New-York tribune. [volume], July 20, 1918, Page 8, Image 8

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$?h? |tork tribune
First to Last?the Truth: News?Editorials
? Advertisements
Member of the Audit Bureau of ClmilaUona
SATURDAY, JULY 20, 1918
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are a'.so rcferyed.
Wreck of the "Peace Storm"
The fifth German offensive is a defini?
tive failure. Rheims has been saved
and the problem now is not whether
the Germans can turn the French out
of Rheims hut whether the Franco
Americans can compel the Germans to
repeat their retreat after the Battle of
the Marne and return to the lines north
of the Aisne, where Kluck halted on
September 13, 1914.
The counter thrust of Foch between
Soissons and Ch?teau Thierry is still
proceeding, and unless it is at once
checked we shall soon see the greatest
German retreat since the Hindenburg
retirement of March, 1917. At the
present moment Mangin's Franco-Amer?
ican force is still moving eastward
straight across the few lines of highway
and toward the single remaining rail?
way which the Germans can employ to
munition and reinforce their troops in
the deep pocket along the Marne.
Already Soissons is almost within the
grip of our soldiers and there are
signs which poin. to its evacuation.
At the same time, counter thrusts on
the other side of the German salient
about Rheims are developing, the Ger?
man recoil is becoming general along
the whole front and we are evidently at
the crisis of the battle. The 'offensive
on the German side is over. The Allied
counter offensive is still in full swing.
Ludendorff can avoid a confession of
complete defeat only by an immediate
and decisively successful use of his re?
serves.
We shall do well, still, not to expect
too much and lose sight thereby of what
we have already gained. The Germans
have already met with a defeat as com?
plete as that of the Austrians at the Piave.
It remains to be seen whether Foch, un?
like Diaz, will pursue the offensive be?
yond the limits of his original front. In
a word, we have still to discover whether
the Allied commander in chief is yet
ready to pas.-; to the offensive or will
still wait a few weeks longer before tak?
ing up the r?le always dearest to him
as to every soldier.
We have now to watch closely for the
developments about Soissons and between
Soissons and Ch?teau Thierry. A little
further push westward by our own and
the French troops, and the Germans must
again leave the Marne. To leave the
Marne, too, means to relinquish the only
front from which they can conceivably
strike toward Paris in the present cam?
paign. A retirement now from the
Marne to the Vesle or to the Aisne will
mean the permanent shipwreck of the
larger phases of the German conception
for the present campaign.
Even if the German succeeds in sav?
ing himself, in reestablishing the lines
from which he issued five days ago to
deliver his decisive blow, already chris?
tened the "Peace Storm," his defeat will
be beyond question, and at best he can
only begin over again those prepara?
tions which after forty days of indus?
try have just proved futile.
It is is a mistake to say?as headlines
are now proclaiming?that the Germana
have been routed, except on a local and
restricted front. It is a mistake to be?
lieve that the probabilities now point
toward a decisive defeat which will open
the road to Berlin. So far a great and
dangerous blow has been parried and a
counter thrust delivered the conse?
quences of which may be wide and are
already considerable. But vast reserves
remain to the German and he has the
power to organize return blows promptly.
So far his greatest defeat is on the
moral side, considerable as has been his
military reverse. His people have
watched with apprehensive intentness
the entry of the Kaiser's army upon
those fields familiar four years ago as
the scene of the great disappointment.
For the German people a Second Battle
of the Marne has been fought, and the
issue even now is unsatisfactory. Al?
ready Paris must seem to them saved
again in the old way.
And in Paris, London and Rome the
mora] effect cannot be exaggerated.
After the Piave a second Marne! What
was ominous in March and still threat?
ening in June, becomes infin tely less
menacing in late July, when after great
but only partial triumphs the ?ermaa
suffers a check which defies camouflage
and may approximate a disaster.
To-day we are entering the third stage
of the present battle. The German
failed on the offensive in the first, he
was gravely shaken by the Foch coun?
ter thrust in the second. He must now,
and completely, check the Allied counter
offensive or with equal speed draw out
of the perilous country between the Vesl?
and the Marne if ho is to escape disas?
ter. Under similar circumstances Kluck
saved himself at the Ourcq in Septem?
ber, 1914, but in saving himself brilliant?
ly made the French victory of the Marne
inevitable and a German retirement to
th? Aisne ineluctable.
"My right is routed, my left is re?
treating, my centre is shaken?I shall
attack." These were Foch's words at
the crisis of the Marne four years ago.
This time, with right, centre and left in?
tact, he has attacked again. His former
blow earned him the title of "the first
strategist in Europe." He would seem
to have maintained his rank in the pres?
ence of his most serious rival of the war,
Ludendorff.
Belgium Unforgot
To-morrow is Belgium's Day of Inde?
pendence and it will mean much to all
her allies. The war has travelled far
from Li?ge and Louvain to Gallipoli
and Petrograd and Jerusalem and back
again. The German can never escape
from his crime in Belgium, and to the
last day of battle, to the last day of
history, the German rape of a peace?
able, unoffending neighbor will remain to
damn her.
The restoration of Belgium is the first
condition precedent of any peace. Even
the German brain is slowly beginning to
perceive this fact. The Allies have ac?
cepted this demand by a unanimous vote
of all their peoples. It is the first tenet
of Allied faith, it is the principle and
test of the whole cause for which the
free nations are fighting, the restoration
of the rule of law and justice to ? world
threatened and overrun by a despoiler
and despot.
To Belgium on her strip of sand, in
sorrow and wreck, noble and undaunted,
America sends her greeting and her
pledge of war unending against the
German till the world stands safe again
and the last wrongs of Belgium are
righted.
Not for Roosevelt
We earnestly trust that those ardent
and admiring Republicans who are urg?
ing Colonel Roosevelt to receive the
party's nomination for Governor will de?
sist. It is not fair to Colonel Roosevelt
for anybody to say that he must give
himself and his time to save a state or
local situation. He has his own work to
do in his own way. We happen to know
his theory of it, which is that he is the
one man who can, who will, who dares to
cast a kind of burning truth upon the
people. "I expect no support," he says.
"It is a thing I can do alone?perhaps
better alone. I may have to go further
than I could ask any one else to go, fur?
ther than any one else should go."
Those who are pressing Colonel Roose?
velt to run for Governor say that Re?
publican thought and action in this state
must be raised to a very high plane, and
that he is the one to do it. That is true,
and we should like it, from a selfish
point of view; but it see/ns, nevertheless,
very clear that Colonel Roosevelt would
be much wasted at Albany. Local mat?
ters would absorb time and energy which
he is anxious to put upon the national
problems.
If there is any office at all that could
increase his effectiveness we should think
it might be that of member of Con?
gress. A seat in the House of Repre?
sentatives need not in the least circum?
scribe his activities; on the other hand,
it would bring him into direct and dy?
namic contact with the conduct of the
war. Also, it would set an example to
some other distinguished men, even to
Mr. Elihu Root.
We do not urge it. We merely suggest
it; and we add that the difficulties are
unimportant. If it could not be arranged
in Oyster Bay his friends would under?
take in one day to find him a good Re?
publican district in which to run.
The Fat There Was
Mr. Hoover has sent to President Wil?
son a remarkable statement of the
achievements of the food administration
within the last fiscal year. It appears,
for example, that last year our exports
of meats were nearly half again as great
as in the year before, although they had
amounted to over two billion pounds in
1916-'17. By far the larger part of this
tremendous increase was in the last six
months, from January to July.
In spite of an extremely disappointing
wheat crop, we kept up the tremendous
shipments of the year before, and even
increased them. All told, Mr. Hoover cal?
culates that the total "nutritional pro?
duction" of the country for the fbcal
year just closed was between 7 per cent
and 9 per cent below the average of the
three previous years; and this shrinkage
about covered our entire normal surplus
in these lines. It follows, therefore, that
these tremendous exports under the food
Administration have represented a kind
of saving by the American people.
Therefore, says Mr. Hoover, in effect,
may we lay much flattering unction to
our souls. But in truth how much? How
many among us have achieved true sav?
ing? How much have we denied our?
selves? How much have you, and you,
and YOU? We know not any one who
has gone without an adequate and satis?
fying meal.
And what this country has done the
whole wide world has done, more or less.
England has achieved wonders. In
France food is plenty and fairly cheap,
e^'cn though four millions of her sons
have gone to war. And do we not reinem
bor how all our "expert" food economists
hud Germany on her knees at tho end of
tho second season because she would be
starving? And then the third season,
and now the fourth goes by, and we know
that most of the stories of German star?
vation were imagicitions. The. truth
seems to be that the modern organization
of life implies a prodigious waste. It
seems probable that, without this huge
slack to take up, the world war could not
go on.
Unmask the Bolsheviki!
The current of events is carrying us
rapidly to some kind of action or inter?
vention in Russia. The heroic Czecho?
slovak force has achieved a remarkable
result. It possesses apparently a con
sidcrable length of the Transaiberian
Railway; every few days bring new
chronicle of the extension of its sphere
of influence. The Czecho-Slovaks huve
unexpectedly revealed how frail is the
! actual power of the present crew in con
; trol of what remains of Russia and how
they go down like a pack of calves be?
fore a determined force.
Let us note one further fact. The
Czecho-Slovaks have appealed to the
United States and to the Allies for aid.
So have various elements among the
Russian people, including the late Pre?
mier and nominal President of the Rus?
sian Republic. A singic element in all
Russia does not ask for our intervention
or aid in any way. Russia is starving.
Russii is in a state of almost hopeless
commercial and industrial collapse. But
the Bolsheviki do not ask us for food or
for supplies or for engineers or for any
kind of help to bring Russia out of the
present chaos. Why?
For two weeks and more The Tribune
has had definite information that docu?
mentary evidence as to the intimate
financial relations of the Bolshevik lead?
ers with the German government have
now been in this country for a month
or more?documents that show conclu?
sively that they have taken German
money and that many of them have
grown rich in so doing; that they have
sold their country for a mess of pottage.
Why these , documents should remain
buried in Washington we do not know.
If they are in the possession of the
American government, then it seems to
us that the American people are entitled
to the truth about those who have prob?
ably done more to help German armies
than any other single influence since the
war began.
We hope that these documents will
soon be made public. When they are
we do not think there will be a moment's
question about the temper and desires
of the American people. What remains
of the weak and mushy sympathy for
these wreckers of Russia will be wiped
out.
Our Counter Propaganda
It is not anybody's news bureau or
anybody's eloquence, neither Creeling
nor sermonizing nor the best of movies.
It is our men fighting, their deeds, their
words, blazing out in letters of fire on
the front pages of our papers?just
facts, the nakedest of facts.
"A handful of American troops during
Monday's fighting northeast of Chalons
should have gone back a short distance
after the heaviest struggle. They were
; ordered to give way slightly, but imme?
diately demanded an order for a counter
attack. The order was given and the
ground retaken, but it was with difficulty
that the men were persuaded to remain
j at the recaptured objective. They want?
ed to go to Germany." So wrote Wilbur
i Forrest at 1 p. m. on Thursday.
They wanted to go to Germany! Well,
: so does the whole United States of
America?and any weak-kneed pacifist
who wants a little fighting, but not too
much, please, had better crawl into a
hole and pull it in after him.
Or take this little touch from The
Evening Sun: "'Me and the other fel?
lows in the first wave were lucky, be?
cause we got the first whack at the Hei
nies,' said this doughboy. 'We got more
of 'em and got more souvenirs, too, than
the bunch that came after us.' "
Or, personally, we have a weakness
for the report of the young American
captain, ably conquering his military
j officialese with good American lingo.
j "We met the Boche on his line of resist
i anee. A sharp fight took place, after
| which the Boche turned tail and ran like
: hell up the hill, pursued by our troops."
Propaganda is dangerous stuff, deadl>
! dangerous, in those early hours when
| opinion is confused and action has not
j begun. But it is like a snowball in the
! place like which the Boche ran, when
! once great deeds blaze up and a nation
fires to "the drumming guns that know
i no doubt."
It is not so much victory as the great
| deeds that count. What stirs our hearts
, and mists our eyes is the way, the in
I tensely American way, our boys are
? flinging themselves into the most heroic
j battle of all time. America, our dear,
beloved America, is fighting and win
; ning! God help anybody who would
! thwart her!
The Secretary of War and the provost
marshal general are considering how
| the draft shall be extended and particu
| larly whether the age limit shall be
raised presently, and, if so, exactly how
? much. What does Mr. Baker make of the
; fact that so much of Congress, so many
' newspapers and so great a body of public
I opinion all demand a widening of the
: draft age limits? What does Mr. Baker
think it means? What does he think the
? people think the War Department's hesi
I tation means?
The Supreme Court of the State up
! holds the right of the people of Mount
I Vernon to bar the Hearst papers.
I Whereupon the Hearst papers attack
i the courts thus:
' "The courts ouvrit to be the shield of
the wcnk, tho sure protection of Indi?
vidual liberty and collective righU.
"Hut they nre not, and everybody
knows that they aro not.
"The judges ought to bo the last line
of defence of tho people against tho
privileged interests.
"Rut they are not, and everybody
knows that they are not'.
"Tho judges aro the last line of defence
of tho privileged interesta against tho
people.
"That in what they aro, and everybody
knows it."
Contempt of all courts is apparently
thought to be safe. No particular court
is mentioned. Only District Attorney
Swann, who failed to make a conspiracy
case against Mount Vernon, is named, as
j one whose "splendid work" for the peo
i pie has been "largely nullified" by the
"petty partisanship of the corporation
judiciary." The people is Hearst.
Elihu Root said it exactly. "Wherever
danger from disloyal votes docs not
threaten we should strive vigorously to
elect Republicans to the Senate and the
House of Representatives." Wherever
disloyal votes threaten there is one issue
and no other. Disloyalism is alone pow?
erless, except in a very close contest, but
it may fasten itself upon either a Demo?
cratic or Republican candidate with sin?
ister consequences. Disloyalism did not
elect Hylan. It only supported him.
Heroes
By Charles Vincc
THIS is a story of some old men in
London who have served their coun?
try in a singular way and will have
helped to add many battalions V? her
armies. The oldest was seventy-eight.
They were all over military age except one.
Ho was only twenty-four, but ho was an
epileptic.
Some fine stories have queer titles. The
title of this one is "Transmission of Trench
j Fever by the Louse."
Trench fever lu>s been the great plague
of armies in this war. It is not a severe
disease, but it has taken thousands of men
out of the fighting line, and kept them out
of it for weeks. Many drugs have been
tried, but none has been found to check
the course of the fever. At the beginning
no one knew quite what to make of it or
how the infection was spread. There were
many theories. Some thought that it caino
from a fungus which grows on the sand?
bags in the trenches, some from rat bite,
some from mosquitoes, some from fleas,
some from lice.
In the end the strongest opinion was
that the lice were guilty. If this were
proved it would mean a great deal. It
would mean that the army could go a long
way toward freeing itself of trench fever,
of this constant drain on its strength. And
now it ha? been proved. It was proved in
I London at the beginning of this year.
There were cases of trench fever in Lon?
don hospitals which could be used for the
i experiment, but there were also needed men
who had not been out of England and
could never have been infected with trench
fever before. The committee asked for
volunteers and the volunteers came.
The first experiment was to see if the
; bite of a louse conveyed the disease. Two
? of the volunteers were bitten by lice which
' had already bitten fever patients. They
I were bitten not once, but many times. The
j experiment went on for more than a month.
Each day five hundred lice were used. They
were put on fever patients at all stages of
the disease. They were transferred to the
volunteers at different times, sometimes a
quarter of an hour, sometimes several hours
later. But there was no result. No other
j volunteer caught the disease. It was
. evident: tha.t the bito.s of the lice did not
give the disease. At the end of six weeks
i th<> experiment was changed.
The first two volunteers throughout the
whole time of the experiment had been
careful not to touch the bites, so that
nothing else might be rubbed into the
blood. Two other volunteers now came for?
ward for the new experiment, which was
to see if, when the skin was broken and the
droppings or the bodies of lice were rubbed
into the places, as they would be by men
scratching the bites, the disease would
then be caused.
This experiment, was at once successful.
Eight and ten days afterward the two fell
ill with trench fever. Three more volun?
teers came forward. They were treated in
the same way and all three fell ill. Finally,
another volunteer was inoculated with the
blood of one of the last three. He also fell
ill. The chain of evidence was complete.
It was established beyond doubt that tho
disease was carried by the louse. It was
established how the louse gave the disease.
It was established that every man who
could keep free of lice was safe from trench
fever.
It is no small thing to take a disease in
cold blood, to commit yourself to six weeks
illness, to fever and severe pains. It is no
small thing to endure the bites of hundreds
i of lice day after day for a month. There
1 are many dangers that every soldier would
; choose before that. And these were men
j growing old, had probably already suffered
I their share of sickness and the ills to which
1 flesh is heir. Surely they deserve to rank
j with their country's soldiers. They have
I Buffered for her. They have served her
well. By the knowledge which they have
j enabled us to gain they have added greatly
j *o her strength.
New York's Rival
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Your editorial in The Tribune of
! this morning. "The City of Dreadful Noise."
i was interesting, but as far as noise is cor.
1 cerned New York is tame to the noise of
i some of its neighbors. The town of Bloom
field, consisting of some twenty thousand
j persons, can boast of more dogs and noise
j than New York ever thought of. Night
i after night the mongrels bark, and were
j one to quit before daylight the rest would
! take its place. Truly, Bloomfield is the
i dog's paradise, and, judging from the way
' the creatures act, they know it.
New York is a good place to live in, and
if you believe it noisy take a jaunt to
Bloomfield and be convinced that New York
is at least considerate of the people living
within its gates. A. WILLIAMS.
New York, June 28, 1918.
"WHAT WILL WE TELL THE FOLKS?"
This Hearst and That One
1 By JAMES A. B. SCHERER
I Who resigned as chief field agent of the Council of National Defence because the Secretary of War put
a stov on anti-Hearst talk.
To the Editor of The Tribune. .
SIR: A friend has just shown mo Tlie j
Los Angeles Examiner of July 6,
containing an editorial article en?
titled "Dr. Scherer and Secretary of War j
Baker?What a contrast!" Undoubtedly,
there is a contrast between Secretary Baker
and myself, but the public is not interested
in it. The public ig greatly interested,
however, in the contrast between the Hearst
of May, 1918, and the Hearst of May, 1917.
Since the 16th of May, 1918, when the
President signed the sedition act, penaliz?
ing with heavy fines or imprisonment, or
both, those who seek "to promote the suc?
cess of our enemies," "to obstruct the sale
by the United States of bonds," or "by word
or act support or favor the cause of any
country with which the United States is at
war, or by word or act oppose the cause of
the United States therein" -since May 16,
1913, Mr. Hearst has seemed to be good,
and will perhaps seem so for a season,
since he now advertises his "loyalty" with
his own full-page affidavits.
I3ut let us contrast the Jekyll Hearst of
May, 1918, with the Hyde Hearst of May,
1917.
The Hamburger Nachrichten joyfully
reprinted from Hearst's Neiv York Ameri?
can of May 3, 1917, these editorial excerpts:
"Well, the. facts are these: . . ,
unless America can pqrform the twin
miracles of rescuing England from the
submarine anJ of putting enough troops
in France to beat off the offensive which
the Germans are now beginning to de?
velop, . . .
"We tell you plainly that in a military,
naval and economic way the Germans
have the Allies whipped, and that with?
out our intervention there was not a
doubt that Germany would have victori?
ously dictated peace before this year was
gone . , .
"And we have been plunged into war,
without preparation, with the most pow?
erful single nation in the world, equipped
to the last shoelace with every possible
necessity of warfare, filling the seas with
her submarine navy, covering half a con?
tinent with her veteran armies, and
everywhere winning her way with blood
and iron against her foes!"
Yet the amiable Secretary of War says
that nobody representing the government
ought to be criticising any newspaper.
The Colonne Volkszeitung reprinted
from Hearst's New York American of
May 17 and 21, 1917, these editorial com?
ments:
"Our part in this war, for months to
come, is to pay the bill?to finance and
feed hungry and bankrupt England, hun?
gry and bankrupt France, hungry and
bankrupt Italy . . .
"If the result of war is to be that we
will be hopelessly outclassed by England
as a naval power and hopelessly beaten
by England at the start in competition
for the world's trade, then it would seem
to be prudent to keep enough of our own
money to buiid our industries. . . .
"Our money, like our armies and our
fleets, should be concentrated at its home
bases and not dispersed abroad.
"It is plain enough that the bond issue
i*. not being eagerly taken, to say the
least. The banks have gone in to the
limit with commendable alacrity, but the
people are not buying the bonds. The*
eovernment will doubtless eventually dis
peso of the $2,000,000,000 issue, but who i
can say as much of the next issue?"
The Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger reprinted
from Hearst's New York American of May
lh. 1017, these gems of editorial "loyalty":
"The reports of our own officers say
that the Allies will lose the war unless
wc send enough war materials, men and
bhips to help them win. .
"As long as the U-boat danger ?3 not
put out of the way, any question of ship?
ping men across and also material is in
the air. Things being such, would it not
be better to end the war honorably?
Shall we send troops to destroy Germany
' which, perhaps, may be necessary for the
defence of our own country?"
While all newspapers look alike to our
Secretary of War, the Germans exercise
discrimination.
The New York Tribune's translation of a
tender tribute to Hearst in the Cologne
Volkszeitung follows:
"In the daily press the numerous
Hearst papers of New York, Philadelphia,
Boston, Chicago, San Francisco and other
cities were auxiliaries for us of valued
influence. . . , How far Hearst's In?
ternational News Service got upon the
nerves of the London atrocity manufact?
urers is shown by the cable embargo
which London finally placed upon the
Hearst service, thereby cutting his Eu?
ropean life-nerve.
"More valuable, however, than the
news were the editorials of the Hearst
newspapers. They were unexcelled mod?
els of popular stylo and arresting com?
position.
"Hearst last year took the sting out of
one of the worst pests of the American
press when he had his editor in chief of
The Evening Journal Arthur Brisbane,
with his salary of $75,000, the highest
paid newspaper man of America and
probably of the world -- to buy The
Washington Times and conduct it in a
line with his other papers."
That The Times has been conducted "ir
a line with his other papers" is suffieientlj
clear from Hearst's $75,000-man's issue of
July 16, 1917, issued within two blocks o1
the White House, whence he is intimate!}
addressed by Mr. Tumulty as "My deai
Brisbane."
"Anarchy rules in Russia," writes Tht
Washington Times; "somebody must d<
something. The natural somebody is Ger
many, right next door to Russia. . ,
The civilization of Western Europe may h
very grateful to Germany if the war find
Germany with enough strength left to un
dertake the maintaining of order in Russia
developing th?; resources there and makin;
a few billions of ruble3 in the process."
How could Mr. Burleson write of th
Hearst leviathan's development in Chicag
as "able and unselfish efforts" in behalf o
"justice and freedom and true democrat'!
government"? And how is it that a Heara
agent could dare come into my office in th
Council of National Defence Building an
boast that tho President himself had intei
vened to hnve Hearst's cable privileges re
stored??which statement I do not yet pe?
mit myself to believe.
The Examiner sharpens the shaft aime
at rae with the point that I prefer abandon
ir.g war work rather than freedom o
speech. This would be interesting if true
Although i rtbigned from the Council, I an
still giving all of my time to war work, ia
other branches of service, and shall do 50
fot some time to come. In fact, I am still
gi\ing assistance to the Council of National
Defence, albeit unofficially, so as to keep
to my own conscience the oath I swere
wher entering the Council to support and
defend the government "against all ene
nv.es, foreign and domestic."
The Brooklyn Eagle, on the ruornin?
when my open letter appeared (June t?),
ccntained an editorial as follows:
"A Charge That Should Be Answer**..
Dr. Scherer regards Mr. Hearst and his
newspapers as dangerous to a country
engaged in the prosecution of a great
war," said The Eagle. "He expresses
that opinion without qualification or re?
serve. He sustains his position with ref?
erence to Hearst policies as defined in
the columns controlled by Mr. HeaM'..
Ik prefers to get out of the Council of
National Defence to remaining ?n officer
of it with a tongue tied by an order frcm
the Secretary of War. . . , The im?
putation that Mr. Baker has assumed the
r?le of a Hearst defender is serious, Mr.
Baker is an able controversialist, and his
reply to Dr. Scherer will be awaited with
interest."
The following day Mr. Baker replied, in ?
statement triumphantly quoted by The Lit
Angele* Examiner, as follows:
"Some one, I believe a repres?ntame
of one of the Hearst papers, had told m?
that a representative of the Council of
."National Defence was making ?.ddresse*
and spending a lot of hn time criticising
in harsh terms the Hearst newspaper?
I told Mr. Gilford that I thought noboii?
who was officially representing the gov?
ernment ought to be criticising any news?
paper, I don't care whether 1: is Hears'.'?
paper or anybody else's, and that while I
hadn't the slightest desire to prevent ?"i'
man expressing his individual opinion
upon any ii"wspaper, I didn't think th?
any man as a representative of the go*'
ernment ought to be criticising **1
newspaper."
Mr. Burleson made an exception of ?*
Hearst papers in his rulings debarrmt
other publications, infinitely less raise**-*"'
ous, from the mails. Had ne not made this
exception, individuals would not be i'0'
pelled to match freedom of speech ags-i?'
the license 01 Mr. Hearst's press. But Mr* j
Baker says that his rules have no nctf
tions; all newspapers look alike to h'?.
and thus the unexceptionable rules of tae
War Secretary uphold the exceptions of t-i?
Burleson rulings.
JAMES A. B. SCHERER'
New York, July 19, 1918.
Go West, Young Slacker!
tfrom The Of ton a Ott**?*) .
The New York police say that m0*X^
the 5,000 loafers on the department'? :!!
left the city for the West before the "*?r
or fight" ordinance came into iorct *??
Monday. The "lounge lizard*" will find?1*
change uncongenial, the average Weste
being in the habit of deaing some???"
drastically with domestic pests. Hor?<*
Grecley certainly would feel that *>?
dohe the robust, section of the Repu '
mistaken service by his famous *?*
could ha have foreseen an exodus of P
character from the metropolis.