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By H. F. Sherwood
TKK Austro-Hungarian government is sitting on a powder maga? zine This is not the first timo ?he Pual Monarchy has been in this position. The danger of explosion is greater r.ow than it ever was before, 5"?ws of plebiscites among the Slavs in Southern Austria and Southern Hun? gry looking to union with Serbia, of Czech uprisings in Prague, of adjourn? ment c:* the Reichsrat is a symptom of the firing of the train. Even more important than the riots and strikes that are disorganizing the country. Are they sputterings? Or has the old Teutonic method of setting one section against another, of Junker against proletariat, lost its control over the burning fuse? There ere indications that the train will burn better than it ever has be? fore. It is better laid. The powder lies thicker along the ground and has been more carefully spread. It reaches throughout the empire. The majority of the peoples of Austria-Hungary are on the qui vive for the psychological moment to touch the match and blow up the artificial government under which they are held in thrall. In Carniola, Croatia. Slavonia, Dal matia, Bos nia. Herzegovina, Montenegro, the home of the Jugo-Slavs, all eyes are looking toward a union with Serbia. Three- millions of Rumanians in Tran? sylvania, in Southeastern Hungary, seek an opportunity to join their brothers on the other side of the Transylvanian Alps. The Poles cf Galicia would gladly rejoin the Poles lying between their borders and the Baltic. The Slovaks, living on southern slopes of the Car? pathians in Northern Hungary, are more than passively interested in es? caping the Prussian methods of Mag yarization, which has been their fate these many years, and cast in their lot with Moravia, Silesia, and Bohemia under the style of Czecho-Slovak na? tion. These nationalities received stimu? lating news from Washington last wees when the Secretary of State announced that the "proceedings of the Congress of Oppressed Races in Austria-Hun? gary, which was held in Rome in April have been followed with great interest by the government of the Unitec States, and that the nationalistic aspi? rations of the Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs for freedom have the ear? nest sympathy of this government." This they take to mean that the United States government has agreee to the partition of Austria-Hungary and the liberation of all its "Slav na tions" as part of the war aim. It is said even that of the 10,000,001 Magyars in Hungary four-fifths woule gladly assist the Allies to wipe out the Magyar landed aristocracy and thei oligarchical government. There would be little left after th< explosion. The Hapsburg dynasty wouli *?nd no place on which to rest its foot Its chief would be forced to lead th> Eaf-t Germans into the Prussian, fold while his former subjects forged chain of democratic governments ex tending from the Baltic to the Adriatic and therewith throttled Pan-Ger mar.ism. Rome Agreement Clears Some Points Through the pact reached recentl at Rome at the conference of leader of the oppressed peoples of Austria Hungary, some of the links took forn Each of these nationalistic groups ur dertook cooperation with the other: Italy became a party to the understand ing. thus removing a serious obstad in the form of imperialistic objective along the eastern side of the Adriati She substituted democratic motives f< her participation in the war and fu nished an anchorage for the southei end of the chain. The chief obstacle in the past to fre< ,dom from the yoke of the Hapsburj has been skilful juggling by the mc chosen to form the Austrian and Hui garian governments. In internation jugglery the Austrian government hi been a past master, with no equs unless it be Abdul Hamid, Sultan < Turkey, who used the same tactics maintain his sway over peoples wl ?red as little for his rule as do' tl Bohemians and Jugo-Slavs of Austr and Hungary for that of the Hap burgs. The policy was that of pro agating antagonisms between t! various peoples, pitting one against t! other, segregating those likely to cau trouble ?now aimed at in Bohem through an arbitrary division of t. country into twelve partu, forcii removals from one district to anothi *r officially massacring the civili Population, just as the Austro-Hu garian government has done since t war began to the extent of from 30,0 to 60,000 persons. for the first time, however, unity political action between all the c pressed peoples has been achieve Realizing that this war is their t Portunity, the oppressed nationalit are cooperating in their revolutions ??tivities. Inspired with the ideals democracy, they seek to be free. II ?a* this close cooperation on an ide fcttc plane been developed throughc *?e empire? In other words, who li ?????? train? The answer is that, m< ?an any other, it was Thoma? ^Sasaryli, of Prague. LIGHTING THE SLAV BOMB IN AUSTRIA Subject Peoples Getting Together For First Time in History to Resist Oppression Who is Masaryk? On Saturday evening, May 25, ten thousand Bohemians, Slovaks and other Slavs, marched down Fifth Avenue, many of tho men and women garbed in their striking national dress, in honor of Masaryk. Half of this num? ber crowded into Carnegie Hall, while the remainder waited outside hoping for an opportunity to seo him. The meeting was in his honor. Those out? side were so insistent in their demands for a glimpse of Masaryk that he was forced to leave the platform and show himself to the throng. When President Butler of Columbia University introduced him to the great audience as one of the half-dozen lead? ing statesmen of the world the floor of heads rose to a new level and broke into a tossing sea of color and sound. The boxes, tier after tier, and those in the seats in the far-off fourth heaven took up the shouting and the tumult. Bohemian and American flags waved. For five minutes the tumult continued. What was there about the man which had made him such a popular hero? Was it his magnetic presence? The spare man who stood before them was sixty-eight years old. A thin gray mustache and beard scarcely hid the sensitive lips. The fine contour of his head was easily followed, for his hair was a thin fringe. There he stood, in sombre evening dress, the color mounting to his cheeks occasionally as he glanced through his glasses out over the tumultuous throng, a quiet, scholarly looking man, Perhaps he possessed oratorical powers which would sway men as an artist swings his brush. He began slowly in a low tono ol voice. It ros? a little as he proceeded but seldom did it take on the forcefu tones of the trained and confident ora tor. He was never at a loss, however for a word. Occasionally he strokec his face thoughtfully, passing his hanc from his eyes downward over his moutl to his chin. That seemed strange foi a speaker in Carnegie Hall, where i is difficult enough to be heard unde: any circumstances. Evidently he wai not striving for oratorical effect. Ii fact, what he said smacked of thi scholar in the study. He was not ? great speechmaker such as we expec leaders in a democracy to be. Only one did he exhibit his power over his audi ence. For a moment he addressee those before him in his and their na tive tongue. He spoke with the sam slow, careful choosing of words. Sud denly, raising his arm to a horizonte position, he pointed straight out wit' the index finger. A single sentenc accompanied this gesture. It was as i a conductor had raised his baton an his chorus had risen to its feet i front of him. The great audience be fore him rose as one man and stoo in serried ranks, obedient to his singl word. The Keynote of His War Policy Was his message the key to his popt larity? It semed as he delivered a simply told tale. It was his idea c why the war could not be won for tr Allies unless Austria-Hungary was di? memb?red, and the different small n; tions comprising it eacH had an o] portunity for freedom such as Americ possesses, founded upon the principle of the Declaration of Independence. ? long as Bohemia, astride the highwf from Berlin to Vienna, Budapest ar the Danube and the Black Sea, wi antagonistic to the Central Europes monarchies there could be no pea< nor any Mitteleuropa. There is no Au tria, only a family supporting itself I trickery at the expense of many small ! nationalities. Therefore, why should Austria continue to exist? As all the oppressed peoples of Austria-Hungary feel thus about it and the friendship of Italy has been secured for their aims, it is possible to erect a barrier across Middle Europe from the Baltic to the Adriatic which will control the Danube and the rail routes to Constan? tinople and the Black Sea. In fighting for her age-old independence, Bohemia is fighting for thi safety of democracy for the world. "There are nineteen nations from the Baltic to Greece," said he. "This pecu? liar zone is the barrier of Germany to? ward the East. Mitteleuropa is what the Holy Roman Empire was, a plan for subjugating the East. Austria, to? day, while nominally free, actually is governed from Berlin. Austria never could be opposed to Germany. The idea of Germany is that Germans are super ! human and the Slavs are slaves. The ? phrase, 'Berlin-Bagdad,' could be bet? ter expressed 'Berlin-Cairo.' Africa is Germany's aim. Germany thinks of mastering Europe, Asia, Africa. The Allies are thinking of all countries, the new with the old. The new world may be the leader of all mankind, "The programme which the Bohe? mians, Poles and South Slavs and other small nationalities are urging is not that of mastering Germany geograph? ically, but the necessary plans of hu? manity. We care not for war power, but for a world based on the agree? ments of free nations. It will be Amer? ica that will aid most in settling this struggle for the high aims of mankind. The next stage of the evolution in the minds of the Germans is the control of Great Britain and the United States. It is the problem of socialism which we have before us. By socialism we mean that the rights of the small man as well as those of the great man are entitled to be recognized. The same idea extends to international relations. Small nations have the same rights as largo nations. "There are eight nations in Aus? tria, but Austria is not a a??ion. Aus? tria is the dynasty, the autocracy, the army. Austria-Hungary is an example of an artificial state just as Prussia is. These small nations are not a part of the same government because they are neighboring and have agreed to it, but because they have the same dy? nasty. "The aim of the future peace confer? ence is the organization of the east ] of Europe. The unexpected result of I this war was the Russian revolution. Czarism has given place to something i not very strong. It is my conviction and that of many political thinkers ? that Russia must be an organized democracy, and not the prey of Ger? many. "A reconstruction of mankind must be a result of this war. If Germany would only rely upon her own forces and not exploit other nations! If Germany will not exploit other nations I she can do what she likes. Every pol I icy that is only materialistic cannot ; prevail. Democracy is the government of hearts over hearts, of souls over souls." As one listened to Masaryk there seemed nothing remarkable about his treatment of the great field he was '<: tilling. What he said seemed to one i the logical and appropriate thing tc \ say. It was said with so little em I phasis that the largeness of his con? ception did not at once manifest itself ! He left his ideas to grow in such soi! ! as they found congenial. Thomas Garrique Masaryk, a pro I fessor of philosophy, politics anc | sociology in the University of Prague THOMAS G. MASARYK a man who has never held a political office except that of member of the Reichsrat, is a statesman because of his ideas. Ideas, a high sense of the importance of ethical values, fearless? ness, a willingness to support unpopu? lar causes, a modesty which lends him to gain his ends through the activities of others?these arc some of the char? acteristics which have placed Masaryk at the head of the Austrian revolu? tionary movement. By temperament he is a realist and a Liberal. He looks for the facts and faces them in a prac? tical way. He founded the Bohemian Realist party, that of the intellectuals. His Liberal tendency was guided by his wife, a daughter of Rudolph Garrique, of Brooklyn, founder of a well known New York insurance company. He met her, it is said, in Leipsic, where he was a university student and study? ing music. As a token of his affection for her, he adopted her family name as his own middle name. She gave him an insight into American institu? tions and led him into an appreciation of their value to humanity. For forty years he taught the principles of the American Declaration of Independence beneath the shades of the University of Prague. Tried Teacher Of Slav Youths Prague has long been the chief cen? tre of Slav literature and learning. The university is one of the oldest in Europe. Hither come the youth of all the Slav regions of Austria-Hungary. Before Masaryk's time the ideals of Slav unity were linguistic and literary. They were the visions of dreamers. Masaryk taught the later generations for a period of forty years to face facts as they were. As the political pressure grew greater he preached free? dom anel democratic forms of govern? ment. Political ideals were emphasized after the war broke out, when -all Slavs began to change their orientation and work for political union and democratic forms. Masaryk's character and teachings drew young men toward him. They came from every Slav region. Through a period of forty years he sowed mod? ern philosophical and political ideas throughout the Slav world of Austria Hungary. His courage strengthened his grip ! upon the oppressed peoples of Austria ! Hungary. On April 3 a Jew by the , name of Leopold Hilsner, was dis? charged from an Austrian penitentiary at the conclusion of a period of con ; finement of nineteen years. The crime with which Hilsner was charged and ! of which ho was convicted was the j murder of a nineteen-year-old Chris ; tian girl, whose body was found in a : little grove near the town of Polna, | in Southeastern Bohemia. It was clearly indicated that the motive for | the crime was a desire to hide another crime, that of rape. The fact that the ' victim had a large gash on her neck i was immediately seized upon by the ? anti-Semitic agitators as a proof that i the young woman was murdered for 1 the purpose of securing her blood for ; ritualistic purposes. The "yellow" ? press, especially the pan-German papers, exploited the affair and there was grave danger of Jewish "pogroms." Professor Masaryk was the only man who opposed the clamor. After a pains ; taking examination of the evidence he i was able to prove that the crime was I certainly not one for obtaining blood i for ritualistic purposes. He also dis j proved the primitive notion which was the basis of the charge. The reaction? ary press and anti-Semite agitators | turned against him, insinuating that I he had been bribed by rich Jews. The I courts indicted him for interfering with the due process of law. His . courageous defence secured him the ! attachment of the Jews throughout the | country. I Wins Leadership Of Southern Slavs Upon his election to the Reichsrat in 1907 he won the following of the South Slavs through his support and leadership of their cause. He boldly criticised the bureaucratic policy ol Austria toward the Serbo-Croats of Bosnia and rallied all his Slav col | leagues around him. This was one o? I the steps leading to the general recogni I tion of Dr. Masaryk as leader of all the ! oppressed peoples of Austria. He cre | ated a sensation in Europe through his \ speech revealing Magyar tyranny in ; Croatia. His speeches exposing the J forgeries upon which Aerenthal based i his Bosnian policy, and which nearly led to a war upon Serbia ten years age | were astonishing in their daring and Masaryk, Leader of Czech-Slovaks, in This Country to Prepare Way for Freedom completeness. Aerenthal could only sit without reply, guilty before the world. His defence of a group of thirty or forty Jugo-Slavs against charges of treason at his own expense strength? ened materially this political allegiance of the Southern Slav part of the Dual Monarchy. As a result of Masaryk's teachings the idea of a Serbo-Croat unity had been growing prior to 1907, Frano Supilo, a Southern Slav patriot, being the chief among the leaders. Of? ficial Austria and official Hungary made a deliberate attempt to use the grow? ing popularity of the idea as a lever for discrediting and attacking inde? pendent Serbia. "The full perfidy of the methods employed to this end," says Seton Wateon, an English authority on Cen? tral European affairs, "is still very inadequately realized in the West, though they threw a searching light not merely upon Austria-Hungary's traditional policy, but also upon one of the prime causes of the present war." A well directed press campaign pre? ceded the annexation of Bosnia in October, 1908, its object being that of suggesting that the leaders of the movement for unity were inspired, and directly financed from Belgrade. In? deed, these men, instead of voicing a genuine demand for nationality, were alleged to be actually in the pay of an alien dynasty conspiring to stir up trouble! Wholesale arrests followed. In March, 1909, a monster treason trial opened at Agram, capital cf Croatia. Amid many scandals it dragged along for seven months. As a means of in? timidation the governmental secret police organized a band of street ruf? fians to attack some of the Serbo Croat leaders in the chief streets of the city. Supilo was one of the vic? tims. There was risk of war with Russia as the Bosnian crisis dragged on. ?Checking Another Austrian Move Aerenthal, Foreign Minister of Aus? tria, furnished to Heinrich Friedjung, Austria's leading historian, a formi? dable array of "documents" purporting to establish corrupt complicity between the Serbo-Croat leaders in a wide? spread revolutionary plot. This was supposed to have been organized by the Serbian government in Croatia and Bosnia. On the day fixed by the Aus? trian staff for a final rupture with Serbia the first instalment of Fried jung's "revelations" appeared in the "Neue Freie Presse." As it chanced on that very day Russia yielded tc the demonstrations of William II oi Prussia, and the danger of a Euro? pean war was temporarily removed The news reached Vienna so late thai night that Aerenthal was unable tc stop the publication of Friedjung's firsl instalment. It was the expectatior of the government to follow the publi? cation with the execution under mar? tial law of Supilo and other Serbo Croat leaders. The preservation oi peace put the shoe on the other foot and these leaders brought a libel suil against Dr. Friedjung. "The amazing revelations of the Friedjung trial," said Seton-Watsor recently, "cast an indelible stain upor Austria's diplomacy, and afford crush? ing proof of her bad faith toward Serbia. For the 'documents' upor which the defence relied were provee! (by Masaryk) to be impudent forgeries concocted by officials of the Austro Hungarian Legation in Belgrade, anc supplied en gros, with the connivance of the minister, to the Foreign Office in Vienna for the purpose of poisoning the wells of public opinion against Jugo-Slavg inside and outside the mon- i archy. These forgeries were far too gross to have deceived the merest child, and when Professor Masaryk on the floor of the Austrian delegation branded the guilty diplomatist as a second Azov, the spy and agent provo? cateur, the Foreign Minister remained seated in no less guilty silence." The qualities which won the Jugo Slavs to his standard were illustrated in his own feeling toward Supilo when he summed up for the defence of that leader in the Friedjung trial with the words, "For him I would lay both my hands in the fire." j While a member of the Reichsrat, ! Masaryk went far toward bringing the j representatives of the oppressed peo ! pies in that body into agreement of action. His success is indicated by ! the difficulties which the Austrian gov I ernment encountered when it convened the body after three years of war, only to dissolve it again recently in the hope of saving the Hapsburgs and the government from ignominy and i revolution. I Known By the | Enemies He Has Count Czernin, in the course of hii last speech in Vienna, made "the wretched and contemptible Masaryk' responsible for the failure of Austrii to conclude a "strong" peace. Oi j April 13 a delegation of twenty-thre< ? Jugo-Slav deputies and four womei j went to Prague to protest against Coun Czernin's attacks on the Czechs an Masaryk. One of them, Pavelich b; name, said, "Seventy years ago, in 184S we Serbs, Croats and Slovenes came t Prague in order to save Austria. Tc day we come to save ourselves. Th glove which Czernin threw at th Czechs is also a challenge to us, an more firmly than ever we shall stan together until victory is won." Masaryk was one of the first men t warn Allied statesmen of the dangei of the Pan-German plan of Mittelei i ropa and to perceive in the dissolutir of Austria-Hungary and the establisl I ment in the place of the Dual Moi i archy of independent states the on ! practical way of checking the Pa: | German aspirations in Central ar ; Eastern Europe. His uncompromising attitude towa ? the hopeless kind of government pr i vided by the Hapsburgs and their toe , led him to leave Austria, withdraw in | exile and range himself on the si ' of the Allies. He has undergone t ; fate of all the leading Czech politiciai After loyally striving for years for reconciliation with the Germans a ? the Austrian state, they end by real '? ing the impossibility of such an ai In order to save the future of free E hernia from the necessity of renewi i these vain experiments he placed hi i self at the head of the Czecho-Slov i revolutionary movement. As the pre ; dent of the Czecho-Slovak Natior i Council in Paris he has been worki | in England, France, Italy and Rusi : for the independence of Bohemia. Af' the outbreak of the Russian revoluti ] he went to Russia, where he organ:: a Czecho-Slovak army of 50,000 fr< among the men who had gone over ii Russia from the Austrian army whi I ever opportunity offered. This ar ! will now go to France by way of Via ' vostok and the Pacific and some , mous "Atlantic port." Following i '' signing of the Brest-Litovsk pe treaty, he came to America by way Siberia and Japan. For his anti-A ; trian activities in the Allied countr i he was sentenced to death by A LORRAINE'S HOPE BRIGHTEST IN NIGHT OF AGONY By Marie de Perrot I MUST leave it to pens abler than mine to deal with strategy, to give an expert account of the scenes of those encounters which have ravaged France during the Great War. I merely wish to speak of places?now become historical?as I remember them before the war, of the people with whom I was brought in contact dur? ing my wanderings in the land of my birth, from north to south and east to west. At times it will seem like a revival of ancient things, of an old France, though scarcely four years divide us from that first terrible invasion of August and September, 1914, when the wild hordes, carrying in their trail death and destruction, made a wilder ! ness of those departments which were I once the glory of France. What great ! book might not be written also of | those countrysides, demolished by i bombs, now full of troops, where the : star-spangled flag of America waves i beside the tricolor. Pious Hands Attend Them To-day spring sheds its flowers on some of those desolate plains; they spring up on the hillside where one grave follows another, battered by wind and rain now for nearly four years-?for one of the fiercest on? slaughts, which has gone on almost without interruption until now, was made in the Vosges. Vet some of the rough wooden crosses- it seems al? most a miracle?havo still hanging on their rude arms and k?pis of the poilus who rest there. Pious hands, who look after the graves and bring flow? ers, do not disturb them. There the children of France lie until the great day of awakening, and beside them some of the finest sons of America, who were the first to answer France's call for help. They nobly fulfilled their mission and, cradled by the soft i starlit nights of the land for which they died, its earth weighs lightly on i their last resting place. Perhaps the attack was wildest here, because Germany felt less secure in Lorraine than it did in Alsace, which, with the exception of Belfort and its territories, forms in its entirety part of the Reichslaender. As to Lorraine, France, by the -Treaty of Frankfort on-Main in 1871, surrendered only part ; of the department of the Meurthe and that of the Moselle. What remains forms to-day the department of Meurthe and Moselle, with Nancy as ' capital. In any case, a tremendous ; ? German effort was put forth against j Nancy, Pon't-?-Mousson and the poor little village of Amanee. They Tried to Join The Mother Country On July 80, 1914, and the succeeding days, youths and men?even those who had been through the campaign of: 1870-'71 -- endeavored to cross the I frontier and enlist in France. The i enthusiasm of those first hours was in? describable. With that faith which moves mountains, they saw themselves already united to the great mother family. In two days only old men, women and children were left, for ? I those who were too late to escape hael ! to serve in the German army, and had 1 also gone. Yet even many of these were true to . Franco, as far as in them lay. A story : is told of a young Lorraine recruit, whose French-born mother had brought I him up in the secret love for her I patrie. He was swept into the Ger man army and sent to fight in the North of France, whence he wrote to the mother whose influence was the greatest power in his life, as it is in that of most Frenchmen: "Dear mother?As I promised you, I have not taken the life of a single Frenchman, and will never do so." Across the pencil-scrawled sheet was written: "Madame?Your son was shot at dawn . as a traitor." Tru,c to tradition, which runs like a thread of gold through our history, the French women have done their duty well all through the war, though, of course, in the departments which are not invaded, they have suffered less materially. But for valiance, endur? ance and stoic courage, none can be compared with the women of the de nartments of the Vosges, Meuse, Meurthe and Moselle, who are called collectively Lorraines, or sometimes Vosgiennes. They are women of great purpose and courage, ahiefly due to the fact that their country, this eastern part of France, has constantly been a battlefield. Even in the time of the Gauls Borne fought here. On these plains it conquered them, then to ? ether with the subjugated enemies ought Attila, whose hordes sheltered behind their walls of earth?the fore? runner of the present Huns' trench tactics. They are worthy wives and mothers of those heroic Lorraine soldiers who bore the brunt of the first shock and who, after having brought the hope of France into the annexed provinces, saved, by their bravery, French Lor? raine from a too long occupation by the enemy. The mothers had gone through the horrors of the defeats in 1870-1871, the daughters had been brought up with the thought that some day "the Land of the Empire" would come back to the motherland. They were not surprised at the war; to those on German territory it seemed to herald deliverance. Like the fathers, brothers, husbands, sweethearts who had left, they mobilized themselves to shower their hearts' joy and gladness in gifts upon the soldiers who came so gallantly to the sound of the "Mar? seillaise," or the song of the "Sambre et Meuse." Nothing was too good, too precious for those young heroes who took part in the fights which will go down to posterity as some of the most glorious exploits of the war. They had known well, during the forty-four years of anguish and de? ferred hope, with loving counsel and sympathy to keep up the flame of hope in the hearts of their men. Any sacri? fice now seemed as naught to them Flowers, ?wine, chocolate, the choicest fruit, all vhey cherished, all they pos? sessed, thtyy brought, it to our petit? soldats, a?, they passed along the road The heroic dash in German territorj was broken at Morhange, and darkei days even than those which went be fore have come to Lorraine. But theii women have not lost faith. Few o: our soldiers who ware in that openinj campaign will come back, but those who do will always remember the un speakablc joy they brought to the peo pie and the welcome which greete? them. Nor do the women forget thos> hours of mad exultation. There ar< sons, fathers, brothers, husbands wh< will never come back, but France re mains, and those women have decidei that she shall be delivered. Like Jeanne d'Arc, they feel that I patrie is worthy of all their love and devotion. They have known the woes of our army retreating, and hopes which promised immediate realization dashed to the ground. But they do not lose heart for that. Like the maiden, they have by nature that happy com? bination of character which allows them to cope with deferred hopes. They are full of enthusiasm and yet have common sense?that most useful qual? ity. Audacious at times, and thus ablo to encounter danger, they can be most witty, yet are prudent in giving their opinion. The soil of the Lorraine is naturally barren and unproductive, yet, thanks to the industry of its inhabitants, it has grown to be fruitful. Now that they ire alone the women have brave? ly taken up the task, T'oere are many children in Lorraine. They are help? ing their mothers to sow, even to plough, and I am tolei that not merely their hands, but their hearts are in the task, hearts and souls of those va? liant Lorraines. Ready for Emergencies and Rich With Hope Wherever the shower of shTapne allows it munition factories hav sprung up. In these the women o: Lorraine work incessantly, and theii output, a.s figures show, is compara tively larger than anywhere else. I always comes back to the one idea worth of character, and those wome: are so valiant and true. So cheerful alsol So I knew them, hiding unde a smile and a brave word their disap pointments, great and small; so I fee sure they are to-day ready for an; emergency, rich with every hope. It often has seemed to me that some thing of the spirit of Jeanne d'An their great countrywoman, of the sim pie, brave, pious young girl, lives i them. Knowing that a task was sc before her, which it was her duty t accomplish, even though it cost he lif?, so she lived and moved among th Lorraine women of her time. To-da the virtues of her humbler sisters at more prosaic; great occasions are n< of every day occurence, yet I bciiev there are many who would be as wil ing to sacrifice everything, If on! France ia saved! trian court martial, the sentence to be executed on apprehension. In order to intimidate him the Aus? trian authorities placed his wife under police surveillance? and his daughter, Alice, in prison. She was afterward re? leased through the efforte of a number of American women's societies. She was well known in Chicago, where she had been a settlement worker. He is the author of a number of books and many pamphlets as well as the founder of the Czech Progressive party. Among his hooks are?. "Suicide a3 a Pathological Symptom of Modern Civilization." "The Social Question." "The Sociological and Philosophical Basis of Marxism." "The System of Realism," "The Czech Question," and "Russia and Europe." His w.de knowl? edge of Russia will make him a valu? able to aid the Allies in meeting the i situation now presented in that coun itr? The closing words of Masaryk*s Car ! negie Hall speech are the key to his ! life. For him it is humanity, the soul, which counts. He is first of all an ethical teacher. His sincerity of pur? pose, his soundness of thought, his in? sistence upon facing facts, his willing? ness to give his all for those causes which he adopts whether they are popu? lar or not, and his natural capacity as a leader have combined to make him ! the idol of his fellow countrymen and the inspiration and rallying point of all tho oppressed peoples of Austria Hungary. i To sum up, Masaryk is a statesman whose strength lies in moral and in? tellectual eiualities. He is largely the i author and embodiment of the nev, Slavism. He personifies the liberal democratic spirit which has replac?e ; the old Slav spirit of imperialism. The . last vestige of the latter disappearee < when the Romanoff dynasty was over ! thrown. The new Slavism has no im : perialistic aims, thanks to Masaryk ane ! his followers. They fight for the lib ? erty of Eastern Europe. Estimating the Chances of Success What are the chances of success o: : a revolutionary movement in Austria Hungary? Andre Ch?radame, an au thority on this subject, in an article it : the June "Atlantic Monthly," point: out that there is a tremendous laten i and potent hatred of Pan-German; \ among millions of peoples include* ! within the confines of the Central Em pires available for revolutionary ob , jects. It only awaits the call to giv I it life and vigor. He believes it to b ? a decisive factor in the war. He says "The Allies could systematicall; arm, by the aerial route, a part of th ' 14,000,000 anti-Pan-Germans, non-mob ilized, in Central Germany, and thu bring about an insurrection in the re gions traversed by the vital strategi communications 01 Pan-Germany. Sec ondly, they could, by means of suci ; insurrections, bring about a state o affairs, both moral and matt-rial, whic would enable the 8,000,000 troops em bodied against their will in the Ger man armies to revolt in their turn. "Assuming this form of strategy t be adopted, the 19.000,000 Germans an pro-Germans would have to face th ; hostile action, active or passive, o 20,000,000 Allied troops, 8,000,000 o their own troops in revolt or on stri-k and 14,000,000 possible insurgent civ ilians, or 42,000,000 in all. "If the Germans had been in ou 1 place, would they not long ago hav made use of the anti-German element in Pan-Germany, considering that i Russia they have derived the enormou . profit that we all know from element favorable to their cause, although the were much less numerous than thos : utilizable by the Allies? Under thes conditions can the latter refuse t adopt, at last, the Btrategy of the pe . litical sciences? "Far from working to the prejudic of the Western front, it would wor : altogether to its advantage; for notl ing could afford greater relief to tfc Allied troops from the terrible pr?s! | ure that they are having te) withstan ! on that front than an uprising, sciei : tirlcally organized, for the liberatio j of Central Europe." Masaryk's Task In America Professor Masaryk, as president I what is practically the provisional go ernment of the Czecho-Slovak nat?o is in this country with live objective The first is that of securing the pe mission of the Allied governmenta transport a Czecho-Slovak army nur ing between 50,000 and 100,000 m? across Asia and America to Franc where it can fight with the Allies, is known as the "Army of Victory i Death," and was organized by D Masaryk from among the large nur bers of Czecho-Slovaks who had escpai from the Austrian army to Russi Since the conclusion of peace by tl Bolsheviki the presence of this army Russia is superfluous, as it cannot bs tie with the Austro-Gerraan fore alone. His second task is that of strengt ening and inspiring the Ciecho-Slova in this country. They are already we organized for the purpone of financial supporting the movement, and ai sencling volunteers to Europe. Th are able to do more in both respec The third object is that of gainii the sympathy of the United States go ernment for the Czechoslovak mov ment for independence. Dr. Masar; feels that the reputation which t American government has ' gain among the suppressed nations of E rope compels it to assume the lead"' position in* the movement to liber? them from foreign domination. V statement issued by the Department State a few days ago show? the pre ress which has been made in this i reoHon. While here. Dr. Masaryk will stri to reach u closer understanding wi the other Slavs, who, like the Czech Slovaks must be freed from Germ domination. Already the organizatio ?epresenting the various nations i working along parallel lines. Dr. Masaryk will likewise strive overcome the mistaken theory on whi a great deal of American action in i past has been based. Austria-Hunga he will make more clear to America cannot and will not sever her conn tion with Berlin. To do so woi mean the elimination of the Hapsbi dynasty. There is nothing to be hoj for, he argues, through maintenance a dynasty which bases its right rule on divine authority and acts complete disregard to the wishes of subjects. He is still laying the train?