New-York tribune. [volume], June 02, 1918, Page 5, Image 27

About New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
By H. F. Sherwood
TKK Austro-Hungarian government
is sitting on a powder maga?
zine This is not the first timo
?he Pual Monarchy has been in this
position. The danger of explosion
is greater r.ow than it ever was before,
5"?ws of plebiscites among the Slavs in
Southern Austria and Southern Hun?
gry looking to union with Serbia, of
Czech uprisings in Prague, of adjourn?
ment c:* the Reichsrat is a symptom
of the firing of the train. Even more
important than the riots and strikes
that are disorganizing the country.
Are they sputterings? Or has the old
Teutonic method of setting one section
against another, of Junker against
proletariat, lost its control over the
burning fuse?
There ere indications that the train
will burn better than it ever has be?
fore. It is better laid. The powder
lies thicker along the ground and has
been more carefully spread. It reaches
throughout the empire. The majority
of the peoples of Austria-Hungary are
on the qui vive for the psychological
moment to touch the match and blow
up the artificial government under
which they are held in thrall.
In Carniola, Croatia. Slavonia, Dal
matia, Bos nia. Herzegovina, Montenegro,
the home of the Jugo-Slavs, all eyes are
looking toward a union with Serbia.
Three- millions of Rumanians in Tran?
sylvania, in Southeastern Hungary, seek
an opportunity to join their brothers
on the other side of the Transylvanian
Alps. The Poles cf Galicia would gladly
rejoin the Poles lying between their
borders and the Baltic. The Slovaks,
living on southern slopes of the Car?
pathians in Northern Hungary, are
more than passively interested in es?
caping the Prussian methods of Mag
yarization, which has been their fate
these many years, and cast in their
lot with Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia
under the style of Czecho-Slovak na?
tion.
These nationalities received stimu?
lating news from Washington last wees
when the Secretary of State announced
that the "proceedings of the Congress
of Oppressed Races in Austria-Hun?
gary, which was held in Rome in April
have been followed with great interest
by the government of the Unitec
States, and that the nationalistic aspi?
rations of the Czecho-Slovaks and the
Jugo-Slavs for freedom have the ear?
nest sympathy of this government."
This they take to mean that the
United States government has agreee
to the partition of Austria-Hungary
and the liberation of all its "Slav na
tions" as part of the war aim.
It is said even that of the 10,000,001
Magyars in Hungary four-fifths woule
gladly assist the Allies to wipe out the
Magyar landed aristocracy and thei
oligarchical government.
There would be little left after th<
explosion. The Hapsburg dynasty wouli
*?nd no place on which to rest its foot
Its chief would be forced to lead th>
Eaf-t Germans into the Prussian, fold
while his former subjects forged
chain of democratic governments ex
tending from the Baltic to the Adriatic
and therewith throttled Pan-Ger
mar.ism.
Rome Agreement
Clears Some Points
Through the pact reached recentl
at Rome at the conference of leader
of the oppressed peoples of Austria
Hungary, some of the links took forn
Each of these nationalistic groups ur
dertook cooperation with the other:
Italy became a party to the understand
ing. thus removing a serious obstad
in the form of imperialistic objective
along the eastern side of the Adriati
She substituted democratic motives f<
her participation in the war and fu
nished an anchorage for the southei
end of the chain.
The chief obstacle in the past to fre<
,dom from the yoke of the Hapsburj
has been skilful juggling by the mc
chosen to form the Austrian and Hui
garian governments. In internation
jugglery the Austrian government hi
been a past master, with no equs
unless it be Abdul Hamid, Sultan <
Turkey, who used the same tactics
maintain his sway over peoples wl
?red as little for his rule as do' tl
Bohemians and Jugo-Slavs of Austr
and Hungary for that of the Hap
burgs. The policy was that of pro
agating antagonisms between t!
various peoples, pitting one against t!
other, segregating those likely to cau
trouble ?now aimed at in Bohem
through an arbitrary division of t.
country into twelve partu, forcii
removals from one district to anothi
*r officially massacring the civili
Population, just as the Austro-Hu
garian government has done since t
war began to the extent of from 30,0
to 60,000 persons.
for the first time, however, unity
political action between all the c
pressed peoples has been achieve
Realizing that this war is their t
Portunity, the oppressed nationalit
are cooperating in their revolutions
??tivities. Inspired with the ideals
democracy, they seek to be free. II
?a* this close cooperation on an ide
fcttc plane been developed throughc
*?e empire? In other words, who li
?????? train? The answer is that, m<
?an any other, it was Thoma?
^Sasaryli, of Prague.
LIGHTING THE SLAV BOMB
IN AUSTRIA
Subject Peoples Getting Together
For First Time in History to
Resist Oppression
Who is Masaryk?
On Saturday evening, May 25, ten
thousand Bohemians, Slovaks and other
Slavs, marched down Fifth Avenue,
many of tho men and women garbed
in their striking national dress, in
honor of Masaryk. Half of this num?
ber crowded into Carnegie Hall, while
the remainder waited outside hoping
for an opportunity to seo him. The
meeting was in his honor. Those out?
side were so insistent in their demands
for a glimpse of Masaryk that he was
forced to leave the platform and show
himself to the throng.
When President Butler of Columbia
University introduced him to the great
audience as one of the half-dozen lead?
ing statesmen of the world the floor
of heads rose to a new level and broke
into a tossing sea of color and sound.
The boxes, tier after tier, and those
in the seats in the far-off fourth
heaven took up the shouting and the
tumult. Bohemian and American flags
waved. For five minutes the tumult
continued.
What was there about the man which
had made him such a popular hero?
Was it his magnetic presence? The
spare man who stood before them was
sixty-eight years old. A thin gray
mustache and beard scarcely hid the
sensitive lips. The fine contour of his
head was easily followed, for his hair
was a thin fringe. There he stood,
in sombre evening dress, the color
mounting to his cheeks occasionally as
he glanced through his glasses out
over the tumultuous throng, a quiet,
scholarly looking man,
Perhaps he possessed oratorical
powers which would sway men as an
artist swings his brush.
He began slowly in a low tono ol
voice. It ros? a little as he proceeded
but seldom did it take on the forcefu
tones of the trained and confident ora
tor. He was never at a loss, however
for a word. Occasionally he strokec
his face thoughtfully, passing his hanc
from his eyes downward over his moutl
to his chin. That seemed strange foi
a speaker in Carnegie Hall, where i
is difficult enough to be heard unde:
any circumstances. Evidently he wai
not striving for oratorical effect. Ii
fact, what he said smacked of thi
scholar in the study. He was not ?
great speechmaker such as we expec
leaders in a democracy to be. Only one
did he exhibit his power over his audi
ence. For a moment he addressee
those before him in his and their na
tive tongue. He spoke with the sam
slow, careful choosing of words. Sud
denly, raising his arm to a horizonte
position, he pointed straight out wit'
the index finger. A single sentenc
accompanied this gesture. It was as i
a conductor had raised his baton an
his chorus had risen to its feet i
front of him. The great audience be
fore him rose as one man and stoo
in serried ranks, obedient to his singl
word.
The Keynote of
His War Policy
Was his message the key to his popt
larity? It semed as he delivered
a simply told tale. It was his idea c
why the war could not be won for tr
Allies unless Austria-Hungary was di?
memb?red, and the different small n;
tions comprising it eacH had an o]
portunity for freedom such as Americ
possesses, founded upon the principle
of the Declaration of Independence. ?
long as Bohemia, astride the highwf
from Berlin to Vienna, Budapest ar
the Danube and the Black Sea, wi
antagonistic to the Central Europes
monarchies there could be no pea<
nor any Mitteleuropa. There is no Au
tria, only a family supporting itself I
trickery at the expense of many small !
nationalities. Therefore, why should
Austria continue to exist? As all the
oppressed peoples of Austria-Hungary
feel thus about it and the friendship
of Italy has been secured for their
aims, it is possible to erect a barrier
across Middle Europe from the Baltic
to the Adriatic which will control the
Danube and the rail routes to Constan?
tinople and the Black Sea. In fighting
for her age-old independence, Bohemia
is fighting for thi safety of democracy
for the world.
"There are nineteen nations from the
Baltic to Greece," said he. "This pecu?
liar zone is the barrier of Germany to?
ward the East. Mitteleuropa is what
the Holy Roman Empire was, a plan
for subjugating the East. Austria, to?
day, while nominally free, actually is
governed from Berlin. Austria never
could be opposed to Germany. The idea
of Germany is that Germans are super
! human and the Slavs are slaves. The
? phrase, 'Berlin-Bagdad,' could be bet?
ter expressed 'Berlin-Cairo.' Africa is
Germany's aim. Germany thinks of
mastering Europe, Asia, Africa. The
Allies are thinking of all countries, the
new with the old. The new world may
be the leader of all mankind,
"The programme which the Bohe?
mians, Poles and South Slavs and other
small nationalities are urging is not
that of mastering Germany geograph?
ically, but the necessary plans of hu?
manity. We care not for war power,
but for a world based on the agree?
ments of free nations. It will be Amer?
ica that will aid most in settling this
struggle for the high aims of mankind.
The next stage of the evolution in the
minds of the Germans is the control
of Great Britain and the United States.
It is the problem of socialism which
we have before us. By socialism we
mean that the rights of the small man
as well as those of the great man are
entitled to be recognized. The same
idea extends to international relations.
Small nations have the same rights as
largo nations.
"There are eight nations in Aus?
tria, but Austria is not a a??ion. Aus?
tria is the dynasty, the autocracy, the
army. Austria-Hungary is an example
of an artificial state just as Prussia
is. These small nations are not a part
of the same government because they
are neighboring and have agreed to it,
but because they have the same dy?
nasty.
"The aim of the future peace confer?
ence is the organization of the east
] of Europe. The unexpected result of
I this war was the Russian revolution.
Czarism has given place to something
i not very strong. It is my conviction
and that of many political thinkers
? that Russia must be an organized
democracy, and not the prey of Ger?
many.
"A reconstruction of mankind must
be a result of this war. If Germany
would only rely upon her own forces
and not exploit other nations! If
Germany will not exploit other nations
I she can do what she likes. Every pol
I icy that is only materialistic cannot
; prevail. Democracy is the government
of hearts over hearts, of souls over
souls."
As one listened to Masaryk there
seemed nothing remarkable about his
treatment of the great field he was
'<: tilling. What he said seemed to one
i the logical and appropriate thing tc
\ say. It was said with so little em
I phasis that the largeness of his con?
ception did not at once manifest itself
! He left his ideas to grow in such soi!
! as they found congenial.
Thomas Garrique Masaryk, a pro
I fessor of philosophy, politics anc
| sociology in the University of Prague
THOMAS G. MASARYK
a man who has never held a political
office except that of member of the
Reichsrat, is a statesman because of
his ideas. Ideas, a high sense of the
importance of ethical values, fearless?
ness, a willingness to support unpopu?
lar causes, a modesty which lends him
to gain his ends through the activities
of others?these arc some of the char?
acteristics which have placed Masaryk
at the head of the Austrian revolu?
tionary movement. By temperament he
is a realist and a Liberal. He looks
for the facts and faces them in a prac?
tical way. He founded the Bohemian
Realist party, that of the intellectuals.
His Liberal tendency was guided by his
wife, a daughter of Rudolph Garrique,
of Brooklyn, founder of a well known
New York insurance company. He
met her, it is said, in Leipsic, where
he was a university student and study?
ing music. As a token of his affection
for her, he adopted her family name
as his own middle name. She gave
him an insight into American institu?
tions and led him into an appreciation
of their value to humanity. For forty
years he taught the principles of the
American Declaration of Independence
beneath the shades of the University of
Prague.
Tried Teacher
Of Slav Youths
Prague has long been the chief cen?
tre of Slav literature and learning.
The university is one of the oldest in
Europe. Hither come the youth of all
the Slav regions of Austria-Hungary.
Before Masaryk's time the ideals of
Slav unity were linguistic and literary.
They were the visions of dreamers.
Masaryk taught the later generations
for a period of forty years to face
facts as they were. As the political
pressure grew greater he preached free?
dom anel democratic forms of govern?
ment. Political ideals were emphasized
after the war broke out, when -all Slavs
began to change their orientation and
work for political union and democratic
forms.
Masaryk's character and teachings
drew young men toward him. They
came from every Slav region. Through
a period of forty years he sowed mod?
ern philosophical and political ideas
throughout the Slav world of Austria
Hungary.
His courage strengthened his grip
! upon the oppressed peoples of Austria
! Hungary. On April 3 a Jew by the
, name of Leopold Hilsner, was dis?
charged from an Austrian penitentiary
at the conclusion of a period of con
; finement of nineteen years. The crime
with which Hilsner was charged and
! of which ho was convicted was the
j murder of a nineteen-year-old Chris
; tian girl, whose body was found in a
: little grove near the town of Polna,
| in Southeastern Bohemia. It was
clearly indicated that the motive for
| the crime was a desire to hide another
crime, that of rape. The fact that the
' victim had a large gash on her neck
i was immediately seized upon by the
? anti-Semitic agitators as a proof that
i the young woman was murdered for
1 the purpose of securing her blood for
; ritualistic purposes. The "yellow"
? press, especially the pan-German
papers, exploited the affair and there
was grave danger of Jewish "pogroms."
Professor Masaryk was the only man
who opposed the clamor. After a pains
; taking examination of the evidence he
i was able to prove that the crime was
I certainly not one for obtaining blood
i for ritualistic purposes. He also dis
j proved the primitive notion which was
the basis of the charge. The reaction?
ary press and anti-Semite agitators
| turned against him, insinuating that
I he had been bribed by rich Jews. The
I courts indicted him for interfering
with the due process of law. His
. courageous defence secured him the
! attachment of the Jews throughout the
| country.
I Wins Leadership
Of Southern Slavs
Upon his election to the Reichsrat
in 1907 he won the following of the
South Slavs through his support and
leadership of their cause. He boldly
criticised the bureaucratic policy ol
Austria toward the Serbo-Croats of
Bosnia and rallied all his Slav col
| leagues around him. This was one o?
I the steps leading to the general recogni
I tion of Dr. Masaryk as leader of all the
! oppressed peoples of Austria. He cre
| ated a sensation in Europe through his
\ speech revealing Magyar tyranny in
; Croatia. His speeches exposing the
J forgeries upon which Aerenthal based
i his Bosnian policy, and which nearly
led to a war upon Serbia ten years age
| were astonishing in their daring and
Masaryk, Leader of Czech-Slovaks,
in This Country to Prepare
Way for Freedom
completeness. Aerenthal could only sit
without reply, guilty before the world.
His defence of a group of thirty or
forty Jugo-Slavs against charges of
treason at his own expense strength?
ened materially this political allegiance
of the Southern Slav part of the Dual
Monarchy. As a result of Masaryk's
teachings the idea of a Serbo-Croat
unity had been growing prior to 1907,
Frano Supilo, a Southern Slav patriot,
being the chief among the leaders. Of?
ficial Austria and official Hungary made
a deliberate attempt to use the grow?
ing popularity of the idea as a lever
for discrediting and attacking inde?
pendent Serbia.
"The full perfidy of the methods
employed to this end," says Seton
Wateon, an English authority on Cen?
tral European affairs, "is still very
inadequately realized in the West,
though they threw a searching light
not merely upon Austria-Hungary's
traditional policy, but also upon one
of the prime causes of the present
war."
A well directed press campaign pre?
ceded the annexation of Bosnia in
October, 1908, its object being that of
suggesting that the leaders of the
movement for unity were inspired, and
directly financed from Belgrade. In?
deed, these men, instead of voicing a
genuine demand for nationality, were
alleged to be actually in the pay of an
alien dynasty conspiring to stir up
trouble! Wholesale arrests followed.
In March, 1909, a monster treason trial
opened at Agram, capital cf Croatia.
Amid many scandals it dragged along
for seven months. As a means of in?
timidation the governmental secret
police organized a band of street ruf?
fians to attack some of the Serbo
Croat leaders in the chief streets of
the city. Supilo was one of the vic?
tims. There was risk of war with
Russia as the Bosnian crisis dragged on.
?Checking Another
Austrian Move
Aerenthal, Foreign Minister of Aus?
tria, furnished to Heinrich Friedjung,
Austria's leading historian, a formi?
dable array of "documents" purporting
to establish corrupt complicity between
the Serbo-Croat leaders in a wide?
spread revolutionary plot. This was
supposed to have been organized by
the Serbian government in Croatia and
Bosnia. On the day fixed by the Aus?
trian staff for a final rupture with
Serbia the first instalment of Fried
jung's "revelations" appeared in the
"Neue Freie Presse." As it chanced
on that very day Russia yielded tc
the demonstrations of William II oi
Prussia, and the danger of a Euro?
pean war was temporarily removed
The news reached Vienna so late thai
night that Aerenthal was unable tc
stop the publication of Friedjung's firsl
instalment. It was the expectatior
of the government to follow the publi?
cation with the execution under mar?
tial law of Supilo and other Serbo
Croat leaders. The preservation oi
peace put the shoe on the other foot
and these leaders brought a libel suil
against Dr. Friedjung.
"The amazing revelations of the
Friedjung trial," said Seton-Watsor
recently, "cast an indelible stain upor
Austria's diplomacy, and afford crush?
ing proof of her bad faith toward
Serbia. For the 'documents' upor
which the defence relied were provee!
(by Masaryk) to be impudent forgeries
concocted by officials of the Austro
Hungarian Legation in Belgrade, anc
supplied en gros, with the connivance
of the minister, to the Foreign Office
in Vienna for the purpose of poisoning
the wells of public opinion against
Jugo-Slavg inside and outside the mon- i
archy. These forgeries were far too
gross to have deceived the merest
child, and when Professor Masaryk on
the floor of the Austrian delegation
branded the guilty diplomatist as a
second Azov, the spy and agent provo?
cateur, the Foreign Minister remained
seated in no less guilty silence."
The qualities which won the Jugo
Slavs to his standard were illustrated
in his own feeling toward Supilo when
he summed up for the defence of that
leader in the Friedjung trial with the
words,
"For him I would lay both my hands
in the fire."
j While a member of the Reichsrat,
! Masaryk went far toward bringing the
j representatives of the oppressed peo
! pies in that body into agreement of
action. His success is indicated by
! the difficulties which the Austrian gov
I ernment encountered when it convened
the body after three years of war,
only to dissolve it again recently in
the hope of saving the Hapsburgs and
the government from ignominy and
i revolution.
I
Known By the
| Enemies He Has
Count Czernin, in the course of hii
last speech in Vienna, made "the
wretched and contemptible Masaryk'
responsible for the failure of Austrii
to conclude a "strong" peace. Oi
j April 13 a delegation of twenty-thre<
? Jugo-Slav deputies and four womei
j went to Prague to protest against Coun
Czernin's attacks on the Czechs an
Masaryk. One of them, Pavelich b;
name, said, "Seventy years ago, in 184S
we Serbs, Croats and Slovenes came t
Prague in order to save Austria. Tc
day we come to save ourselves. Th
glove which Czernin threw at th
Czechs is also a challenge to us, an
more firmly than ever we shall stan
together until victory is won."
Masaryk was one of the first men t
warn Allied statesmen of the dangei
of the Pan-German plan of Mittelei
i ropa and to perceive in the dissolutir
of Austria-Hungary and the establisl
I ment in the place of the Dual Moi
i archy of independent states the on
! practical way of checking the Pa:
| German aspirations in Central ar
; Eastern Europe.
His uncompromising attitude towa
? the hopeless kind of government pr
i vided by the Hapsburgs and their toe
, led him to leave Austria, withdraw in
| exile and range himself on the si
' of the Allies. He has undergone t
; fate of all the leading Czech politiciai
After loyally striving for years for
reconciliation with the Germans a
? the Austrian state, they end by real
'? ing the impossibility of such an ai
In order to save the future of free E
hernia from the necessity of renewi
i these vain experiments he placed hi
i self at the head of the Czecho-Slov
i revolutionary movement. As the pre
; dent of the Czecho-Slovak Natior
i Council in Paris he has been worki
| in England, France, Italy and Rusi
: for the independence of Bohemia. Af'
the outbreak of the Russian revoluti
] he went to Russia, where he organ::
a Czecho-Slovak army of 50,000 fr<
among the men who had gone over ii
Russia from the Austrian army whi
I ever opportunity offered. This ar
! will now go to France by way of Via
' vostok and the Pacific and some
, mous "Atlantic port." Following i
'' signing of the Brest-Litovsk pe
treaty, he came to America by way
Siberia and Japan. For his anti-A
; trian activities in the Allied countr
i he was sentenced to death by A
LORRAINE'S HOPE BRIGHTEST IN NIGHT OF AGONY
By Marie de Perrot
I MUST leave it to pens abler than
mine to deal with strategy, to
give an expert account of the
scenes of those encounters which have
ravaged France during the Great War.
I merely wish to speak of places?now
become historical?as I remember them
before the war, of the people with
whom I was brought in contact dur?
ing my wanderings in the land of my
birth, from north to south and east to
west.
At times it will seem like a revival
of ancient things, of an old France,
though scarcely four years divide us
from that first terrible invasion of
August and September, 1914, when the
wild hordes, carrying in their trail
death and destruction, made a wilder
! ness of those departments which were
I once the glory of France. What great
! book might not be written also of
| those countrysides, demolished by
i bombs, now full of troops, where the
: star-spangled flag of America waves
i beside the tricolor.
Pious Hands
Attend Them
To-day spring sheds its flowers on
some of those desolate plains; they
spring up on the hillside where one
grave follows another, battered by
wind and rain now for nearly four
years-?for one of the fiercest on?
slaughts, which has gone on almost
without interruption until now, was
made in the Vosges. Vet some of the
rough wooden crosses- it seems al?
most a miracle?havo still hanging on
their rude arms and k?pis of the poilus
who rest there. Pious hands, who
look after the graves and bring flow?
ers, do not disturb them. There the
children of France lie until the great
day of awakening, and beside them
some of the finest sons of America,
who were the first to answer France's
call for help. They nobly fulfilled
their mission and, cradled by the soft i
starlit nights of the land for which
they died, its earth weighs lightly on i
their last resting place.
Perhaps the attack was wildest here,
because Germany felt less secure in
Lorraine than it did in Alsace, which,
with the exception of Belfort and its
territories, forms in its entirety part
of the Reichslaender. As to Lorraine,
France, by the -Treaty of Frankfort
on-Main in 1871, surrendered only part ;
of the department of the Meurthe and
that of the Moselle. What remains
forms to-day the department of
Meurthe and Moselle, with Nancy as '
capital. In any case, a tremendous ;
? German effort was put forth against
j Nancy, Pon't-?-Mousson and the poor
little village of Amanee.
They Tried to Join
The Mother Country
On July 80, 1914, and the succeeding
days, youths and men?even those who
had been through the campaign of:
1870-'71 -- endeavored to cross the
I frontier and enlist in France. The
i enthusiasm of those first hours was in?
describable. With that faith which
moves mountains, they saw themselves
already united to the great mother
family. In two days only old men,
women and children were left, for ?
I those who were too late to escape hael
! to serve in the German army, and had
1 also gone.
Yet even many of these were true to .
Franco, as far as in them lay. A story :
is told of a young Lorraine recruit,
whose French-born mother had brought I
him up in the secret love for her I
patrie. He was swept into the Ger
man army and sent to fight in the
North of France, whence he wrote
to the mother whose influence was the
greatest power in his life, as it is in
that of most Frenchmen: "Dear
mother?As I promised you, I have not
taken the life of a single Frenchman,
and will never do so." Across the
pencil-scrawled sheet was written:
"Madame?Your son was shot at dawn .
as a traitor."
Tru,c to tradition, which runs like a
thread of gold through our history,
the French women have done their
duty well all through the war, though,
of course, in the departments which are
not invaded, they have suffered less
materially. But for valiance, endur?
ance and stoic courage, none can be
compared with the women of the de
nartments of the Vosges, Meuse,
Meurthe and Moselle, who are called
collectively Lorraines, or sometimes
Vosgiennes. They are women of great
purpose and courage, ahiefly due to the
fact that their country, this eastern
part of France, has constantly been a
battlefield. Even in the time of the
Gauls Borne fought here. On these
plains it conquered them, then to
? ether with the subjugated enemies
ought Attila, whose hordes sheltered
behind their walls of earth?the fore?
runner of the present Huns' trench
tactics.
They are worthy wives and mothers
of those heroic Lorraine soldiers who
bore the brunt of the first shock and
who, after having brought the hope of
France into the annexed provinces,
saved, by their bravery, French Lor?
raine from a too long occupation by
the enemy. The mothers had gone
through the horrors of the defeats in
1870-1871, the daughters had been
brought up with the thought that some
day "the Land of the Empire" would
come back to the motherland. They
were not surprised at the war; to those
on German territory it seemed to
herald deliverance. Like the fathers,
brothers, husbands, sweethearts who
had left, they mobilized themselves to
shower their hearts' joy and gladness
in gifts upon the soldiers who came
so gallantly to the sound of the "Mar?
seillaise," or the song of the "Sambre
et Meuse." Nothing was too good, too
precious for those young heroes who
took part in the fights which will go
down to posterity as some of the most
glorious exploits of the war.
They had known well, during the
forty-four years of anguish and de?
ferred hope, with loving counsel and
sympathy to keep up the flame of hope
in the hearts of their men. Any sacri?
fice now seemed as naught to them
Flowers, ?wine, chocolate, the choicest
fruit, all vhey cherished, all they pos?
sessed, thtyy brought, it to our petit?
soldats, a?, they passed along the road
The heroic dash in German territorj
was broken at Morhange, and darkei
days even than those which went be
fore have come to Lorraine. But theii
women have not lost faith. Few o:
our soldiers who ware in that openinj
campaign will come back, but those
who do will always remember the un
speakablc joy they brought to the peo
pie and the welcome which greete?
them. Nor do the women forget thos>
hours of mad exultation. There ar<
sons, fathers, brothers, husbands wh<
will never come back, but France re
mains, and those women have decidei
that she shall be delivered.
Like Jeanne d'Arc, they feel that I
patrie is worthy of all their love and
devotion. They have known the woes
of our army retreating, and hopes
which promised immediate realization
dashed to the ground. But they do not
lose heart for that. Like the maiden,
they have by nature that happy com?
bination of character which allows
them to cope with deferred hopes. They
are full of enthusiasm and yet have
common sense?that most useful qual?
ity. Audacious at times, and thus ablo
to encounter danger, they can be most
witty, yet are prudent in giving their
opinion.
The soil of the Lorraine is naturally
barren and unproductive, yet, thanks
to the industry of its inhabitants, it
has grown to be fruitful. Now that
they ire alone the women have brave?
ly taken up the task, T'oere are many
children in Lorraine. They are help?
ing their mothers to sow, even to
plough, and I am tolei that not merely
their hands, but their hearts are in
the task, hearts and souls of those va?
liant Lorraines.
Ready for Emergencies
and Rich With Hope
Wherever the shower of shTapne
allows it munition factories hav
sprung up. In these the women o:
Lorraine work incessantly, and theii
output, a.s figures show, is compara
tively larger than anywhere else. I
always comes back to the one idea
worth of character, and those wome:
are so valiant and true. So cheerful
alsol So I knew them, hiding unde
a smile and a brave word their disap
pointments, great and small; so I fee
sure they are to-day ready for an;
emergency, rich with every hope.
It often has seemed to me that some
thing of the spirit of Jeanne d'An
their great countrywoman, of the sim
pie, brave, pious young girl, lives i
them. Knowing that a task was sc
before her, which it was her duty t
accomplish, even though it cost he
lif?, so she lived and moved among th
Lorraine women of her time. To-da
the virtues of her humbler sisters at
more prosaic; great occasions are n<
of every day occurence, yet I bciiev
there are many who would be as wil
ing to sacrifice everything, If on!
France ia saved!
trian court martial, the sentence to be
executed on apprehension.
In order to intimidate him the Aus?
trian authorities placed his wife under
police surveillance? and his daughter,
Alice, in prison. She was afterward re?
leased through the efforte of a number
of American women's societies. She was
well known in Chicago, where she had
been a settlement worker.
He is the author of a number of
books and many pamphlets as well as
the founder of the Czech Progressive
party. Among his hooks are?. "Suicide
a3 a Pathological Symptom of Modern
Civilization." "The Social Question."
"The Sociological and Philosophical
Basis of Marxism." "The System of
Realism," "The Czech Question," and
"Russia and Europe." His w.de knowl?
edge of Russia will make him a valu?
able to aid the Allies in meeting the
i situation now presented in that coun
itr?
The closing words of Masaryk*s Car
! negie Hall speech are the key to his
! life. For him it is humanity, the soul,
which counts. He is first of all an
ethical teacher. His sincerity of pur?
pose, his soundness of thought, his in?
sistence upon facing facts, his willing?
ness to give his all for those causes
which he adopts whether they are popu?
lar or not, and his natural capacity as
a leader have combined to make him
! the idol of his fellow countrymen and
the inspiration and rallying point of
all tho oppressed peoples of Austria
Hungary.
i To sum up, Masaryk is a statesman
whose strength lies in moral and in?
tellectual eiualities. He is largely the
i author and embodiment of the nev,
Slavism. He personifies the liberal
democratic spirit which has replac?e
; the old Slav spirit of imperialism. The
. last vestige of the latter disappearee
< when the Romanoff dynasty was over
! thrown. The new Slavism has no im
: perialistic aims, thanks to Masaryk ane
! his followers. They fight for the lib
? erty of Eastern Europe.
Estimating the
Chances of Success
What are the chances of success o:
: a revolutionary movement in Austria
Hungary? Andre Ch?radame, an au
thority on this subject, in an article it
: the June "Atlantic Monthly," point:
out that there is a tremendous laten
i and potent hatred of Pan-German;
\ among millions of peoples include*
! within the confines of the Central Em
pires available for revolutionary ob
, jects. It only awaits the call to giv
I it life and vigor. He believes it to b
? a decisive factor in the war. He says
"The Allies could systematicall;
arm, by the aerial route, a part of th
' 14,000,000 anti-Pan-Germans, non-mob
ilized, in Central Germany, and thu
bring about an insurrection in the re
gions traversed by the vital strategi
communications 01 Pan-Germany. Sec
ondly, they could, by means of suci
; insurrections, bring about a state o
affairs, both moral and matt-rial, whic
would enable the 8,000,000 troops em
bodied against their will in the Ger
man armies to revolt in their turn.
"Assuming this form of strategy t
be adopted, the 19.000,000 Germans an
pro-Germans would have to face th
; hostile action, active or passive, o
20,000,000 Allied troops, 8,000,000 o
their own troops in revolt or on stri-k
and 14,000,000 possible insurgent civ
ilians, or 42,000,000 in all.
"If the Germans had been in ou
1 place, would they not long ago hav
made use of the anti-German element
in Pan-Germany, considering that i
Russia they have derived the enormou
. profit that we all know from element
favorable to their cause, although the
were much less numerous than thos
: utilizable by the Allies? Under thes
conditions can the latter refuse t
adopt, at last, the Btrategy of the pe
. litical sciences?
"Far from working to the prejudic
of the Western front, it would wor
: altogether to its advantage; for notl
ing could afford greater relief to tfc
Allied troops from the terrible pr?s!
| ure that they are having te) withstan
! on that front than an uprising, sciei
: tirlcally organized, for the liberatio
j of Central Europe."
Masaryk's Task
In America
Professor Masaryk, as president I
what is practically the provisional go
ernment of the Czecho-Slovak nat?o
is in this country with live objective
The first is that of securing the pe
mission of the Allied governmenta
transport a Czecho-Slovak army nur
ing between 50,000 and 100,000 m?
across Asia and America to Franc
where it can fight with the Allies,
is known as the "Army of Victory i
Death," and was organized by D
Masaryk from among the large nur
bers of Czecho-Slovaks who had escpai
from the Austrian army to Russi
Since the conclusion of peace by tl
Bolsheviki the presence of this army
Russia is superfluous, as it cannot bs
tie with the Austro-Gerraan fore
alone.
His second task is that of strengt
ening and inspiring the Ciecho-Slova
in this country. They are already we
organized for the purpone of financial
supporting the movement, and ai
sencling volunteers to Europe. Th
are able to do more in both respec
The third object is that of gainii
the sympathy of the United States go
ernment for the Czechoslovak mov
ment for independence. Dr. Masar;
feels that the reputation which t
American government has ' gain
among the suppressed nations of E
rope compels it to assume the lead"'
position in* the movement to liber?
them from foreign domination. V
statement issued by the Department
State a few days ago show? the pre
ress which has been made in this i
reoHon.
While here. Dr. Masaryk will stri
to reach u closer understanding wi
the other Slavs, who, like the Czech
Slovaks must be freed from Germ
domination. Already the organizatio
?epresenting the various nations i
working along parallel lines.
Dr. Masaryk will likewise strive
overcome the mistaken theory on whi
a great deal of American action in i
past has been based. Austria-Hunga
he will make more clear to America
cannot and will not sever her conn
tion with Berlin. To do so woi
mean the elimination of the Hapsbi
dynasty. There is nothing to be hoj
for, he argues, through maintenance
a dynasty which bases its right
rule on divine authority and acts
complete disregard to the wishes of
subjects.
He is still laying the train?