New-York tribune. [volume], May 26, 1918, Page 8, Image 8

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Roosevelt's Answer to_Burle sort
Roosevelt Blames Wilson
In His Reply toBurleson
Continued from p?kc 1
fions of the world, and a subservient
ally of the German autocvi-acy. Such
action cannot fail to give aid and com?
fort to Germany."
"These quotations show that Mr.
Hearst has steadily endeavored to be?
little the vital importance to our coun?
try of this war and to excite the hatred
of our people against allies who are
faithfully fighting beside us; and such
conduct can be o fhclp only to Gcr
manv, to the enemy we are fighting.
Just* so long as Mr- Hearst's publica?
tions are permitted n the mails, Mr.
Burleson is without excuse for ex?
cluding any olhcr publications from
them. The Administration by its ac?
quiescence permits the continuance of
Mr. Hearst's campaign, which necessar?
ily tends to give aid and comfort to
Germany and to impair the morale of
our own people."
Full Text of Colonel's
Letter to Poindexter
Following is the full text of Colonel
Roosevelt's letter:
"May 22, 1918.
"My Dear Senator Poindexter:
"The following article from me ap?
peared in 'The Kansas City Star* on
May 7, 1918:
"'Sedition, a Free Press and Per?
sonal Rule.
" 'The legislation now being enacted
by Congress should ?leal drastically
with sefiition. It should also guar?
antee the right of the press and peo?
ple to speak the truth freely of all
their public servants, including the
President, and to criticise them in
the severest terms of truth whenever
they come short in their public duty.
Finally, Congress should grant the
Executive the amplest powers to act
as an Executive and should hold him
to stern accountability for failure so
to act; but it should itself do the
actual lawmaking and should clearly
define the lines and limits of action
and should retain and use the full?
est powers cf investigation into and
supervision over such action.
" 'Sedition is a form of treason. It
is an offence against the country, not
against the President. At this time
to oppose the draft or sending our
armies to Europe, to uphold Ger?
many, to attack our Allies, to oppose
raising the money necessary to
carry on the war, are at least forms
of moral sedition, while to act as a
German spy or to encourage German
spies, to use money or intrigue in
the corrupt service of Germany, to
tamper with our war manufactures
and to encourage our soldiers to de?
sert or to fail in their duty, and all
similar actions, are forms of un?
doubtedly illegal sedition. For some
of these offences death should be
summarily inflicted. For all the
punishment, should be severe.
" "The Administration has been
gravely remiss in dealing with such
acts.
"'Free speech, exercised both in?
dividually and through a free press,
is a necessity in any country where
the people are themselves free.
Our government is the servant of
the people, whereas in Germany it is
the master of the people. This is be?
cause the American people are free
and the German people are not free.
The President is merely the most im?
portant among a large number of
public servants. He. shQuld be sup?
ported or opposed exactly to the de?
gree whlch'is warranted t>y his good
conduct or bad conduct, his efficiency
o.r inefficiency, in rendering loyal,
?ble and disinterested service to the
nation as a whole. Therefore, it is
ahsolutelv necessavv that there
should be full liberty to tell the truth
about his acts, and this means that
it is exactly as necessary to blame
him when he does wrong as to praise
him when he does right. Any other
attitude in an American citizen is
both base and servile. To announce
that there must be no criticism of
the President, or that we are to stand
by the President, right or wrong, is
not only unpatriotic and servile, but
is morally treasonable to the Ameri?
can public. Nothing but the truth
should be spoken about him or'any
one else. But it is even more im?
portant, to tell the truth, pleasant or
unpleasant, about him than about
any one else.
"'During the last year the Admin?
istration has shown itself anxious to
punish the newspapers which uphold
the war, but which have told the
truth about the Administration's fail?
ure to conduct the war efficiently;
whereas it has failed to proceed
against various powerful newspapers
which opposed the war or attacked
our allies or directly or indirectly
aided Germany against this country,
as these papers upheld the Admin?
istration and defended its ineffi?
ciency. Therefore, no additional
power should be given the Adminis?
tration to deal with papers for criti?
cising the Administration. And,
moreover, Congress should closely
scrutinize the way the Postmaster
General and the Attorney General
nave already exercised discrimina?
tion between the papers they prose?
cuted and the papers they failed to
prosecute.
"'Congress should give the Presi?
dent full power for efficient execn
ti***" action. It should not abrogate
its own power. It should define how
he is to reorganize the Administra?
tion. It should say how largo an
army we are to have, and not leave
th?* decisi?n to the amiable Secre?
tary of War who has for two years
shfwn such inefficiency. It should
declare for an army of five million
men, and inform the Secretary that
it would give him more the minute
ne asks for more.'
Quotes the Full Text
Of Burleson's Challenge
"Thereupon Postmaster General Bur
leson issued the following statement:
?."40fflce?.of Information,
rostotfice Department,
? 'Postmaster Gener?fe'sonlo
d"y mada the following statement
B?^OUBilIsiO
T*?a25Et3? J?IL M***1?*
CARBON TROUBLE
in.r. a? taMty other thing? we
<*~d bnprovtfic your driving. At th.
STEWART AUTOMOBILE SCHOOL
?y.rythtoi-r */Ott ha?, wtmhm? to know
***?**->?>*-_ ?M?O?oblle. (. ?^ c!?Xr k*I
wmrmiaU ?m.KiUv. inatrveAmrn- mZ
m. ?,?&. Dmf (imj mmmaktg -'tismis
m?** aad www n?w?otiniZr
<s?U?? ?"??*? ?WMWSiC ?* tor
?STEWART AUTOMOBILE SCHOOL
rorut&aa 19?-*.
225 W. 57th St., at B'way.
*_. oot. ma. '
WH, ?. ?T?---ART. JR., Tim
STEWART
AUTOMOBILE SCHOOL
with reference to the editorial signed
by Colonel Roosevelt, which appeared
in this morning's paper:
'"Ex-President Roosevelt, in the
newspapers this rooming, made the
following statement:
" ' "During the last year the Admin?
istration has shown itself anxious to
punish the newspapers which upheld
the war, but which told the truth
about the Administration's failure to
conduct the war efficiently; whereas
it has failed to proceed against vari?
ous powerful newspapers which op?
posed ;ho war or attacked our allies
or directly or indirectly aided Ger?
many against this country, as those
papers upheld the Administration
ar.d defended the inefficiency."
"'This j-tatement, taken In connec?
tion with other published statements
of Mr. Roosevelt, is manifestly aimed (
at the administration of the post,?.l ,
service. It is either true or false
If true, I am utterly unworthy of
trust and should be scourged from
office in disgrace. If false, right
thinking men and women will form
their own opinion of the man who
uttered it. Its truth or falsity is
easily demonstrable. I invite Mr.
Roosevelt to name the papers or
magazines which have "upheld the
war, but* which told tho truth about
the Administration's failure to con?
duct the war efficiently" which have
been "punished" by the Post?nico
Department. I invite Mr. Roosevelt
to name the newspapers or maga?
zines, powerful or otherwise, "which
have opposed the war and attacked
our allies or directly or indirectly
aided Germany against this country"
in such manner as to violate the law
which have not been proceeded
against by thi3 department.
" 'Failure on the part of Mr. Roose?
velt to respond is to admit his in?
ability to do so.'
"As this was issued officially by the
Postmaster General, I desire that a
permanent record shall be made of my
answer and of the facts that led up to
my statement to which the Postmaster
General took exception, and which
caused him to issue his challenge to
me to prove my statement. I therefore
wish to put these facts before you in
full.
"I insert as appendixes to this letter
the editorial in 'The Metropolitan Mag?
azine,' in the issue which the New York
postoflicc attempted to suppress, this
editorial being entitled 'Put the Blame
Where it Belongs' and my article in
'The Metropolitan' on 'Lincoln and Free
Speech,' together with the 'Metropoli?
tan' statement as to its war record
(page 6, May 'Metropolitan').
"I deal with Mr. Burleson and his
actions purely because he is the repre?
sentative of President Wilson, exactly
as is Secretary Baker, exactly as is Mr.
Creel. President Wilson is responsible
for everything that Postmaster General
Burleson and Secretary Baker and Mr.
Creel do, or leave undone. Nothing
that any one of these gentlemen says,
nothing that any one of them does, and
nothing that any one of them leaves
undone, is of the slightest importance,
except because he is President Wilson's
representative, appointed by President
Wilson to a position of high govern?
mental importance in a great crisis
and serving as the medium through
which President Wilson carries out his
policies affecting this country. This is,
of course, equally true of all of Presi?
dent Wilsons' other appointees.
"1 have scant patience with the ti?
midity or the folly which dares not
hold accountable, the source of power,
and only ventures to express displeas?
ure with the instrument, through which
the power is exercised. Messrs. Burle?
son, Baker, Creel and their associates
possess no importance whatever, ex?
cept that accruing to them because it
is through them that the President
speaks and acts or refuses or fails to
act. As the above article shows, I was
not speaking of Mr. Burleson in par?
ticular, but of the Administration, o?
which he is a part; of the President,
whose servant he is.
"The reasons for my comment in
'The Kansas City Star' and for my pre?
vious article in 'The Metropolitan Mag?
azine' is that since the war began the
Administration has U9ed the very great
war powers of the government over the
public press to stifle honest criticisn
of governmental inefficiency or mis?
conduct, while condoning (which nec?
essarily means encouraging) pro-Ger
mans, anti-Ally and therefore anti
American agitation in certain power
ful papers which defended this ineffi
ciency and. misconduct; and it hai
sought from Congress a great additioi
to the already existing power it ha?
thus misused.
Constitution Guarantees
The Right to Criticist
"I believe that the First Article o
the Constitution guarantees the righ
of the people to criticise truthfully th
conduct of their public servants, an
that this right cannot be. taken awa
by any law. But the average man i
naturally and properly afraid to cha'
lenge a law backed by the whole powe
(>f the United States government, eve
although it may be his belief that u
timately the iaw will be held uncoi
stitutional.
"Our governmental officers, from tr
President down, are of right the se:
vants of the people, not the rulers <
the people. This is the fundament)
.difference between an autocracy and
| democracy. The Hohenzollerns are tl
rulers of Germany, and the Germ?t
are the subjects of the Hohenzollern
not their fellow citizens. On the coi
trary, our Presidents are not the rulci
of the American people, but the se
vants of the American people, and tl
rest of the people are their fellow cit
zens.
"Our duty is to stand by the countr
It is our duty to stand by the Pr?s
?dent- as by every other official?ju
jso long as he stands by the countr
ilt is no less our duty to oppose hi
I whenever, and to the' extent that. 1
?does not stand by the country. If v
(fail to oppose him under such cond
|tions we are guilty of moral treasc
to the country. The President and oi
other public officials are subject to tl
laws just like the rest ?of us. It is i
infamy untruthfully to assail our pu
lie servants--or any one else. But
is our duty to tell the truth about oi
public servants, whether the truth 1
; pleasant or unpleasant. The high'
the public servant and the more ir
portant his task, the more careful v
?should be to speak only the truth aboi
?him; and the more necessary it is th
I we should tell the full truth about hii
! "During the past year the action <
l the Administration, taken large
, through the Postoffice Department hi
? been such as to render it a ma
j ter of some danger for any man, ar
, especially any newspaper, to speak tl
] truth, if that truth be unpleasant
? the governmental authorities at Was]
ington. The effect of this attitude hi
been very marked politically. Su<
coercivo power tends to make uprigl
menK even although they arc stroi
men, cautious about telling trutl
which ought to be told. It forces wet
men to praise the Administr?t!?
whether it does well or ill. It invit<
unscrupulous men vho desire to sen
Germany to gain license to c!o so. ar
to secure advantages by praising tl
Administration, especially when it hi
acted wrongfully or ineffectively ni
by supporting it politically. There a
cases where all competent and hone
observers are morally certain, th
political support has been given, ai
is now being given, to the Administra- |
tion by various newspapers, especially
German-American and semi-socialistic
newspapers, because of the club thus
Veld over them by the Administration.
"From the very nature of the case
there can rarely be positive proof in
such cases. But as regards the most
striking cases of favoritism, those con?
cerning the Hearst papers, as compared
with the suppression of Tom Watsons
i paper, and the attack (for nominally
wholly different reasons) on "The
j Metropolitan,' I herein give the facts
which prove exactly what I have
alleged. ,
"The Postmaster General has raised
the issue; I meet it squarely, and ho
shall not evade it. The Administration
has successfully endeavorrd to prevent
expression of opinion hostile to it and
to put a premium upon supporting the
President personally and -politically
without regard to whether his actions
are detrimental or beneficial to the
country.
"The Administration, through the
Publicity Bureau, under the lead of
Mr. Creel, is conducting a gigantic
news propaganda with the public,
money. Mr. Creel's activities are ex?
ercised nominally on behalf of the
country, but in reality primarily on
behalf of the Administration. Mr
Creel announces and publishes himself
as tho special representative of tho
President, and is permitted by the
President so to announce and publish
himself. He assails the publications
that truthfully expose tho shortcom?
ings of the Administration, and, with?
out regard to the facts, he, personally
and through his bureau, actively up?
holds the Administration as regards
those matters, such as tho aircraft
programme, in which there have been
gravo governmental shortcomings. This
is partisan political propaganda of the
very worst type, carried on with pub?
lic monevs, under the guise of public
work. The editor of 'the Metropoli?
tan' wrote Mr. Creel, on March V:
"'Is it right that you should use
tho time and money of your bureau,
which is supported by the American
taxpayers, to defend members of tho
Administration from criticism in tho
public press? ?Are you not in fact
the personal press agent "f the. Pres?
ident and members of the Adminis?
tration ?'
"What tho editor of 'The Metr?poli
tan' thus stated in the form of a quen
should bo stated affirmatively as ar
(unqucstioned fact.
Burleson*s Challenge
Divided in Two Parti
"I have said so much by way of mak
ing the general situation clear. Now
as to Postmaster General Burleson'
challenge. This can be divided int<
two parts: First, Mr. Burleson denie
that the Administration has ever dis
criminated improperly against an
publication, and, second, he denies tha
it has ever failed to proceed agains
any publication which ought to hav
been proceeded against.
"First?-'The Metropolitan Magazine
'Collier's Weekly' and The New Yor
Tribune have consistently upheld th
war. They eagerly -demanded that w
should go to war; they supported th
President in going to war; they hav
cordially upheld every measure fo
prosecuting tiro war. But they hav
also told not all of the truth, but som
small portion of the truth, which
was absolutely necessary to tell, abov
the Administration's failure to *condu<
the war efficiently. They have onl
told even this small portion of th
truth when it was imperative so to c1
in order to speed up the war and t
prevent perseverance in inefficiene
All three publications have been a
tacked by Mr. Creel officially, spc'nkir
as President Wilson's repr?sentatif
and 'as giving a message from tl
United States government to theAjne
ican people.' (I quote from 'The Ind
pendent.')
"The Postoffice Department, throuj
the. New York postmaster, on. March
last notified the publishers of 'The Me
ropolitan Magazine' that its Man
issue was non-mailable under t*
espionage act. This action was wide
published throughout the country,
was calculated to do great daipage.
'The Metropolitan.' It was precise
the kind of action which, as I know
having been so assured again and aga
by various editors, wa3 the reason w
these editors have befell afraid to ti
the truth or even a small part of t
truth about our governmental ineffi
ency or misdeeds.
"The ar-ticJo on which the action w
nominally based was by a man who h
written articles of exactly tho sai
kind in ? publication,''Th? New Repi
lie,' which, however, is a political si
porter of Mr. Wilson,.and has not be
interfered with. 'The Metropolitan'
not a political supporter of Mr. Wih
and was interfered with, yet 'The M
ropolitan' has upheld the war far m<
zealously than 'The New Republic'
"The 'Metropolitan' imm?diat
asked the postmaster of New York
the grounds, of his -action, but got
answer. On March 9 i't tclegrapl
the Postmaster General, ask
whether the action was taken by
order of tho Postmaster General i
if not what stcR? the Postmaster G
eral would take to repair the dam
done to the 'Metropolitan Magazi
"On March 11, the Postmaster G
eral replied to the 'Metropolitan,' s
ing that accusations had been m
that an article in the 'Metr?poli
was a traitorous effusion, but that
did not know whether the eompla
were justified, and that no order
been issued about it by the departm
I He did not answer the 'Metropolit,
question as to what steps would
taken to repair the damage done il
the conduct of the New York p
master.
"On the same day, the New 'i
postmaster wrote 'the 'Metr?poli
reversing his action of March 2,
making no apology, and making
excuse.
"On March 12, the editor of
'Metropolitan' wrote to Mr. Burh
j saying, among other things. 'You r
remember that there are a great nur
I of pacifists and pro-Germans in
country who would willingly put
"Metropolitan Magazine" out of \
ness because it is the most stro
pro-Ally and anti-German publica
in the country,' calling attentioi
the fact that a statement attrib
to the Solicitor General of the dej
ment was obviously not in accord
the facts, and that the 'Metropol
j could not accept newspaper- s
i ments without confirmation from
i Postmaster General, and asking f
\ written statement from the Postm*
j General in the matter. He has
I ceived no such statement, nor
! any attempt been made by the 1
j office Department to remedy the w
j it did by the postmaster at New ""?
"At the same time cno of the a
? tisers in 'The Metronolitan,' Mr. I
jMansur, of Floral Park, N. Y., rcc
I a letter from a man in Chicago
?gesting that he withdraw his advei
; ment because of the editorial in
?Metropolitan Magazine.' Mr. Mt
i declined to withdraw it. On An
| he notified 'The Metropolitan' t>
! special agent of the United State;
? partme-M, of Justice, named Jam
Corcoran, with shield No. 4.16, g
his address as Box 241, Park Row,
York City, called on him, with c
of the letters of this Chicago mi
him and of the replies, and ask
.Mr. Mansur had stopped advert
and wanted to know if he was goii
advertising next year, and then
were an American citizen. The
(juery, taken in connection witl
first two, contained, of course, a
j plication that was in effect a thref
| Boycott Plan Known to
Department of Jus
j "This shows that the Departmc
'Justice had knowledge of the at
to boycott 'The Metropolitan* ant
its official power to further it, unless
the man in question had stolen the
special agent's shield which ho pos?
seBBed and forged his name and ad?
dress.
"The above facts Mr. Burleson hBS
hot denied and cannot truthfully deny,
mhI they absolutely demonstrate the
exactness of my statement, so far as
the Administration's effort to punish
the publications which upheld the war
but have told Ihe truth about the Ad?
ministration's failure to conduct the
war efficiently.
"Now for tlio second part of my
statement: The prime example of fail?
ure by the Administration to proceed
against newspapers wiifch oppose the
war or attack our allies an?! therefore
indirectly aid Germany is afforded by
the failure of tho Administration to
deal with Mr. Hearst's papers as it has
dealt with certain other papers. Mr.
Hearst is a very wealthy man. reputed
to be much moro than a millionaire,
owning a dozen newspapers, more, or
less, and a half dozen magazines, in
different, part.- of the country.
"At the very beginning of the war
the government proceeded success?
fully against Tom Watson's pub?
lication in Georgia. I entirelv disa?
greed with Tom Watson's general po?
litical philosophy; 1 wan utterly op?
posed to his contention that drafted
men should not be sent overseas to
fight; T regarded him as a narrow, al?
though an upright and sincero, man.
"But he had done, nothing that was
anything like as dangerous to this
country and our allies and as helpful
to Germany as Mr. Hearst was at that
very timo doing.
"The circulation of Mr. Watson's pa?
per was very small, compared to Mr.
Hearst's papers; his wealth and influ?
ence were infinitesimal, compared to
Mr. Hearst's wealth and influence, and
ho had denounced Germany and even
advocated war against Germany, where?
as Mr. Hearst had in numerous edi?
torials opposed our going to war, at?
tacked Germany's foes and defended
Germany.
"Yet the Administration crushed
Tom Watson, while it first tolerated
and then encouraged wealthy, power?
ful, pro-German and anti-war Mr.
Hearst.
"Tom Watson's paper was not the
only small paper the Postmaster Gen?
eral attucke?! and hampered for doing
far less than Mr. Hearst's papers had
done. 'The New York News' is edited
by George. W. Harris, a colored man,
for the colored race. Under date of May
2, last, Mr. Harris, the editor, received
a notice from the postmaster of New
York that the. issue of that date had
been 'withheld from dispatch through
the mails, pending advice from the so?
licitor for the PoBtoffide Department
ns to whether this issue is unmailable.'
One of the editors of the paper informs
me that Mr. Harris called at the. Post
office in New York to ascertain the
reason of this order, but was not given
any reason.
"The only explanation the. editors
could think of was that the paper had
contained ? protest against an alleged
order of a colonel in the army 'direct?
ing colored officers not to enforce upon
white inferiors a military salute.' Cer?
tainly- nothing in this humble paper
warranted the Administration, through
the Postoffice Department, in attack?
ing it while, at the same, time not vent?
uring to interfere with the wealthy
Hearst papers.
"Mr. Burleson, however, while he
will pardon certain pro-Administration
papers, even although they are anti?
war, will nevertheless occasionally
attack ;iot only anti-war but pro-war
and ? even pro-Administration radica'
papers, if he objects to their radical?
ism. Two entirely responsible person?
have called my attention to the sup
pression of one issue of a radical mag
nzine called 'The Public' This has beer
an entirely pro-war magazine. In its
issue of March 30th it urged editorial
ly 'heavier' taxation- of unearned in?
comes and of excess profits,' antl th?
raising of more money by direct taxa
tion in preference, to bond issues.
"Apparently, as far' as tho editor:
can make out, it'was because of thi ;
article this issue was suppressed. /
former editor of the paper writes mi
that it is possible that Mr. Burlesoi
objected to the paper because of an ac
count of an interview with him oi
October 12th last in which ho wa.
quoted as stating his lack of sympath;
with the proposition that a man ough
not to get his money from the owner
ship of land that war. tilled by tenants,
on the ground that be could not
be expected to favor a public policy
i where his interest lay on the other
I sido of the proposition. 'As a land?
I owner you can't expect mo to believe
that,' ho is reported as saying.
! Says Burleson*s Action
Does Not Help the War
"It does not appenr, however, that
any steps were taken because of this
article. The question, therefore, is as
to the right of "Die Public' to print
I the editorial In the issue of March
? itO. The question as to our be
I lief or our disbelief in tho sound
mess of this editorial hafl nothing what?
ever to do with the case. There are
I plenty of the conservativo doctrine,
with which I emphatically disagree,
and plenty of radical doctrine, with
which I disagree, and if it should hap-*
:pen that, on either sido of the case I
found myself in agreement with Mr.
Burleson ! should, nevertheless, adhere
lo my beliefs. But unless these doc-|
trines were seditious or represented a I
kind of immorality anri. incitement to
violence, or other unlawf.il conduct j
which would proporly bring,them under j
the law, I would fight as stoutly for the
right, of the editor to publish them as l
would fight for my own right to publish
articles against them.
"Such action as that of Mr. Burle?
son does not help the war; on the con?
trary, it tends to keep people so angry
with the agents of the war that they
become and remain hostile to the war
itself.
"There could be no more striking
example of discrimination than that
furnished by the contrast between the
treatment of a paper like Mr. Watson's
and papers like those of Mr. Hearst.
There was severity of treatment to the
helpless, while the strong were given
completo immunity.
"There is no need to rely upon my
statement that 'The Metropolitan' has
been a Joyal, pro-war, pro-American
publication. In a letter published by
Mr. Creel since Mr. Burleson's state?
ment was published, he states:
" 'We reply to "The Metropolitan"
for the very reason that we do not
reply to anti-war or anti-American
papers. They are known to be what
they are, but the reputation of "Tho
Metropolitan" for loyalty gives
weight to its misstatements.'
"This is, as shown by tho use of the
word 'we,' a complete and full ac?
knowledgment on the part of Mr. Creel
that niy statements with regard to the
Administration in this matter are cor?
rect. It is a complete and full ac?
knowledgment that the Administration
acts against a publication whose loy?
alty is unquestioned, but which attacks 1
the kind of governmental inefficiency
which tells in favor of Germany, al?
though at the same time the Admin?
istration docs not act against the
'anti-war or anti-American papers'?-so
long, l may add incidentally, as these
papers champion tho Administration
and apologize for the inefficiency of its
actions./
"Since the Postmaster General's
challenge to mo was made public, pri?
vate citizens have taken against the
Hearst papers the action which the Ad?
ministration has refused to take. 'The
New York American* in publishing
President Wilson's Memorial Day proc?
lamation omitted that part of the
proclamation which contained the
prayer for victory, although it printed
the part containing the prayer for
peace.?a proceeding entirely in con?
sonance with Mr. Hearst's advocacy of
a 'peace without victory.'
"In Poughkcepsie, according to a
special dispatch to 'The New York
Herald' of May 13, a party of Grand
Army veterans protested against such
action by procuring every available
copy of 'The American' and burning
them in the Courthouse ?Square, the
veterans explaining, through Major
Louis C. Dietz, organizer of the Local
Loyal Service League, that they did
this because they regarded the action
of 'The New York American' as an at?
tempt 'to fool the people of this coun?
try by publishing articles that are per?
fectly agreeable to the Kaiser's gov?
ernment and to traitors and pro-Ger?
mans that arc in this country.'
"At the same time, according to the
statements in 'The New York Times'
and 'New York World,' the Mayor and
Common Council of Mount Vernon, N.
Y.. barred the Hearst, papers for the
.?11-IMHf??.11 . ?
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It will pay you to occasionally have one of our com?
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There is no charge for this unless work is actually
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If repairing is necessary he can show you why?and
Summer is the best time to have such work done,
because the cost is less and because you can more
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While there is no economy in having work half done,
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moving from the home. The
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tuner (with us that is a service by itself), but the
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every part. This is one of the specialties in our
business.
Have you an old piano you would like to exchange
for a new one?
Let us make you a proposition?consider it now, for
your piano is worth more to us at present than later.
If you can't take the new instrument until the Fall,
we will give you a due bill to apply on your selection
to be made at your convenience.
Come and see us or drop us a postal if you wish some
one to see you by appointment.
Th?5 Sterling Piano o>.
Manufacturers, Sterling Building
518-520 Fulton St., Cor. Hanover Place, Broc!fJyti, N. Y.
Telephone 5600 Main ?Tonner!?. All Departments.
OPEN EVENINGS BY APPOINTMENT.
r_i_
period of the war from Mount Vernor?. \
the mover of the ordinance, reading;
various extracts from Mr. Hearst's
papers, which, he said, moved him to j
take the action he did, while the Mayor !
announced that ho signed the bill be- i
cause he wished to put a curb on the j
Kaiser or any of his agents' and that I
'Hearst has shown himself to be one j
? of tho latter. Mount, Vernon will not1
stand for anything or any one not
wholly American at this time.'
"The Mayor of Summit, N. J.. is re- j
ported to have succeeded in getting th^e j
newsdealers to refuse to handle the ?
' Hearst publications.
Quotes Hearst Editorials*
On Sinking of Lusitania j
"I have before me at the moment '
copies of 'The New York American'
editorials of May 11, May 20, June 1,
1015, and an editorial of June o, 1916, j
signed by Mr. Hearst himself, dealing1
with the Lusitania question and st.at- j
ing that Germany's action was right
ahout the Lusitania, that 'the Lusitania ?
incident is, of course, no cause for a ?
declaration of war' and that we had !
no just cause for complaint in the |
matter saying that we 'had no right]
to make this demand . . . thatj
Germany suspend her submarine war?
fare against the commerce of the Al?
lies,' that we had 'no right to ques?
tion Germany's use of submarines in
her warfare upon British commerce'
and that the Lusitania was an Eng?
lish vessel and properly 'subject to
destruction,* and that its destruction
by the German submarine was in ac?
cordance with the authorized and ac?
cepted rules of warfare and that Ger?
many's methods of submarine warfare
were none of our business'!
"The Hearst papers continued to try
to make our people range themselves
against England, and therefore in fa?
vor of Germany, and to appeal to the
people of tho United States to put
the safety of their dollars above tho
safety of their women and children.
"In the issue of 'The New York
American' of August 25, 1915, is an
editorial headed 'Must the United
States Be a Catspaw for England
Against Germany?' There is not a
worrl in this editorial about the Ger?
man murder of our women and chil?
dren on the high seas, not a word pro?
testing against Germany's taking the
lives of our citizens, but a screarr
against England because she had mad?,
cotton contraband of war! No Ameri?
can can read this editorial in the
Hearst papers of that date without
hanging his head in shame that such
papers should at this time be backed
by tho American Administration.
"Let the Administration recall that
Mr. Hearst was writing these editorials
week after week, month after month
during the time succeeding the sinking
of the Lusitania.
"On December 5 last Secretary Baker,
the official representative of the Presi?
dent in all matters relating to the war,
said, as reported in the public press:
" 'From the moment the "Lusitania
was sent to a watery grave by the
hands of the assassin the United
States had only two choices. The
Linited States could have crawled on
its knees to the Hohenzollems. cry?
ing out that their frightfulnes3 and
their military efficiency were too
great and that we submit and become
their vassal, or,, as an alternative,
we could fight. We chose to fight.'
"This is the description by President
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Wilson's Secretary of War of the
course (that we become the vassal of
Germany) which Mr. Hearst, through
his papers, did his utmost to get the
American people to adopt.
"After we went into the war, on April
IT, 1017, Mr. Hearst wrote: 'Stripping
our country of men, money and food is
a dangerous policy. Our earnest sug?
gestion to the Congress is that it im?
peratively refuse to permit the further
draining of our food supplies and our
military supplies to Europe.' This was
equivalent to a demand that after going
to war we should turn around and help
Germany more than if we had con?
tinued to remain neutral.
"On April 24, 1917, 'The New York
American' said: 'The painful truth is
that we are being practically used as a
mere reinforcement of England's war?
fare and England's future aggrandize?
ment.' This was an effort against our
ally and an effort to pander to anti
English prejudice in the interest of
our foes, and nothing else.
"On May 17 it advocated our spend?
ing all our money on preparing our
army and navy here at home 'and so
compelling Germany if she wants to
, fight to come to us,' which *u 8*
course, equivalent to arguing that?,
would render no aid to defeat German?
? until she had defeated our allies and
j was prepared to attack us sinri?.
: handed. ^*^
"On May 25 the same paper ?aid ef
; the efforts to float the Liberty LoV
i 'If you want our food and wealth itnt
i abroad to help suffering England, bur
a Liberty bond, furnish the sinew? ?/?
; war.' In view of Hearst's continued
j effort to excite hatred between the
| United States and England, the irapli?
I cation of this sentence cannot be mi?
? taken. In the very next sentence he
f subtly attempts to appeal to all men
j with a feeling of affection for Ger
i many by intimating that whoever pur?
i chased a Liberty bond desired to iee
; Germany not merely defeated but 'd*
[ membcred.'
"On July 27t 'The New York Aweri?
I can' spoke of our soldiers being sent
I over 'to be offered up in bloody gacri?
; fice to the ambition of contending na?
j tions on foreign battlefields.' On No?
I
Continued on Page 9, Col. 1
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CHALMERS, NEW YORK
1826-28 Broadway, Columbus 54?0 Open Evenings Brooklyn, 1184" Bedford Atenu?
The R B V Moto-^ Sale? Company, Inc., 2468 Grand Concourt.*, Bronx, New York