New-York tribune. [volume], August 16, 1918, Page 6, Image 6

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?Nero $ork Trib?ne
First to Last?the Truth: News?Editorials
?Advertisements
Member of the Audit Bureau of Circulation?
FRIDAY, AUGUST 16, 1918
Owred and published dally by The Tribune Association,
a New York Corporation. Ogdcn Retd, President; Q.
Vernor Rofer?. Vie*-President ; Richard II. Lee. Secretary;
V. A Buter. Treasurer. Address, Tribune Uulldini, 164
Nassau 8treet, Now Tork. Telephone, Beekmau 3000.
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are alsc reserved.
// we drag along with this
thing and put a small force
over there we will be playing
Germany's game. It is my be?
lief that with an American
army of 4,000,000 men in
France under one commander
in chief we can go through the
German line wherever we
please. ? General Peyton C.
March, chief of staff.
The Victory Draft
The new draft should be called the
Victory Draft. General March says it
is needed to furnish the fighting power
with which the war can be won. In that
case everybody ought to be for it.
The revised American programme
calls for eighty divisions on the fighting
line in Europe by June 30 next. -Count?
ing 40,000 men to a division, including
auxiliaries, that would mean 3,200,000
men at the front. Eighteen divisions?
720,000 men?would be in the camps at
home as a reserve, and as they crossed
the Atlantic their places here would be
taken by new divisions.
General March says that 4,000,000
Americans in France, under a single
commander, could go next year any?
where they wanted to go. That is not
oversanguine. Germany will not have
the strength left a year from now to
hold any line against 4,000,000 Ameri?
cans, aided by the French, British and
Italians.
To keep a fighting army of 4,000,000
going we should have to raise between
6,000,000 and 7,000,000 men. We have
about 1,000,000 volunteers. The first
draft and the two classes reaching
twenty-one between June 5, 1917, and
June 5, IP 19, probably will furnish more
than 3,000,000 men. It is the War De?
partment's present aim to raise about
2,300,000 from the new draft. All these
recruits will be needed. Any attempts
to limit the new conscription will there?
fore endanger the programme of vic?
tory.
If the minimum age is raised to nine?
teen the maximum age will have to be
raised above forty-five, or else the pres?
ent exemptions between nineteen and
forty-five will have to be narrowed. That
is the nut which the opponents of the
Senate bill will have to crack. We must
get the men. Age limits and deferred
classifications will have to take care of
themselves until the creation of an army
of victory is assured.
Congress must act in this spirit. Let
us develop our man power to the utmost
?and quickly. Otherwise we shall have
missed the meaning of all the military
experience of the last four years.
Czecho-Slovak Recognition
The attitude of the United Statei
toward the new Czecho-Slovak nation has
been somewhat stepfatherly. While
Washington was talking- about getting
along tolerantly with the pro-German
Bolshevist government and of sending
industrial commissions to reorganize
Russia, the Czecho-Slovaks turned in and
ended the Bolshevist r?gime. They saved
Russia by immediate armed intervention.
Our gratitude to them for this invalu?
able service has been too restrained and
cautious. Up to now our government has
gone no further than to say that it was
willing to participate in a joint expedi?
tion into Silieria to secure the Czecho?
slovaks against attacks from the rear by
German, Austrian and Hungarian ex
prisoners. We have not yet recognized
the Czecho-Slovak soldiers in Russia and
Siberia an the army of a new allied peo?
ple, fighting for their nwn liberation. We
have not saluted their flag or taken for?
mal notice of the new sovereignty which
they have created.
Possibly technical scruples have stood
in the government's way. "The New
York Times" yesterday reproduced a
message of President Grant v/ith refer?
ence to th<j recognition of the bel?
ligerency of the Cuban Insurgent? in
1870. It laid down the proposition that
recognition cannot be; granted to people
in rebelliontpnless they bav?; established
an apparently ?table do facto ^vwu
ment. That rule applies to the conduct
of neutral nations only. We were at
peace with Spain when the Cuban Re?
public of 1870 asked for recognition.
j Recognition would have been a serious
affront 1o Spain. But we recognized the
Cuban Republic in 1898 when we went to
war with Spain. It was a natural and
necessary war measure.
We are at war with Austria-Hungary,
and nothing restrains us from recogniz?
ing the belligerency or sovereignty of
any portion of the Dual Monarchy which
sets up a claim of its independence. In
the Civil War Lincoln recognized a State
of Virginia wl ich existed only on paper.
Congress afterward severed West Vir?
ginia from Virginia, admitting the for?
mer as an independent state.
A state of war overrides ordinary
technicalities attaching to the recogni?
tion of a now state like that of the
Czecho-Slovaks. It is not yet on the
map. But its people have done enough to
make it obligatory on the Allies to put it
there. Let us help to give it a local habi?
tation and a name.
No people have more richly deserved
liberation and nationality.
The "Yanks' > Are Coming
General March took a long chance
when he placed his heel on "Sammy."
The fate that rules nicknames is queer
and cantankerous, and just for this pro?
test might pin the name on our soldiers
till kingdom come. But we guess not.
"Sammy" has not made headway. Its
preposterous unfitness for the he-men
composing the American army was as
obvious to the French, who first took it
up, as anybody. The French have a lik?
ing for "L'Oncle Sam" in their cartoons.
But Sammy is another matter, in sound
and sense. It simply won't do and
can't be.
The "Yanks" are left. It is a good
mouthful with tang to it. It has much
international usage, the world around, to
give it momentum. Like all good nick?
names, its derivation is lost in time. The
explanation that it is derived from
"Yengcese," Indian for "English," in the
French-and-Indian War period of the
| American colonies, is too historically
j simple. It stood for a small part of
i America for a long time, but the act of
nicknaming is no respecter of accura?
cies. It is the best, the only good name,
suggested thus far. May it flourish!
Lewis and Whitman
Merton E. Lewis has a notable record
of service in office.
At the beginning of the war he sug?
gested and moved the enactment of an
emergency law, Statute 595, which con?
fers upon the Attorney General very
broad authority to inquire into matters
touching public peace, safety and jus?
tice in war time.
It was under this law, for which there
is no equivalent in the Federal statutes,
and at his direction, that tho Assistant
Attorney General, Alfred E. Becker, de?
veloped the proofs required by the'
French government against Bolo Pacha,
recently shot at Vincennes, France, for
the crime of treason to the Allied cause, j
Bolo's devious trail crossed that of Will- j
iam Randolph Hearst, which was the
beginning of another story, yet unfin
ished. It is appearing serially. Under
the same law and in the same way legal j
proof of the German ownership of The \
New York Evening Mail was perfected \
and delivered to the United States gov?
ernment. And when confiscation pro?
ceedings against that newspaper by the
Enemy Property Custodian were about
to be suspended because an offer of pur- :
chase had been received from a Hearst !
representative, on condition that the
facts be suppressed, it was the Attorney
General of New York State who held !
the power of veto. His office could do '
what it pleased with the secret. It j
would not sanction a Hearst buyer, and I
that hopelessly ended the negotiations.
To the manner in which Mr. Lewi3
has exercised the war powers of the
New York Attorney General's office
and to the zeal of his assistant, Mr,
Becker, we are indebted for the follow?
ing things, namely:
THAT Bolo Pacha, spy, propagandist
and traitor, has no longer any interest
in the use of news print paper;
THAT William Randolph Hearst has
much more scrubbing to do;
THAT The New York Evening Mail's '
career as an enemy-owned newspaper
ended when it did, and
THAT The Ncnv York Evening Mail
did not become a Hearst newspaper
without notice to the public of its pre?
vious German ownership.
H is a large record. Its importance
may be measured by the scurrilous fury
with which Hearst attacks the Attorney
General, who is now a candidate against
Whitman for the Republican nomination.
We wish Mr. Lewis would stand upon
his record and allow his friends to ex
: ploit it for him, instead of making his
: campaign upon the suggestion that the
German influence may reach Whitman
through Hearst. He can pin the Kaiser
i on Hearst. He might even pin Hearst
on Whitman. But he cannot pin the
Kaiser on Whitman?for one reason,
among others, that he does not believe it
himself. The Americanism of Gover?
nor Whitman is invulnerable.
The Subway Outrage
The new subway has been a failure
from the etart. It has not relieved con?
gestion. In some instances, particularly
the East Sirle route from Brooklyn
Bridge to Grand Central, it has increased
congestion to conditions that arc un?
gpeakable and unbelievable.
All this has been patent to the man
in the subway from the start. It should
have been patent to both Mr. Shonts
ant, the Public .Service Commission that
?xactl^ this wooU? i*i Urn ??#*& o? opea
ing the new routes with the impossible
| schedules that have been followed.
The failure to provide adequate ser
I vice between Brooklyn Bridge and
! Grand Central is an achievement of
j sheer stupidity. Here was the maximum
! of congestion under the old system, the
j load that determined the minimum of
j service throughout. Yet when the new
j schedules went into effect this service
| was cut from sixty to forty-two trains
I an hour, according to the announced
| schedules, and from sixty to twenty-five
; trains by actual count of Tuesday night.
I The scenes of discomfort and insult and
j danger that have resulted were the nec
j essary and logical result. Plain com?
mon sense and no vast railroading abil?
ity was needed to foresee this situation
! and care for it.
The whole episode of the shuttle at
Forty-second Street showed an equal
stupidity. It should never have been
opened in the unusable condition in
which it was. Its whole serviceability
in the future is placed in question. What
assurance has the public that the pres?
ent alterations will make it genuinely
i safe and convenient?
The cry of war times and a shortage
of men is put forth. There is obviously
a problem here, but it can be met and
must be met. Other railroads are meet?
ing it. There is no earthly reason why
the Interborough should not meet it.
What Mr. Shonts and the Public Service
Commission do not seem to realize is
that efficient subway service is a neces?
sity, a war essential, without which New
York is handicapped in every activity
of peace and war.
Men are hard to get. Yes. They can
be got at a price, and the Interborough
must pay that price. If necessary, the
i public will gladly pay its share thereof.
| All this should have been settled weeks
ago, and for the present tangle the Pub?
lic Service Commission must doubtless
share the blame. But the primary blame
rests on Mr. Shonts as the operator of
the subway. ' He has been hoping to pla?
cate the public with window dressing
while letting the service go to pieces.
He has been expecting to wheedle a six
cent fare out of the public by giving it
a three-cent service.
The whole situation is preposterous
and insupportable. The city has spent
millions and will have results in propor?
tion. The public has taken much from
the Interborough. It certainly will not
take this. It has suffered repeatedly
from muddle-headed Public Service com?
missioners. It certainly will not suffer
this.
What Mr. McAdoo Wants
Mr. McAdoo's struggle with the Ways
and Mean3 Committee for a fiat 80 per
cent tax on war profits and for leaving
the excess profits tax as it is goes much
further than a difference of opinion over
war revenue and becomes a social ques
I tion. Mr. McAdoo makes his case com
! plete in seventy-three words, thus:
"A war profita tax finds its sanction in
(lie conviction of all patriotic men, of
whatever economic or political school,
that no one should profit largely by the
war. The excess profits tax m.'ist rest
upon the wholly indefensible notion that
it is a function of taxation to bring all
profits down to one level with relation
to the amount of capital invested, and to
deprive industry, foresight and sagacity
of their fruits."
Yet apparently the Ways and Means
Committee, and especially, as we under?
stand, Chairman Kitchin, cannot be easily
penetrated by argument. The war profits
tax is not so much distrusted as Mr. Mc
Adoo's request that the excess profits
tax be left at a maximum of 60 per cent,
where it is. Mr. Kitchin wishes to raise
it to 80 per cent. Mr. McAdoo logically
contends that the excess profits tax is
not a war tax; that it favors the large
corporation of diluted capitalization with
earnings of 4 or 5 per cent on a hundred
million, and is correspondingly unfair to
the little business that earns 30 or 40
per cent on a capital investment of $10,
000, and that it very often fails to touch
war profits at all. Mr. Kitchin and his
committee are skeptical. They wonder
why Mr. McAdoo all of a sudden has so
much tenderness for capital, whether he
is sure of what he thinks, and why, in
any case, high profits should not bear a
higher tax.
Mr. McAdoo wants both the 60 per
cent excess profits tax as it is and also
the flat 80 per cent war profits tax, with
authority in every given case to choose
which pair of shears to use. That is for
revenue primarily. Then he wants such
elrastic luxury taxes that people will have
to stop wasting the country's strength in
non-essentials. But Mr. Kitchin repre?
sents those who have first of all a feud
with great profits as such, who think
them anti-social, and who would abate
them progressively under the pretence
of war-time necessity.
Mais Oui, Mr. Briggs
(From The Atlantic)
"When you have been on patrol a long
way behind the enemy lines, shooting op
towns and campa and railway trains like a
pack of aerial cowboys; when, on your way
home, you have deliberately disobeyed or?
ders and loafed a long way behind the other
members of your group in order to watch
the pretty sunset; .-md a? n punishment for
this aesthetic indulgence, have hr<-n over?
taken by darkness and compelled to land in
strange country, only to have your machine
immediately surrounded by German sol?
diers; then, having taken the desperate re?
solve that they shall not have possession of
your old battle-soarred avion hb well as of
your person, when you are about to touch a
match to It, if tho light glistens on a long
French bayonet and you learn that the Ger?
man soldiers have been prisoners since the
battle of the Somme and have just finished
their day's work of harvesting beets to be
used In making BUgur for French poilus a?,
Isn't it a grand arid glorious finding?"
To which I would re-ply, "Mais oui, motf
vieux! lUau" ??Ml*
A New Hindenburg
Retreat?
By Frank H. Simonds
| Copyright, 1918, The Tribune Associa?
tion {Tlie Nenv York Tribune)
WHILE it would be a mistake to
draw too general a conclusion
from such slight evidence as
the latest German retirement, that from
Serre and Beaumont-Hamel, it is not too
much to say that this retreat points di?
rectly toward a far wider German with?
drawal, at least to the line of Bapaume
P?ronne-Noyon, and possibly to the old
Hindenburg line itself.
The reason is simple. Serre and
Beaumont-Hamel, together with Gomme
court, which has always been in British
hands in the present campaign, were
the anchorages of the German line at
the Somme all through the battle of
191G. Before these three places the
| British offensive on July 1 was checked
i with the most appalling losses of the
.' whole war in the West. Serre was never
I taken by battle, but remained in German
hands until the Hindenburg retreat be?
gan. Beaumont-Hamel, first attacked
on July 1, did not fall to British arms
until November 14. Its capture was
the most brilliant feat of the British
army before the Battle of Arras, the
following spring.
The Serre position is of very great
strength and commands the line of the
Ancre, both southward toward Albert
I and eastward toward Bapaume. Because
| the Germans held this position the Brit?
ish were obliged to make their lonj;
; flanking operation up over the Alber
; Ridge, which lasted for many months
but resulted finally in turning the Ger
; mans out of the Somme line. Now a?
! evacuation of these same positions b;
the Germans would seem to be, as it wa
in March, 1917, a prelude to a with
drawal from the whole Somme front, a
least to the lino of the upper Somme.
There has always been and remain
' the possibility of an extension of th
; operative front by the British throug
' an attack between Albert and Arras, i
successful push here of seven or eigh
miles would not merely fiank the presen
German positions south of the Somm
and between Chaulnes and Noyon, but i
would also abolish the line of the uppe
Somme and compel an immediate r<
treat to the Hindenburg line. The Gei
man retirement now may be symptc
i matic of apprehension of a coming ai
; tack, as the retirements across the Ancr
! and the Avre ten days ago were the fir?
| hint of the Anglo-French storm whic
was coming.
It is worth recalling, too, that the poi
tion of the present German front b<
tween the Somme and Chaulnes, alon
the old 1916 front, proved in the Firs
Battle of the Somme exceedingly vu
nerable, and the French in the fir?
phase of that old struggle pushed rig!
| through all the German defences to th
j high ground above the Somme and o?
I posite Peronne. Indeed, one of the grec
| opportunities of the war seems to hav
| been lost here, where a little more energ
j might have resulted in the complete per
etration of German defences and a rapi
and enforced German retreat, such a
was compelled only in an orderly fasl
ion r.ptu-lv n vmir Infor
All in all, it seems inevitable that the
? Germans should retire at least as far as
Bapaume, north of the Somme, and
thence in line south behind Nesle and
! Noyon. Ludendorff has stopped the Al
? lied rush. He can organize his retreat,
as he did in the Marne salient between
the Ourcq and the Vesle, but the obsta?
cles and perils of a permanent halt on
the old Somme line are manifest, and the
retreat from some of the strongest of
the old positions north of the Somm?
and the Ancre is, at least, to be looked
j upon as a suspicious sign.
Perhaps it is worth saying at this
j point that the Third Battle of the Somme
I is, in the main, a British victory. It is
| a mistake to attempt to apportion glory
and credit between the various Allied
armies and commanders, when all are
i doing their uttermost to assist in the
j common cause, but the brilliance of
? French performance in recent weeks has
: inevitably led to a certain slighting of
British contribution, which is manifest?
ly unfair. Be it said, at once, that no?
where has the British achievement beer
so generously and accurately appraiser,
as in Paris.
The great attack on August 8, whicl
led to the breaking of the German lines
was made by Rawlinson's Fourth Brit
ish Army, which drove through Germai
lines and made a real gap in Luden
dorff's front, between Albert and Mont
didier, that is, between the Av?e and th
Ancre. General Debeny's First Frene
Army, south of the Amiens-Roye high
ways and on the flank of the British
kept pace with tho British advance, an
General Humbert's Third French Arm
wheeled into line south of Montdidie
and thence to the Oise at the proper mi?
ment, but the main thrust was Rawlii
son's, and both Debeny and Humbej
profited by British penetration and di:
location of the German lines.
In addition the main thrust wa3 o
ganized by the British, and the co?rdini
tion of tank and infantry furnishes or
of the most brilliant technical achiev
ments in Allied offensives. It repr
sents an application of the lessons ?
Cambrai, which for the first time r
stored the element of surprise ai
opened the eyes of all military men
the possibilities for the future. Lude
dorff made first use of these possibility
but tin- British in their turn have mai
an application of the discoveries ai
won one of the most brilliant operatio
of the war in consequence.
The British army, fully recover
PRINCE RUPPRECHT BRINGS ONE IN ALIVE
?From The Indianapolis News
Dante 's Inferno Up to Date
Virgil Hearst Condztcts Dante Hylan Through the Shades of the
Nether World.
(From. Ufe)
PAUSING, I looked high above me, and discerned
A Tammany politician, his eyes gleaming at me
In the darkness, and guarding the unknown cave of
Patronage and spoils. Whereat my guide, smiling,
Bade me cast fear aside, and spoke thus, calmly:
"Be assured that this Manhattan, with its sufferers grim
You see in subways, and movie fiends chained
In the semi-darkness, and the seething mass
Of stock brokers shouting in their daily anguish,
While the cold slums lie about, and all
The agonizing crew of social pests and sycophants?
This big town Is nothing to this here country as a wholo,
To which I cator with my contumelious yellowism,
Not to mention my anti-British and pro-German currents."
To which I hastened nimbly to reply:
"Ah, brother, I am with you there! John ITylan never
Will go back on his dear Virgil Hearst. But sayl
What else is there for us in other states?"
He smiled and took me by the hand, leading me
Straightway to Milwaukee, where pro-Germans,
Deprived of beer, were writhing in their extremity
And passing off in clouds of steam. And then
He led me to a Chicago intellectual?horrific sight! ?
Strutting the Lakeside as n genuine highbrow.
"Can this thing be?" I said, shuddering, at which
Beatrice Brisbane, smoothing my classic, brow,
Laved me with one of his dope screeds. Thenceforth
We passed to Kansas. The great yellow shade
Beside me, whom Champ Clark in his own lifetime
Declared the loftiest publisher in the nether world,
Paused in true Kansas contemplation, and thus apostrophize;
Himself: "Thou, O Virgil Hearst, I am for three.
And spread my daily camouflage of patriotic
Gush that thou, O Hearst, mayest run
For office, or any other old thing redounding to
The country's Bname. I'm for thee?that is, for myself!"
This moving me, John Hylan, I threw my arms
About my Virgil Hearst, around us a frigid zone
Of distrust and gathering contempt, which every
Tribune maketh more evident?and sworo
Never to desert him. Thus we passed on, down,
Down, down, down, and still down and down
To the sodden abyss of the lower regional
from the reverses of last spring, is now
stronger than ever in the present war
and is in better shape materially. It has
full ranks and it has enormous reserves
in guns and munitions. It also has an
account to settle, and it has already
taken the first step in paying off the
Germans for the defeat of March 21. In
all probability the great burden of the
offensive operations of Foch for the rest
of the year will be borne by the British
with a measure of American help. The
French have disposed of the offensive
possibilities of the army of the Crown
Prince of Prussia. The British have
still on their hands the army of Rup
precht of Bavaria, although his offen?
sive ambitions must have been rudely
curbed in recent days.
In sum, the British victory at the |
Somme, like the French success at the
Marne, is a striking and major detail
of the campaign of 1918; together they
have wrecked Ludendorff's offensive
plans. Haig, like P?tain, is entitled to
full credit, although the supreme praise
must be reserved for Foch. At the I
Somme the French have been even more
useful to the British than we were to I
the French at the Marne, but it is only
just to credit the larger responsibility [
for the second success to our British j
allies, who after heavy defeat have come
back with renewed energy, determina?
tion and with a scientific mastery of the
new methods of fighting which is im- !
pressive.
Comparisons mean little, after all, j
yet on August 8 the British covered
more ground between daylight and noon
on the Somme front than they traversed j
in all the fighting from July 1 to No?
vember 15, 1916, lost less than 10,000
men in doing it, where they lost more I
than half a million two years ago, and
captured five or six times as many pris?
oners as on July 1, 1916. We are not
going to return to the old-fashioned war
of movement. We shall fight on from
position to position until German re?
sistance utterly collapses or German
statesmanship surrenders, but the rate
of progress between positions in 1918 as
compared with 1916 is something that
should be in all minds henceforth.
Flaming Waste
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I rejoice in Mr. Leo Do Forest's
letter, printed to-day, ?bout the wickedness
of wasting coal on flaming street signs.
How can Mr. Garfield expect the public to
forgive him for letting such criminal ex?
travagance go on so long? Jl. V. T.
Glen Cov?, N. y? Auffo 7> 191gt
As the Shadow of
A Great Rock
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I wonder how many of our New
York City people realize what a cool place
the Interior of our churches Is these hot
days. Many of the churches are open a
good part of the time?either the front or
side doors being open. I have recently
gone into two churches on a weekday?
the Grace Methodist, In West 104th Street,
and St. John's Episcopal Cathedral, at Am?
sterdam Avenue and 113th Street. In both
it was far cooler than on the streets or in
our homes. In the large cathedral I found
but five people at 4 o'clock in the afternoon
resting and probably quietly worshipping.
If people but realized the comfort?physi?
cal?they could secure in such a large build?
ing these oppressive days?not to mention
the mental and spiritual benefits to be de?
rived by getting into the quiet and holy
atmosphere of these places of worship?I
am sure a larger number would go there.
I am sure all the churches would be glad
to have the people spend all the time they
want there. R. K.
New York, Aug. 18, 1918.
Loquacious Locomotives
(From "Chat and Comment" in The Fall River
Xcus)
Have you noticed what the railroad loco?
motives are saying nowadays as they go
about their business? It's McAdoo, McAdoo,
McAdoo, McAdoo. Say it aloud to yourself
and you have it us the locomotive says it in
starting. Mc-A-doo, Mc-A-doo. Presently it
gains headway: Mc-Adoo, it says. And now
it is at full speed, tearing down the clear?
way: McAdoo, McAdoo, McAdoo, McAdoo,
until it is out of hearing. Some of the en?
gines seem to be cheerin? for their new
boss, rooting through town and country for
the director of railways. In some of them
there ia a sort of sycophantic note. I think
I used to hear this class of engines wheez- ',
ing out Elliott, Elliott, with their air pumps,
as they stood waiting in the railway sta?
tion. Then there are old and decrepit loco?
motives, whose kind is not unknown in
these parts, which have a plaintive, implor?
ing tone which calls for help with a hoarse,
aspirate, almost choking voice: Mack-oh-do!
What a rousing Presidential campaign the
director of railroads and most other things
could run with his namo shouted above the
housetops of metropolis and hamlet from
ocean to ocean at every puff of every steam
engine in the land.
A Frank Confession
{From J'/i<? Manila Cablencwa-Amtrican)
As long as nickel cigars are still being
smoked in the United States the local hemp
industry neod have no ?pprahousioaa.
Germanism
Remarks by Senator Borah
Reprinted from The Congressional rWj
Mr. President, on the 1st of
submitted some remarks in the StT*?* '
the subject of the cancellation c?\^ ?8
ter of the German-American Alliance <??
making these remarks I have received'5'*
following telegram from Mr. Bartholdt f^
mer Member of Congress. 1 desire t
the telegram: "?c
Your statements do me a grave int
Never in my Ion* public life did I utt?*'1
menta such as you attribut? to rn?. As uT*
of a father who had the courage of tw'^
democrat In Germany. I was imbued from v-'
hood with democratic ideas. A? . ._. '**
tive American of German origin I inceZT*
preached Americanism and loyalty to ^*K?
and Ideals in all my public speeches. T? ?4*
trict I represented in Congress embraced ^
of the culture and wealth of St Louis ^
constituency surely would not have returned *
to Congress for eleven consecutive terms ' **
thoroughly convinced of my loyalty to Am l?
ideals. The alleged utterances to which
have reference were never maclr. In the H k*
campaign, while our country was still neutra'?
merely pleaded for a square deal for the Gerr?'
people and for the election of candidate wi'i !
to accord it. I have advocated world peace""5
means of breaking down German militarism ?
conalstently opposed everything contrary te A.
spirit of our institutions. The utterance? .
tribute*, to me by personal or political enn*
and unwittingly repeated by you, I bave r-fj*
long ago in a letter to Senator King, 0f wllu,
shall mail you a copy. After reading it I ?*?,!
you will do me the justice to correct in &,
same public manner in which they were -an.
the statements which so cruelly misrepresent
attitude. *
Signed by Mr. Bartholdt
Mr. President, in my remarks I did *,?
make any mention of Mr. Bartholdt b??
name. I stated a certain state of fw.
and associated them with a former Mea
ber of Congress, but I did not mention Mr
Bartholdt's name. In discussing p0??,
I seo no necessity of accentuating p...
sonality.
But I havo not done Mr. Bartholdt y
Injustice; if an Injustice has been doner
has been, it seems, by the official bullet.
of the German-American Alliance. Tie
statement which I made purporting to come
from him was a statement based upon the
publication of the association with which
be was closely associated, if not a member
and before which he was making sn ad?
dress. I will read the two excerpts upon
which I based my remarks:
Just as Europe has fallen upon German-, u
America is nog falling upon tho German-Anwi
cons, or attacking ??hem ; but we have a wespra
which we can use to good effect, namely, m
ballots ; and in these days, so dark for Germsn
Ism, we must use our ballots for our Germanisa.
That was ander date of March, 1916. Or.
page 16 of the April number, 1916, this fur?
ther statement is found coming from the
ex-Member of Congress:
We must now forget our party and, wiiho;:
consideration for our previous inclinations to-j
wishes, vote only for those who are the friend'
. of Germanism. We must remind ourselves o?
our political rights and exercise them. 1 gh?
this warning to all who are asamblea here to?
day, with the hope that they will talc? thk
warning to heart.
My statement in Tho Record was u fel?
lows:
A man formerly a member of the Amerkit.
Congress advised the Germans upon a puV.
occasion in a public sreech that they etc...
forget all parties and vote only for those?'
would advance the cau?e of Germanism ????
German kultur in America.
I repeat, if an injustice has been done?:.
Bartholdt it is by and through the officx
bulletin of the association. If he did Mt
make the statement therein contained, k
quarrel is with the official bulletin, and ?
should be very glad if he denies hsrar
made that statement to make it a mattere:
record. If he did make that statement su:
the statement published is in accordant
with his belief then I not only did him M
injustice but I did him a distinct favor ?I
not Baying more than I did.
Reckless Pedestrians!
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Two articles in your issue of AoP?:
9, one your own editorial and the other
an article by R. E. You-.,-, of White PW?
N. Y., deserve more than passing attention
and in the hope that some one more If*
than the writer will also take the mattere?
I beg to enter a protest against the pre?:?
apsumed and the conclusions drawn, wt-s
are all against the automobile driver. '
neither an owner nor a driver, bu: la?
the automobile insurance business, where.*
necessity, I come in contact with hundre
of cases of automobile accidents, with tJ'??
subsequent investigations ar.d settleoet
and the investigations show that in?
cases of accidents to pedestrians a
large percentage of them is the res--'
foolishness or carelessness on the pa
the injured party, and I firmly believe??
this is due in a great measure to the?**
paign of miseducation on the part 01
newspapers, which almost without eXCf^"('
create the impression, by the tenor o
tides on this subject, that the PeiesV^
has no responsibility at all as he ira?iS^
strcets, but it is always up to the other
low to see that the careless or foolish *?
not hurt. It is time for our papers to ??
to educate their readers to take re ^
able care of themselves rather than p?'?
burden of doing it on others.
Paterson, N. J., Aug. 14. 1918.
Why Not a Moving Platform?
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Why not suggest to the PubllC^.
vice Commission the feasibility <"*_,.
..I Bat**
ing sidewalk in the Forty-second ?
subway connecting Grand Centra
Times Square? This sidewalk ?0^?^
unlimited capacity and be always *v41'^
using two sets of tracks, one east an
other west bound, and leaving the ?
pair for trains in emergency or brea'
of sidewalk. ?s:
Also, why not suggest to Mr. Staontt ,
he use the space now occupied by ^
his "gems of thought" cone in each ?-^
each car) and in place of the- "?*** ? ?k
a map or diagram showing the l
ways as now operated, each side or W^
in a different color. Got this '>ia?r*rnfrf.
fixed in the minds of the dear P"1'1*^
constantly seeing it i? the caff s ' ^ij.
would be accomplished in th? ??JL
cation. J. O'REILLY M'DONOHB*
N?jw York, Au*. ?, !?*? -~?H