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New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, June 10, 1918, Image 8

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First t? Last?the Truth: New??Editorial?
?Advert "??eTOsw ta
Memlis? o? the Audit Bureau of OmilatUms
MONDAY, JUNE 10; 1?18
Owned and published daily t>y The Tribune AssoclaflJn.
a New York OrporsUon Ogden Rcld. rr*?K5?*it; O.
Vernor Roger?. Vice-President: Richard H I*?. Secretar,;
F A Suter. Treasunr. Address. Tribune Building. lo4
Nassau Street, Nt ? York. Teleobone, Beokman 3000.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES ?By Mall. Postage Paid, out?
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news of spoiuanefus origin published herein.
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are also reserved.
For the Kaiser Still
We like to think that German-Ameri?
canism is dead. But, to the contrary, it
is still alive and still offensive. In a cer?
tain fatuous way it has just proved its
own existence while attempting to
deny it.
First there is the sequence of events.
Several weeks ago twenty-three groups
of alien born citizens petitioned the gov?
ernment to sanction and proclaim a Loy?
alty Day, on which all loyal people of
foreign nativity might with one impulse
publicly manifest their feelings.
On May 24 the President published his
hearty approval of the thought, and ap?
propriately named July 4 to be the day.
The Committee on Public Information
then undertook to organize a nation-wide
demonstration. It telegraphed the Gov?
ernors of all the states to support the
movement. The Governors have respond?
ed. In New York City the Mayor's Com?
mittee on National Defence adopted the
idea and began to prepare for a loyalty
parade of at" least 75,000 citizens of for?
eign origin. The Mayor issued a suit?
able proclamation.
Enter now the German-Americans.
Their attitude toward the announce?
ment of a Loyalty Day demonstration,
in which, of course, they should be ex?
pected to participate, was at first cau?
tious and non-committal. The German
language papers merely printed the
news. Suddenly "The New Yorker
Staats-Zeitung" and "The German Her?
old" proposed that citizens of German
origin should have a loyalty demonstra?
tion of their own, to be organized by
themselves and conducted by their old
leaders, whose words they were accus?
tomed to hear and enjoy. This separate
demonstration was to be held on a sepa?
rate day, preferably Flag Day, which is
June 14.
The question at once is asked, "Why
should citizens of German origin wish
to demonstrate their loyalty in a sepa?
rate manner on a day apart?"
To this the answer is, or was, quite
plausible. In the first place, it could be
Baid that the suspicion inherent in the
question was gratuitous. Secondly, Ger?
man-American loyalty having been so
much aspersed, it was fitting that citi?
zens of German origin should make their
own confession of faith one of special
occasion.
That did not answer the question, and
yet there was much to be said for the
wish of these citizens, first, to have
their loyalty taken more for granted
than that of twenty-three miscellaneous
groups of foreign born, and, secondly, to
emphasize it in their own particular
way.
And now what happens?
On Thursday night last, at the instance
of "The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung"
and "The German Herold," a meeting of
American citizens of German origin and
German descent is held to arrange the
special demonstration proposed to be
held in advance of Loyalty Day.
A resolution is offered, and immedi?
ately there is an uproar. The resolution
as prepared by Mr. Sigel, representing
the Friends of German Democracy, con?
tains the following American sentiment:
"That in order to prove our sincerity
beyond question we believe that such
demonstration must express our absolute
condemnation of the German government,
the German Kaiser and the Prussian mil?
itary autocrats who are and have- been
the German government and whose lust
of conquest brought on this terrible
war." ^
This part of the resolution is unac?
ceptable to the American citizens of Ger?
man origin.
One denounces it on the ground that
ho has met the Kaiser and knows him to
be a democratic gentleman.
Another expresses a belief that al?
though the Gennan-American societies
wished America to win they did not
wish Germany to be defeated.
Another says it would be suicide for
the representatives of German-American
societies on their own responsibility to
adopt such a resolution.
Mr. Ridder, of "The New Yorker
Staats-Zeitung," denounces Mr. Sigel,
who introduced the sensational resolu?
tion, on the ground that he does not rep
re?ent a German organisation.
Herman Hagedorn, the poet, who is
seekinj? to Americanize the sentiments of
citizens of German origin, and who or?
ganized this meeting, begs that the
iv.olution be accepted in principle. But
no; it would. not be accepted even in
?>rincu)le. Instead it was referred to *
cununfltittt, where the: row may go on be- j
bind closed docrrs. #
Some one suggests that the faitur* to
adopt the resolution once it had unfortu
natery got introduced would be comment
ed upon unfavorably by the American
newspapers. Thereupon Mr. Ridder, of '
"The New Yorker Staats-Zeitung."
makes the amazing statement that he
could epcak for the American news?
papers of New York; he could guaran?
tee, in fact, that none of them would
comment unfavorably upon anything
thet happened at the meeting.
The Tribune, so far as we know, is
the only New York paper that has done
so; but this we believe to be an accident
No other newspaper had reporters at the
meeting.
The picture is finished with one more
stroke.
At a meeting of American citizens of
German origin, called for the express
purpose of arranging a German-Ameri
can loyalty demonstration apart from
the nation-wide Loyalty Day movement,
it is impossible to pass a resolution con?
demning the German government, the
German Kaiser and the Prussian mili
tary autocrats!
That is German-Americanism. And
German-Americanism is divided loyalty.
Imagine how eagerly this news will be
read jn Berlin. Will the Kaiser not re?
serve an Iron Cross for the Rev. Julius
Jaeger, the American citizen who did
him "the service to pronounce him a
democrat in New York Thursday night?
And one also for Mr. Ridder, of "The
New Yorker Staats-Zeitung," who helped
to put aside a resolution that condemned .
him?
Mr. Ridder and Mr. Hearst have to- I
gether invoked the Constitution of the
United States against municipalities
that have dared to bar theyr papers. i
Is there a sense of humor in Ger- ?
many?
The Strangulation of Russia
There was a fine rhetorical flourish in
the recent protest of Tchitcherin, the
Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs:
"We have accepted their modus vivendi;
why do they strangle us?"
But German strangulation of Russia
goes on, modus vivendi or no modus
Vivendi. The Teutons have lately taken
possession of the whole northern coast
of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov,
as far as Rostov-on-Don. They have
gone even further. They have set up a
pro-Teuton government in the province
of the Don Cossacks and proclaimed its
independence of the Moscow r?gime.
Germany has just aided Finland, now a
dependency ofvthe Kaiser's, to enforce a
claim against Russia for an outlet on
the Arctic Ocean. A part of the Mur?
mansk district has passed into Finnish
hands. Presently Finland may discover
that she has an enforceable claim on the
whole Arctic littoral as far east as the
White Sea.
Now Germany is demanding the sur?
render of Russia's Black Sea fleet. She
threatens, if she doesn't get the fleet,
to continue her appropriations of Rus?
sian territory. The Russian government
is willing to transfer the Black Sea fleet
to German control for the duration of
the war, but only on condition that Ger?
many doesn't use the vessels. But Ger?
many wants to use them to help the
Turks to take over the Trans-Caucasian
provinces allotted to them by the treaty
of Brest-Litovsk. If she gets the ships
she will use them on the Caucasus
coast, whatever the terms of the con?
tract; for she cannot afford to lose any
time in exploiting the precious oil fields
between the Black Sea and the Caspian,
whose chief port of shipment is Batum.
Germany is going to treat Russia as
she has treated Belgium and Rumania.
She recognizes Russia as an independent
state, but only for purposes of camou?
flage. What she wants in the ancient
Romanoff empire she will take, treaties
and protocols notwithstanding. You can?
not argue over the rights of man or the
rights of nations with a bandit who has
a halter about your neck. The strangula
j tion of Russia may be slow. But, as
! things look now, it will continue until
! the victim's last kopeck ""?/transferred to
! the strangler's pocket.
Buy the Mail Tubes
It is singularly unfortunate that there
should be the existing deadlock of Senate
and House members of the conference
committee on the postoffice appropriation
bill over the appropriation for the pur
! chase of the pneumatic mail tubes. Both
houses of Congress approved the service
and the principle of government capture
of the facilities when they voted for the
appropriation bill. Both houses went on
record against the proposal of Post?
master General Burleson that the tubes
i be abolished, and the natural assumption
was that they accepted the arguments
presented in favor of the service and the
record of experience with it in five great
cities of the country.
To abolish the pneumatic tubes would
be to impose on the business of the coun?
try a great and unwarranted hardship?
unwarranted at any time, and in this
period of postal service disorganization
almost disastrous. So far as this city is
concerned, any suspension would be, as
Borough President Dowling has truly
said, deplorable, resulting "not only in
harm to business interests," but increas?
ing "danger from motor vehicles" and
adding "to present war-time congestion
in principal highways." The tubes ex?
pedite the transmittal of first-class mail,
making it possible to obtain'speed in the
dispatch and delivery of letters which
could be obtained by no other agency.
Thus they contribute in great measure to
the postal facilities of this, the most
| profitable and most important postoffice
j of the country. A committee of Congress
j has made exhaustive inquiry into the
j matter, has approved the service and has
recommended that the government par?
chas? it. With this recommendation the
business elements of the community and
the nation are in accord. Considering the
value of the part the tubes play in the
commercial life of the United States, the
sum required for their purchase does not
seem too large. The present disagree- ?
ment of the conference committee should
by all means be resolved into a decision
to authorize the expenditure, so that this
extremely vexing matter may be settled,
ence and for all
Death and Paul Chapman
To the Tribune, as to our readers, Paul
Chapman is at first Mush enly a sixtsrsm
year-old boy gone wtoii;??gone so far
wrcn? that he will be electrocuted for
manier unless Governor Whitman inter- i
verres.
That is a small item these days. Far
more precious lives are passing daily by i
the thousand in France. We voice the !
instinctive protest which all normally
humane citizens are coming to feel at
this judicial killing of a boy chiefly be?
cause of the example and the precedent
which it holds. Paul Chapman is not
simply one more boy gone to the bad,
from this point of view. He is youth,
precious youth, flung to the lions by an
outworn judicial system and a genera
tion-behind-the-times law. He stands
for all that redeemable boyhood and girl?
hood which, through the moral malnu?
tritions of family failure, turn down?
ward and unless a helping hand inter?
venes become not only waste product?
as Paul Chapman will he if he is electro
cuted?but worse, vicious, corrupting
product, the festering source of crime
and disease into generations without
number.
We have no sympathy with easy sen- j
timentalism toward Paul Chapman. In
that absorbing record of his case by Mr.
Rohde which we printed yesterday the !
line was sharply drawn between fact and
emotion. He had no proper home life? j
his mother, through poverty, was con
fessedly but "half a mother." But count?
less boys thrive under the rigor of this
deprivation and hardship and turn out
our finest citizens. We have no wish or
intent to hold up young Chapman as a
hero or a martyr. His seems to be the
old case of a boy -born without normal
moral balance, finally lost through fail?
ing home support.
Thousands of such boys?regiments,
divisions of them, in war parlance?go
through our children's courts every year
and are saved. This reform has come
gradually, with little pomp or trumpet?
ing, but there is surely no change in all
our judicial or social system so far
reaching and splendid as this new atti?
tude toward youth. Miss Jane Addams
voiced it for all time in her book "The
Spirit of Youth and the City Streets."
The juvenile court acts of our states
have written it all but unanimously into j
our statutes in one form or another. A
score of years ago and children were still |
held to be as accountable as grownups,
were still tried by the same system of
courts and juries and still sentenced to
the same punishments. There is here a
new breath of life, ours peculiarly, the
work of the last generation.
New York City was not a pioneer in
developing this new treatment of the
child delinquent. But it has an honora
ble record, and to-day can boast of as !
fine and efficient a children's court as i
any in the land. The boy or girl under ?
sixteen who violates the law (murder i
excepted) is not held-as is an adult. He '
or she is charged with "juvenile delin
quency," not with crime, and is tried not
publicly, amid the paraphernalia of crim?
inality, but privately in the Children's
Court, where the dignity and impressive
ness of justice are tempered by a sym?
pathy and helpfulness suited to the years
of the accused.
That is obviously the sort of court to
which Paul Chapman should have been
sent. It is a tragedy of the law, an
irreversible tragedy that he could not be
so tried. Since his conviction legislation
has been introduced at Albany to pro- ?
hibit the death sentence for boys under
eighteen in the future. That is common
sense and justice, and it will have the J
support of public opinion. But it does ;
not look far enough. The past is gone, j
As for Paul Chapman, we are confident j
that his sentence will be commuted. We
cannot conceive of his execution in this
year of enlightenment and liberty. Gov?
ernor Whitman must and will act. But '
the law will, remain inadequate, brutal,
wasteful and destructive until the age of :
delinquency is raised and the law amend?
ed so that a boy charged with murder,
the next Paul Chapman, will automati?
cally escape the full responsibility of the
adult and will go before a separate court
for a trial suited to his age and after
care fitted to his repair and restoration.
We have spoken of the procedure of
the juvenile court. But it is only the
first difference. Beyond lies the whole !
matter of reformation, wherein expert
medical care first makes a diagnosis and
prolonged probation watchfulness seeks
to construct out of a temporary failure
a permanent lifetime of success. Not all ?
juvenile delinquents succeed. We do
not pretend that Paul Chapman, sent to
such a court and aided and helped, would
necessarily have come through. But he
would have had his chance, the chance
that his mother could not, that society
did not, theretofore yield him.
Paul Chapman missed coming before
the Children's Court by a narrow mar?
gin of ago plus a foolish exception in
our law. He was sixteen years and ten
days old on the night of the murder. The
jurisdiction of our Children's Court ex?
tends up to the sixteenth birthday only.
But even had Paul Chapman been under
sixteen he would not have gone before
the Children's Court bo long as the
charge against him was murder in tha
first degree. Crimes punishable by
death or life jmprisonment are excepted
from the list. Therefore for murder in
the first degree the old common law rule
persists, and it is legally possible in New
York State to convict for murder in the
first degree and put to death a child
above seven years of age.
We will not argue the murder excep?
tion in the Juvenile Court law. It is
illogical and absurd. It is, in this day
and generation, barbarous. Only one j
other state in the Union, Georgia, follows
New York in thus limiting the children's j
court jurisdiction. This limitation in j
the law should be taken out at the ear- |
liest possible moment.
Furthermore, the age limit of general
jurisdiction should unquestionably be
raised. We are already lagging behind
the progressive and intelligent states.
California has gone the whole distance
and given her children's courts juris?
diction up to the age of twenty-one. There
is much to be said for the logic of this
rule. But the prevailing limit is at
present eighteen years, and we think
sound progress would fix this limit in
New York?an extension of two years,
from sixteen to eighteen. Presiding Jus
tice Hoyt, of our Children's Court, urged
this change in his last annual report,
one of the permanent recoi'ds in the his?
tory of the subject.
The Tribune will urge, first, that Paul
Chapman shall not be put to death?a
small item, perhaps, but a large symbol, j
The? Tribune proposes, therefore, to j
urge upon our Legislature the passage of
laws which will end once and for all
time even the possibility of such a blot
upon our judicial records as this execu?
tion would be.
The war has made us careless of j
bloodshed in a noble cause, lives given
freely for a great purpose. By this very
loss ana sacrifice, however, it has made ,
us more saving "of life, of youth, espe
daily, from waste, from wanton lo^ and
destruction. A large field lies here. The j
whole care of children, legitimate and j
illegitimate, falls within it. Soon there
must come in America, as in every other
country, a revision of our laws, a revi?
sion of our hearts, that life, all life,
shall be held more sacred, that no drop
of human blood that can be saved to the
glory of the race shall be wasted.
We know of no way in which this labor
can better be begun than here and now i
doing justice and right by Paul Chap- I
man and the boys like him who shall i
follow after.
One would like to know, too, by what
authority a police inspector in this city
takes steps to organize a Women's Police
Reserve, the members of which are to
make a house-to-house canvass, demand?
ing signatures from every member of a
family to pledge cards affirming alle?
giance to the United States. Since when
were American citizens bound to affirm
their loyalty at the demand of any person
in uniform, or with a badge, who may
happen along? Attorney General Gregory
has publicly disclaimed any support by
the Department of Justice for any of
these unauthorized proceedings, but thero
still remains the duty of following them
up and giving them their quietus.?From
The New York Evening Post.
Why such irritation? To affirm one's
loyalty is no hardship. Attorney Gen?
eral Gregory might very much better
authorize these proceedings than to dis?
claim them. A Women's Police Reserve
to card every adult person in the coun?
try, citizen, alien and enemy alien, is
not a bad idea. It is something the De?
partment of Justice ought to have done.
The New Ladyism
By Sarah Addington
THERE is a new shame in Washington
Square, a fresh tragedy that has come
into the lives of the villagers to mako
even those rebels of the Land-of-the-Smock
and-Sandal blush with unaccustomed
warmth.
For, after all, Balance must be Maintained,
you know, and when women go too far, well,
it's dregs in the cups of the Little Groups of
Serious Drinkers to whom humiliation is a
new ingredient and fear a new taste to the
tongue. For, of course, it is the women, a
scandalous trio of them, who have smashed
all the idols. Nobody but women could
have devised such a fiendish way of descend?
ing apon the heads of the innocent villagers.
"Descending upon the heads" is the word,
for?yes, that's it?three of them have act?
ually gone and allowed it to grow, and if
that isn't* revolution among radicals, what,
pray, is? Three feminine heads in Wash?
ington Square that were once thatched with
?only the barest essentials of yellow, black
and auburn hair are now coming out exu?
berantly into long, exotic braids, fulsome
dangling curls and womanly scallops and
coils. Can you wonder that all the rest of
'em gather excitedly around tables by night
and cluster at the paint pots by day to dis?
cuss the awful decline of art and woman? ?
"The question is," as Anne put it the
other night. "What shall be our Attitude'
There's Irma now actually wearing a net.
Of course we can't stand for that."
?"No, of course not," chimed in the others
smoothing their boys' pompadours and their
little girls' bangs lovingly. "Nets are en?
tirely taboo. Irma will certainly have to
j move up to Riverside Drive and be a lady or
1 get a job on Wall Street. NoBod^ but a
lady or a Wall Street girl wears a net"
Then in the glum silence that followed
' Freda spoke.
"It's really very courageous of them, you
know, to come out in the face of all tho
laws and customs."
"Yes," agreed Bernice. And then, with
sudden inspiration, "Why, they're the real
radicals, after all, in this, I suppose."
"Yes, but there's a limit even to radical?
ism," said Anne, and then she raised her
glass.
And so it was, in the shadow of the Arch,
that the Old Guard of the village pledged
their allegiance to the old order. Short
rations in hair, for the duration of the war
at least. And even at the risk of being; reac?
tionary, the most dread epithet, the dear
old-fashioned things are going to ?tick to it.
Arent vornan auaint?
GIVE UP? WE HAVEN'T COMMENCED YET!
Cheerful Post-Mortems
By Theodore M. Knappen
WASHINGTON, June 7.?As we were
walking through the Packard
plant?and the tour took a day
and a half?President Macauley casually
remarked that to maintain a daily output
of about twenty-five Liberty motors it was
necessary to have 12,000 cylinders in some
process of manufacture. And they are
very difficult to mill. Many are spoiled in
the process. There are hundreds of ma?
chines, each one limited to some small but
essential part of the work. Quantity pro?
duction of motors is a wonderfully compli?
cated matter.
Yet it would have been ?impler, it seems,
if we had given the job to piano makers
or corset manufacturers. It appears, ac?
cording to the swivel-chair critics, that a
momentous mistake was made when the
making of the motors was intrusted to
the automobile manufacturers. For my
part I don't see who could have been ex?
pected to succeed with the manufacture of
motors if it was not the automobile manu?
facturers, whose business it has been to
make motor car engines in enormous num?
bers.
Involuntary
Selection
We Had only two or three air motor
plants in the country when we got into the
war, and they had, or were given, plenty to
do in producing their own types of engines.
The same course was followed in Europe.
It was the obvious thing to do. A list of
the air motor makers of Europe reads like
an automobile directory. There are, for
example, the Rolls-Royce, the Sunbeam, the
Fiat, the Isotta-Fraschini, the Renault, the
Hispano-Suiza, the Lorraine-Do Dietrich,
the Mercedes ?.nd the Benz.
The automobile men were just the men
for the job, and yet they have failed to
come up to public expectations, or their
own, for that matter, in arriving at quan?
tity production in a hurry. Why? In gen?
eral because of too much optimism. In
particular?because,
First?With all their experience they
didn't realize the difficulties of quantity
production of such a delicate and complex
mechanism as an air motor.
Second?They did not make allowances
for the abnormal conditions prevailing in
all industries on account of the war, condi?
tions which upset all calculations as to the
supply of labor, materials and machinery
and the time of delivery.
Third?The numerous and almost contin?
uous changes that were made in the designs
of,', parts of the motor from the time pro?
duction began until within a few weeks.
Nothing
On Time
It takes more time and care to make
every single part of the Liberty motor
than it does of corresponding parts of the
ordinary automobile motors. Exactitude
down to one-two-thousandth of an inch is
required in many placea.
The makers of machine tools were over?
whelmed with other war orders, good work?
men were scarce, the super-excellent ma?
terials required for Liberty motors were
difficult to obtain. Transportation was de?
moralized. Nothing came to the manu
facturera on time. Express was as unre
! liable as freight. The only way to get
! things was often to send a messenger for
\ them. New plants had to be built or old
I ones so transformed that it amounted tQ
? the same thing. There were not enough
! toolmakers to go around?and the toolmak
ers knew it. Detroit alone lost 65,000 work
j men to the army or to other places.
It takes something like 1,400 machines
and 65,000 tools to supply a factory with
equipment enough to turn out, say, fifty
motors a day. Consider the almost in?
credible amount of thinking, planning, de?
signing* drafting and tool making that in?
volves. There are more draftsmen work?
ing on the Liberty motors in some of these
plants than there are employes all told in
some fair-sized factories. And every oper?
ation met some unexpected delay on ac?
count of the abnormal condition of war
time. Delay piled up on delay. There
being no men, thousands of women had to
be trained to operate machines.
Wasting
And Scrapping
There was no time to sit down and leis?
urely experiment with a few motors until
everything was just right. If that had
been done it would be months yet before
we should have quantity production. Some?
body in the Signal Corps had grit enough
to plunge ahead and take all the chances
there were of wasting and scrapping. There
has been plenty of both.
Literally there have been thousands of
alterations. Of course, many of these al?
terations have delayed production, but the
delay on most parts is included within the
delays made by the important ones?of
which the chief, I would say, was the
eleventh hour strengthening of the con?
necting rods. The country is sore enough
now over the delay in producing aircraft
in large numbers, but imagine its state of
mind if preliminary experimentation had
proceeded until last February without any
attempt at quantity production in the
meantime!
Owing to its great refinement there were
vastly more changes in the Liberty motor,
after the production of parts in quantity
j began, than in ordinary quantity produc
I tion of a new thing, but all manufacturers
know that, no matter how long and careful
preliminary preparation, no complex ma?
chine ever gets into successful quantity
production without many changes becoming
necessary. A great many of the changea
are unimportant and some are in the direc?
tion of simplification?that is, they abolish
the necessity of doing something that was
at first required. Probably some of them
are mere whims of engineers?another
phase of the mania for perfection. A largo
amount of costly scrapping has occurred,
but not so much as the public has been led
to believe. A considerable portion of the
| changes did not involve backing up. They
were directed to be made at convenience.
? They were in the nature of improvement??
these particular changes?that were not
considered essential. Parts subject to aoe>
ehanges tljat were already made were used,
and at convenience the manufacturer
turned to the improvements. Even most of
the light eonneeting rods were found ?dap
table to use in the flying boats for the
navy.
Scrapping is always a great element la
the cost of manufacture. One automobile
maker told me that next to "overhead"
scrapping is the largest item.
Out of Past
Experience
The experience of the motor makers with
the Liberty motor connecting rods is not
exceptional. For example, the Nordyke &
Marmon Company once manufactured and
! shipped more than 1,500 cars of a new
j model before they discovered that a steer
I ing rod knuckle was too weak. And yet
| they had not started production until an
I experimental car had run 20,000 miles on
! rough roads.
J The brunt of the cost and vexation of the
; numerous alterations has fallen on one or
' two manufacturers, chiefly the Packard
? company. The two plants of the General
| Motors?the Cadillac and the Buick?and
: the Ford plant did not begin work on the
j Liberty motor until the Packard and Lin
! coin companies were well along?and the
' same thing is to some extent true of the
Nordyke & Marmon Company, which
i "cleared up" an order of 1,000 Hall-Scott
j motors for training 'planes before turning
I to the Liberty motor. The most of the
i complaining has come from the smallest
plant of all?the Trego?which had had no
j previous experience that warned it what it
! might expect.
Nobody
Knew How
The Signal Corps engineers in this mat?
ter of alterations have been overblamed.
Most of the changes were suggested by the
manufacturers themselves as they went
along. In fact, President Macauiey of the
Packard Company says that 95 per cent of
the alterations were recommended by the
makers. If the engineers had had years of
previous experience in planning and making
air motors they would have had many more
parts right at first. Nobody had ever man?
ufactured a motor like the Liberty before,
and we had but little home talent to draw
on and little could be spared us frost
abroad.
True to His Race
(From the A\ V. Railway? Employ?s' Magas*"*)
Pat was tak'.-n prisoner by the Germans.
They liked him and decided to save his Ufa.
One thing they did not like about Pat we?
he would always say:
"Gee, didn't we Irish lick hell out of you
Germans 7"
Pat said this so often that the Genoa?
officer got tired of it and one day went ??
to Pat and said:
"Now, look here, Pat, the next time yo?
say that, we will have to shoot you."
Pat promised not to say it again, bat a
week later the officer heard him seyi
"Gee, didn't we Irish lick hell out of yot
Germans?" and he was ordered shot. Taef
marched Pat out and stood him ?*?*?**
the wall. The officer told Pat he wool?
give him one more chance if he *?"?
swear allegiance to the German flag. W*
looked sweat to Pat, ?o he consented.
After ?wearing allegiance, Pat smil?d ?s?
said, "Gee, didn't the? Irian lick heU ??*
of na Germans ?"

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