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First t? Last?the Truth: New??Editorial? ?Advert "??eTOsw ta Memlis? o? the Audit Bureau of OmilatUms MONDAY, JUNE 10; 1?18 Owned and published daily t>y The Tribune AssoclaflJn. a New York OrporsUon Ogden Rcld. rr*?K5?*it; O. Vernor Roger?. Vice-President: Richard H I*?. Secretar,; F A Suter. Treasunr. Address. Tribune Building. lo4 Nassau Street, Nt ? York. Teleobone, Beokman 3000. SUBSCRIPTION RATES ?By Mall. Postage Paid, out? side of Greater New York: IN THE UNITED STATES: OITSIDK OF GREATER NEW TORK 1 TT. S mo. 8 rao. 1 "?? Pally and 8unday. $9.S0 ?4 75 ?2.50 ?0*5 Dally only . 7.00' 3 50 1.7S ??? Sunday only . 3 ?0 1.50 ..5 -3? CANADIAN RATES Daily and Sunday.?10 00 ?5 00 ?2 56 ?1? Dally only . 7 00 3 50 1.75 ??? Sunday only . 5 00 2 50 1.18 ??? FOREIGN RATE8 Dally and Sunday.?24 00 ?12 0? ?J 00 ?J ?0 Daily only . 18 00 9 00 4.50 1.5? Surdey only . 7.00 8 50 1..5 ?6?' Enierrc" st the rostofflce ?t New York sa Second Cas? Mall Matter GUARANTEE You can purchase merchandise advertised In THE TRIBUNE with absolute safety?fsr If dlssatlsfaotlen re rults In any ease THE TRIBUNE guarantees to pay ysur money back upon reeuest. No red tape. No qulbbtlnf. We make own promptly If the advertiser dees not. MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Tho Associated lYssa Is exclusively entitled to the DM for republlcaUon of all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited In this paper and also the local news of spoiuanefus origin published herein. All right? of ropubllcatlon of all other matt? herein are also reserved. For the Kaiser Still We like to think that German-Ameri? canism is dead. But, to the contrary, it is still alive and still offensive. In a cer? tain fatuous way it has just proved its own existence while attempting to deny it. First there is the sequence of events. Several weeks ago twenty-three groups of alien born citizens petitioned the gov? ernment to sanction and proclaim a Loy? alty Day, on which all loyal people of foreign nativity might with one impulse publicly manifest their feelings. On May 24 the President published his hearty approval of the thought, and ap? propriately named July 4 to be the day. The Committee on Public Information then undertook to organize a nation-wide demonstration. It telegraphed the Gov? ernors of all the states to support the movement. The Governors have respond? ed. In New York City the Mayor's Com? mittee on National Defence adopted the idea and began to prepare for a loyalty parade of at" least 75,000 citizens of for? eign origin. The Mayor issued a suit? able proclamation. Enter now the German-Americans. Their attitude toward the announce? ment of a Loyalty Day demonstration, in which, of course, they should be ex? pected to participate, was at first cau? tious and non-committal. The German language papers merely printed the news. Suddenly "The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung" and "The German Her? old" proposed that citizens of German origin should have a loyalty demonstra? tion of their own, to be organized by themselves and conducted by their old leaders, whose words they were accus? tomed to hear and enjoy. This separate demonstration was to be held on a sepa? rate day, preferably Flag Day, which is June 14. The question at once is asked, "Why should citizens of German origin wish to demonstrate their loyalty in a sepa? rate manner on a day apart?" To this the answer is, or was, quite plausible. In the first place, it could be Baid that the suspicion inherent in the question was gratuitous. Secondly, Ger? man-American loyalty having been so much aspersed, it was fitting that citi? zens of German origin should make their own confession of faith one of special occasion. That did not answer the question, and yet there was much to be said for the wish of these citizens, first, to have their loyalty taken more for granted than that of twenty-three miscellaneous groups of foreign born, and, secondly, to emphasize it in their own particular way. And now what happens? On Thursday night last, at the instance of "The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung" and "The German Herold," a meeting of American citizens of German origin and German descent is held to arrange the special demonstration proposed to be held in advance of Loyalty Day. A resolution is offered, and immedi? ately there is an uproar. The resolution as prepared by Mr. Sigel, representing the Friends of German Democracy, con? tains the following American sentiment: "That in order to prove our sincerity beyond question we believe that such demonstration must express our absolute condemnation of the German government, the German Kaiser and the Prussian mil? itary autocrats who are and have- been the German government and whose lust of conquest brought on this terrible war." ^ This part of the resolution is unac? ceptable to the American citizens of Ger? man origin. One denounces it on the ground that ho has met the Kaiser and knows him to be a democratic gentleman. Another expresses a belief that al? though the Gennan-American societies wished America to win they did not wish Germany to be defeated. Another says it would be suicide for the representatives of German-American societies on their own responsibility to adopt such a resolution. Mr. Ridder, of "The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung," denounces Mr. Sigel, who introduced the sensational resolu? tion, on the ground that he does not rep re?ent a German organisation. Herman Hagedorn, the poet, who is seekinj? to Americanize the sentiments of citizens of German origin, and who or? ganized this meeting, begs that the iv.olution be accepted in principle. But no; it would. not be accepted even in ?>rincu)le. Instead it was referred to * cununfltittt, where the: row may go on be- j bind closed docrrs. # Some one suggests that the faitur* to adopt the resolution once it had unfortu natery got introduced would be comment ed upon unfavorably by the American newspapers. Thereupon Mr. Ridder, of ' "The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung." makes the amazing statement that he could epcak for the American news? papers of New York; he could guaran? tee, in fact, that none of them would comment unfavorably upon anything thet happened at the meeting. The Tribune, so far as we know, is the only New York paper that has done so; but this we believe to be an accident No other newspaper had reporters at the meeting. The picture is finished with one more stroke. At a meeting of American citizens of German origin, called for the express purpose of arranging a German-Ameri can loyalty demonstration apart from the nation-wide Loyalty Day movement, it is impossible to pass a resolution con? demning the German government, the German Kaiser and the Prussian mili tary autocrats! That is German-Americanism. And German-Americanism is divided loyalty. Imagine how eagerly this news will be read jn Berlin. Will the Kaiser not re? serve an Iron Cross for the Rev. Julius Jaeger, the American citizen who did him "the service to pronounce him a democrat in New York Thursday night? And one also for Mr. Ridder, of "The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung," who helped to put aside a resolution that condemned . him? Mr. Ridder and Mr. Hearst have to- I gether invoked the Constitution of the United States against municipalities that have dared to bar theyr papers. i Is there a sense of humor in Ger- ? many? The Strangulation of Russia There was a fine rhetorical flourish in the recent protest of Tchitcherin, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs: "We have accepted their modus vivendi; why do they strangle us?" But German strangulation of Russia goes on, modus vivendi or no modus Vivendi. The Teutons have lately taken possession of the whole northern coast of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, as far as Rostov-on-Don. They have gone even further. They have set up a pro-Teuton government in the province of the Don Cossacks and proclaimed its independence of the Moscow r?gime. Germany has just aided Finland, now a dependency ofvthe Kaiser's, to enforce a claim against Russia for an outlet on the Arctic Ocean. A part of the Mur? mansk district has passed into Finnish hands. Presently Finland may discover that she has an enforceable claim on the whole Arctic littoral as far east as the White Sea. Now Germany is demanding the sur? render of Russia's Black Sea fleet. She threatens, if she doesn't get the fleet, to continue her appropriations of Rus? sian territory. The Russian government is willing to transfer the Black Sea fleet to German control for the duration of the war, but only on condition that Ger? many doesn't use the vessels. But Ger? many wants to use them to help the Turks to take over the Trans-Caucasian provinces allotted to them by the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. If she gets the ships she will use them on the Caucasus coast, whatever the terms of the con? tract; for she cannot afford to lose any time in exploiting the precious oil fields between the Black Sea and the Caspian, whose chief port of shipment is Batum. Germany is going to treat Russia as she has treated Belgium and Rumania. She recognizes Russia as an independent state, but only for purposes of camou? flage. What she wants in the ancient Romanoff empire she will take, treaties and protocols notwithstanding. You can? not argue over the rights of man or the rights of nations with a bandit who has a halter about your neck. The strangula j tion of Russia may be slow. But, as ! things look now, it will continue until ! the victim's last kopeck ""?/transferred to ! the strangler's pocket. Buy the Mail Tubes It is singularly unfortunate that there should be the existing deadlock of Senate and House members of the conference committee on the postoffice appropriation bill over the appropriation for the pur ! chase of the pneumatic mail tubes. Both houses of Congress approved the service and the principle of government capture of the facilities when they voted for the appropriation bill. Both houses went on record against the proposal of Post? master General Burleson that the tubes i be abolished, and the natural assumption was that they accepted the arguments presented in favor of the service and the record of experience with it in five great cities of the country. To abolish the pneumatic tubes would be to impose on the business of the coun? try a great and unwarranted hardship? unwarranted at any time, and in this period of postal service disorganization almost disastrous. So far as this city is concerned, any suspension would be, as Borough President Dowling has truly said, deplorable, resulting "not only in harm to business interests," but increas? ing "danger from motor vehicles" and adding "to present war-time congestion in principal highways." The tubes ex? pedite the transmittal of first-class mail, making it possible to obtain'speed in the dispatch and delivery of letters which could be obtained by no other agency. Thus they contribute in great measure to the postal facilities of this, the most | profitable and most important postoffice j of the country. A committee of Congress j has made exhaustive inquiry into the j matter, has approved the service and has recommended that the government par? chas? it. With this recommendation the business elements of the community and the nation are in accord. Considering the value of the part the tubes play in the commercial life of the United States, the sum required for their purchase does not seem too large. The present disagree- ? ment of the conference committee should by all means be resolved into a decision to authorize the expenditure, so that this extremely vexing matter may be settled, ence and for all Death and Paul Chapman To the Tribune, as to our readers, Paul Chapman is at first Mush enly a sixtsrsm year-old boy gone wtoii;??gone so far wrcn? that he will be electrocuted for manier unless Governor Whitman inter- i verres. That is a small item these days. Far more precious lives are passing daily by i the thousand in France. We voice the ! instinctive protest which all normally humane citizens are coming to feel at this judicial killing of a boy chiefly be? cause of the example and the precedent which it holds. Paul Chapman is not simply one more boy gone to the bad, from this point of view. He is youth, precious youth, flung to the lions by an outworn judicial system and a genera tion-behind-the-times law. He stands for all that redeemable boyhood and girl? hood which, through the moral malnu? tritions of family failure, turn down? ward and unless a helping hand inter? venes become not only waste product? as Paul Chapman will he if he is electro cuted?but worse, vicious, corrupting product, the festering source of crime and disease into generations without number. We have no sympathy with easy sen- j timentalism toward Paul Chapman. In that absorbing record of his case by Mr. Rohde which we printed yesterday the ! line was sharply drawn between fact and emotion. He had no proper home life? j his mother, through poverty, was con fessedly but "half a mother." But count? less boys thrive under the rigor of this deprivation and hardship and turn out our finest citizens. We have no wish or intent to hold up young Chapman as a hero or a martyr. His seems to be the old case of a boy -born without normal moral balance, finally lost through fail? ing home support. Thousands of such boys?regiments, divisions of them, in war parlance?go through our children's courts every year and are saved. This reform has come gradually, with little pomp or trumpet? ing, but there is surely no change in all our judicial or social system so far reaching and splendid as this new atti? tude toward youth. Miss Jane Addams voiced it for all time in her book "The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets." The juvenile court acts of our states have written it all but unanimously into j our statutes in one form or another. A score of years ago and children were still | held to be as accountable as grownups, were still tried by the same system of courts and juries and still sentenced to the same punishments. There is here a new breath of life, ours peculiarly, the work of the last generation. New York City was not a pioneer in developing this new treatment of the child delinquent. But it has an honora ble record, and to-day can boast of as ! fine and efficient a children's court as i any in the land. The boy or girl under ? sixteen who violates the law (murder i excepted) is not held-as is an adult. He ' or she is charged with "juvenile delin quency," not with crime, and is tried not publicly, amid the paraphernalia of crim? inality, but privately in the Children's Court, where the dignity and impressive ness of justice are tempered by a sym? pathy and helpfulness suited to the years of the accused. That is obviously the sort of court to which Paul Chapman should have been sent. It is a tragedy of the law, an irreversible tragedy that he could not be so tried. Since his conviction legislation has been introduced at Albany to pro- ? hibit the death sentence for boys under eighteen in the future. That is common sense and justice, and it will have the J support of public opinion. But it does ; not look far enough. The past is gone, j As for Paul Chapman, we are confident j that his sentence will be commuted. We cannot conceive of his execution in this year of enlightenment and liberty. Gov? ernor Whitman must and will act. But ' the law will, remain inadequate, brutal, wasteful and destructive until the age of : delinquency is raised and the law amend? ed so that a boy charged with murder, the next Paul Chapman, will automati? cally escape the full responsibility of the adult and will go before a separate court for a trial suited to his age and after care fitted to his repair and restoration. We have spoken of the procedure of the juvenile court. But it is only the first difference. Beyond lies the whole ! matter of reformation, wherein expert medical care first makes a diagnosis and prolonged probation watchfulness seeks to construct out of a temporary failure a permanent lifetime of success. Not all ? juvenile delinquents succeed. We do not pretend that Paul Chapman, sent to such a court and aided and helped, would necessarily have come through. But he would have had his chance, the chance that his mother could not, that society did not, theretofore yield him. Paul Chapman missed coming before the Children's Court by a narrow mar? gin of ago plus a foolish exception in our law. He was sixteen years and ten days old on the night of the murder. The jurisdiction of our Children's Court ex? tends up to the sixteenth birthday only. But even had Paul Chapman been under sixteen he would not have gone before the Children's Court bo long as the charge against him was murder in tha first degree. Crimes punishable by death or life jmprisonment are excepted from the list. Therefore for murder in the first degree the old common law rule persists, and it is legally possible in New York State to convict for murder in the first degree and put to death a child above seven years of age. We will not argue the murder excep? tion in the Juvenile Court law. It is illogical and absurd. It is, in this day and generation, barbarous. Only one j other state in the Union, Georgia, follows New York in thus limiting the children's j court jurisdiction. This limitation in j the law should be taken out at the ear- | liest possible moment. Furthermore, the age limit of general jurisdiction should unquestionably be raised. We are already lagging behind the progressive and intelligent states. California has gone the whole distance and given her children's courts juris? diction up to the age of twenty-one. There is much to be said for the logic of this rule. But the prevailing limit is at present eighteen years, and we think sound progress would fix this limit in New York?an extension of two years, from sixteen to eighteen. Presiding Jus tice Hoyt, of our Children's Court, urged this change in his last annual report, one of the permanent recoi'ds in the his? tory of the subject. The Tribune will urge, first, that Paul Chapman shall not be put to death?a small item, perhaps, but a large symbol, j The? Tribune proposes, therefore, to j urge upon our Legislature the passage of laws which will end once and for all time even the possibility of such a blot upon our judicial records as this execu? tion would be. The war has made us careless of j bloodshed in a noble cause, lives given freely for a great purpose. By this very loss ana sacrifice, however, it has made , us more saving "of life, of youth, espe daily, from waste, from wanton lo^ and destruction. A large field lies here. The j whole care of children, legitimate and j illegitimate, falls within it. Soon there must come in America, as in every other country, a revision of our laws, a revi? sion of our hearts, that life, all life, shall be held more sacred, that no drop of human blood that can be saved to the glory of the race shall be wasted. We know of no way in which this labor can better be begun than here and now i doing justice and right by Paul Chap- I man and the boys like him who shall i follow after. One would like to know, too, by what authority a police inspector in this city takes steps to organize a Women's Police Reserve, the members of which are to make a house-to-house canvass, demand? ing signatures from every member of a family to pledge cards affirming alle? giance to the United States. Since when were American citizens bound to affirm their loyalty at the demand of any person in uniform, or with a badge, who may happen along? Attorney General Gregory has publicly disclaimed any support by the Department of Justice for any of these unauthorized proceedings, but thero still remains the duty of following them up and giving them their quietus.?From The New York Evening Post. Why such irritation? To affirm one's loyalty is no hardship. Attorney Gen? eral Gregory might very much better authorize these proceedings than to dis? claim them. A Women's Police Reserve to card every adult person in the coun? try, citizen, alien and enemy alien, is not a bad idea. It is something the De? partment of Justice ought to have done. The New Ladyism By Sarah Addington THERE is a new shame in Washington Square, a fresh tragedy that has come into the lives of the villagers to mako even those rebels of the Land-of-the-Smock and-Sandal blush with unaccustomed warmth. For, after all, Balance must be Maintained, you know, and when women go too far, well, it's dregs in the cups of the Little Groups of Serious Drinkers to whom humiliation is a new ingredient and fear a new taste to the tongue. For, of course, it is the women, a scandalous trio of them, who have smashed all the idols. Nobody but women could have devised such a fiendish way of descend? ing apon the heads of the innocent villagers. "Descending upon the heads" is the word, for?yes, that's it?three of them have act? ually gone and allowed it to grow, and if that isn't* revolution among radicals, what, pray, is? Three feminine heads in Wash? ington Square that were once thatched with ?only the barest essentials of yellow, black and auburn hair are now coming out exu? berantly into long, exotic braids, fulsome dangling curls and womanly scallops and coils. Can you wonder that all the rest of 'em gather excitedly around tables by night and cluster at the paint pots by day to dis? cuss the awful decline of art and woman? ? "The question is," as Anne put it the other night. "What shall be our Attitude' There's Irma now actually wearing a net. Of course we can't stand for that." ?"No, of course not," chimed in the others smoothing their boys' pompadours and their little girls' bangs lovingly. "Nets are en? tirely taboo. Irma will certainly have to j move up to Riverside Drive and be a lady or 1 get a job on Wall Street. NoBod^ but a lady or a Wall Street girl wears a net" Then in the glum silence that followed ' Freda spoke. "It's really very courageous of them, you know, to come out in the face of all tho laws and customs." "Yes," agreed Bernice. And then, with sudden inspiration, "Why, they're the real radicals, after all, in this, I suppose." "Yes, but there's a limit even to radical? ism," said Anne, and then she raised her glass. And so it was, in the shadow of the Arch, that the Old Guard of the village pledged their allegiance to the old order. Short rations in hair, for the duration of the war at least. And even at the risk of being; reac? tionary, the most dread epithet, the dear old-fashioned things are going to ?tick to it. Arent vornan auaint? GIVE UP? WE HAVEN'T COMMENCED YET! Cheerful Post-Mortems By Theodore M. Knappen WASHINGTON, June 7.?As we were walking through the Packard plant?and the tour took a day and a half?President Macauley casually remarked that to maintain a daily output of about twenty-five Liberty motors it was necessary to have 12,000 cylinders in some process of manufacture. And they are very difficult to mill. Many are spoiled in the process. There are hundreds of ma? chines, each one limited to some small but essential part of the work. Quantity pro? duction of motors is a wonderfully compli? cated matter. Yet it would have been ?impler, it seems, if we had given the job to piano makers or corset manufacturers. It appears, ac? cording to the swivel-chair critics, that a momentous mistake was made when the making of the motors was intrusted to the automobile manufacturers. For my part I don't see who could have been ex? pected to succeed with the manufacture of motors if it was not the automobile manu? facturers, whose business it has been to make motor car engines in enormous num? bers. Involuntary Selection We Had only two or three air motor plants in the country when we got into the war, and they had, or were given, plenty to do in producing their own types of engines. The same course was followed in Europe. It was the obvious thing to do. A list of the air motor makers of Europe reads like an automobile directory. There are, for example, the Rolls-Royce, the Sunbeam, the Fiat, the Isotta-Fraschini, the Renault, the Hispano-Suiza, the Lorraine-Do Dietrich, the Mercedes ?.nd the Benz. The automobile men were just the men for the job, and yet they have failed to come up to public expectations, or their own, for that matter, in arriving at quan? tity production in a hurry. Why? In gen? eral because of too much optimism. In particular?because, First?With all their experience they didn't realize the difficulties of quantity production of such a delicate and complex mechanism as an air motor. Second?They did not make allowances for the abnormal conditions prevailing in all industries on account of the war, condi? tions which upset all calculations as to the supply of labor, materials and machinery and the time of delivery. Third?The numerous and almost contin? uous changes that were made in the designs of,', parts of the motor from the time pro? duction began until within a few weeks. Nothing On Time It takes more time and care to make every single part of the Liberty motor than it does of corresponding parts of the ordinary automobile motors. Exactitude down to one-two-thousandth of an inch is required in many placea. The makers of machine tools were over? whelmed with other war orders, good work? men were scarce, the super-excellent ma? terials required for Liberty motors were difficult to obtain. Transportation was de? moralized. Nothing came to the manu facturera on time. Express was as unre ! liable as freight. The only way to get ! things was often to send a messenger for \ them. New plants had to be built or old I ones so transformed that it amounted tQ ? the same thing. There were not enough ! toolmakers to go around?and the toolmak ers knew it. Detroit alone lost 65,000 work j men to the army or to other places. It takes something like 1,400 machines and 65,000 tools to supply a factory with equipment enough to turn out, say, fifty motors a day. Consider the almost in? credible amount of thinking, planning, de? signing* drafting and tool making that in? volves. There are more draftsmen work? ing on the Liberty motors in some of these plants than there are employes all told in some fair-sized factories. And every oper? ation met some unexpected delay on ac? count of the abnormal condition of war time. Delay piled up on delay. There being no men, thousands of women had to be trained to operate machines. Wasting And Scrapping There was no time to sit down and leis? urely experiment with a few motors until everything was just right. If that had been done it would be months yet before we should have quantity production. Some? body in the Signal Corps had grit enough to plunge ahead and take all the chances there were of wasting and scrapping. There has been plenty of both. Literally there have been thousands of alterations. Of course, many of these al? terations have delayed production, but the delay on most parts is included within the delays made by the important ones?of which the chief, I would say, was the eleventh hour strengthening of the con? necting rods. The country is sore enough now over the delay in producing aircraft in large numbers, but imagine its state of mind if preliminary experimentation had proceeded until last February without any attempt at quantity production in the meantime! Owing to its great refinement there were vastly more changes in the Liberty motor, after the production of parts in quantity j began, than in ordinary quantity produc I tion of a new thing, but all manufacturers know that, no matter how long and careful preliminary preparation, no complex ma? chine ever gets into successful quantity production without many changes becoming necessary. A great many of the changea are unimportant and some are in the direc? tion of simplification?that is, they abolish the necessity of doing something that was at first required. Probably some of them are mere whims of engineers?another phase of the mania for perfection. A largo amount of costly scrapping has occurred, but not so much as the public has been led to believe. A considerable portion of the | changes did not involve backing up. They were directed to be made at convenience. ? They were in the nature of improvement?? these particular changes?that were not considered essential. Parts subject to aoe> ehanges tljat were already made were used, and at convenience the manufacturer turned to the improvements. Even most of the light eonneeting rods were found ?dap table to use in the flying boats for the navy. Scrapping is always a great element la the cost of manufacture. One automobile maker told me that next to "overhead" scrapping is the largest item. Out of Past Experience The experience of the motor makers with the Liberty motor connecting rods is not exceptional. For example, the Nordyke & Marmon Company once manufactured and ! shipped more than 1,500 cars of a new j model before they discovered that a steer I ing rod knuckle was too weak. And yet | they had not started production until an I experimental car had run 20,000 miles on ! rough roads. J The brunt of the cost and vexation of the ; numerous alterations has fallen on one or ' two manufacturers, chiefly the Packard ? company. The two plants of the General | Motors?the Cadillac and the Buick?and : the Ford plant did not begin work on the j Liberty motor until the Packard and Lin ! coin companies were well along?and the ' same thing is to some extent true of the Nordyke & Marmon Company, which i "cleared up" an order of 1,000 Hall-Scott j motors for training 'planes before turning I to the Liberty motor. The most of the i complaining has come from the smallest plant of all?the Trego?which had had no j previous experience that warned it what it ! might expect. Nobody Knew How The Signal Corps engineers in this mat? ter of alterations have been overblamed. Most of the changes were suggested by the manufacturers themselves as they went along. In fact, President Macauiey of the Packard Company says that 95 per cent of the alterations were recommended by the makers. If the engineers had had years of previous experience in planning and making air motors they would have had many more parts right at first. Nobody had ever man? ufactured a motor like the Liberty before, and we had but little home talent to draw on and little could be spared us frost abroad. True to His Race (From the A\ V. Railway? Employ?s' Magas*"*) Pat was tak'.-n prisoner by the Germans. They liked him and decided to save his Ufa. One thing they did not like about Pat we? he would always say: "Gee, didn't we Irish lick hell out of you Germans 7" Pat said this so often that the Genoa? officer got tired of it and one day went ?? to Pat and said: "Now, look here, Pat, the next time yo? say that, we will have to shoot you." Pat promised not to say it again, bat a week later the officer heard him seyi "Gee, didn't we Irish lick hell out of yot Germans?" and he was ordered shot. Taef marched Pat out and stood him ?*?*?** the wall. The officer told Pat he wool? give him one more chance if he *?"? swear allegiance to the German flag. W* looked sweat to Pat, ?o he consented. After ?wearing allegiance, Pat smil?d ?s? said, "Gee, didn't the? Irian lick heU ??* of na Germans ?"