself,
comfortably, even luxuriating a little ,in
the ease of his swinging chair. He yawns
a little, doubtless, as the unending argument
on the floor again strikes his ears. He
esnnot refrain from s second indulgence
before he leans back and crosses one leg
high over the knee of the other and sends
his attention toward the speaker.
Senator Smoot, of Utah, and Senator
Ransdell, of Louisiana, are quarreling over
the rivers and harbors bill, but the Vice
president, calm and a little aloof from the
dust of the arena, remains impassive, save
for a quiet scrutiny of the galleries as an
assurance against levity. His face is small,
even thin. About his solemnity there is a
hint of the na?ve and of a deep simplicity.
He maintains his patience in the little
scene before him until the temperature of
speech on the floor reaches a climatic point.
Senator Gallinger is on his feet resenting
with vehemence the implication of Senator
Ransdell that Senator Smoot is slanderous
in his speech.
The gavel taps lightly and delicately on
the desk. The Vice-President speaks. His
voice has a Hoosier drawl that is not with?
out acid.
"The Chair thinks it is about time to en?
force the rule of two speeches in a day.
We will never get through. The Chair has
been here five years and nobody has ever
been converted since he has been here."
The bell rings and Senators flock in for
their rollcall.
The method is interesting. It is not
entirely credible that Theodore Roosevelt
also sat in this chair once and used this
some light ivory gavel. The Speaker of
the House thunders and attacks his desk
savagely with a ma?T?t when he wants
order. But the Senate has its own idea
of discipline.
He was a Governor once, Mr. Marshall,
of a great and powerful state. He believed
in all kinds of interesting doctrine, had a
storehouse filled with the fragments of
statesmanship. He was for the referen?
dum, but against the recall; he believed in
states' rights, individualism, strongly sus?
pected Socialism, and in a time of impend?
ing centralization of government seemed
to hang on grimly to enforced limitations
of democracy. He was fond of the simple
division of humanity into two classes-?the
rich and the poor, probably not recogniz?
ing it as orthodox Marxianism. He had
ideas about the limitation of inheritances.
But this was a long time ago, as time
goes. Mr. Marshall may have all these
ideas still, but the world will not know it.
Not so long as he remains resigned to the
silences of the Vice-Presidency,
Iowa's Dentists Set Their Teeth
(From Ths Des Moines Capital)
The Iowa State Dental Convention passed
a resolution on Wednesday pledging them?
selves not to use a single article made in
Germany for a period of fifty years ?ft?r
the war. This was done in pursuance of a
suggestion made by Governor Harding.
Some tender-hearted peopl? will be shocked,
bat real patriots will rejoiee. If the people
of the United States crawl oat from under
the xretgbt of the Germ? ?nupirt?? of
^J.8"!. tk*y QaKfet ?? ???? ?ase enough
to st-tv trtrt- ^^
Too Partisan
From The Outlook
I IN A recent controversy with Colonel
Theodore Roosevelt the Postmaster
General, Mr. Burleson, has publicly
put himself in a position in which he has
been adjudged too partisan even by som'5
of his own party newspapers, notably "The
New York Times" and "The New York Even?
ing Post." Mr. Roosevelt in an editorial
in "The Kansas City Star" had said:
"During (he last year the Administra?
tion has shown itself anxious to punish
the newspapers which uphold the war but
which tell the truth- about the Adminis?
tration's failure to conduct the war ef?
ficiently, whereas it has failed to pro?
ceed against various powerful newspapers
which opposed the war or attacked our
allies, or directly or indirectly aided
Germany against this country, as these
papers upheld the ?Administration and de?
fended the inefficiency."
Whereupon Postmaster General Burleson
issued a public statement and challenged
Mr. Roosevelt to give the facts, saying that
Mr. Roosevelt's critici.m was manifestly
aimed at the postal service. Mr. Burleson
asserted that if the charges are true "I
am utterly unworthy of trust and should
be scourged from, off ice in disgrace." Mr.
Roosevelt then nade public a statement
giving facts and names. He specifically
mentioned "The Metropolitan Magazine"
and "Collier's Weekly" as having been the
objects of irritating attfteks by the gov?
ernment. "The Outlook" ha3 already re?
ported the fact that "The Metropolitan
Magazine" was held up in the New York
Postoffice by the postal authorities, presum?
ably because of an article which it con?
tained criticising the President, although
"The Metropolitan Magazine" has been a
loyal, win-the-war paper from the very be?
ginning. To this instance Mr. RoosevelC
adds a still more significant one, namely,
that a special agent of the Department of
Justice called on an advertiser of "The
Metropolitan Magazine" and intimated to
him that he had better discontinue adver?
tising in that periodical. Mr. Roosevelt
also points out, with quotations, that the
Hearst newspapers have been full, not only
befor<_ our entry into the war but since
our entry into the war, of editorial pas?
sages which are distinctly unpatriotic and
disloyal, and which if they had been pub?
lished in English or French p-aners would
undoubtedly have been treated as seditious
and treasonable. Yet only two weeks ago
Mr. Burleson himself telegraphed to Mr.
Arthur Brisbane, the chief editorial writer
in the employ of Hr. Hearst, congratulating
him on the acquisition by Mr. Hearst of a
newspaper in Chicago, and commending him,
and inferentially Mr. Hearst, for the splen?
did patriotic work which had been done in
the Hearst newspapers for the country.
To these detailed statements the only re?
ply Mr. Burleson has made is that Mr.
Roosevelt has obscured the issue. Mr.
Roosevelt promises that he will give further
details in a letter to some United States
Senator, so that the matter can be brought
up in Congress.
The Garden Revisited
WHERE is Amarinda, she
Who was wont to stray,
Clad in dainty dimity,
Down this garden way?
Where's the lovely maiden now,
Where the garden's green?
Ask that figure at the plough,
Ruining the scene;
"Hi, there, clod, amidst the muck.
Listen now to me;
Raising vulgar garden truck
Where 'Marinda flowers did pluck-1*
Saints above! It's she! ,

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