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THE WEEK IN
PANORAMA m PART III TWELVE PAGES J 3Xetu ^0tU Wfibvait Q??Zitlt mt? Mm REACTIONS Tt> THE NEWS SUNDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1918 PART III TWELVE PAGES All Fears of Its Spread Here Ground? less?Our Soldiers Unmoved by the Russian Propaganda . By F. Spencer Baldwin McMa9er ?f **'**3 State insurance Fund, Sew York State Industrial Commission IT REQUIRES a degree of assurance bordering on effrontery to attempt any social forecast or prediction in times like the present. Things are happening so fast, changes are following so rapidly one upon the heels of another, upheavals in the social order are so fre? quent and recurrent, that he who would play the r?le of a sociological prophet finds the task one of enormous difficul? ties. Herbert Spencer once remarked that no one is wise enough to prescribe the course that society will take; in these days no one is wise enough even to guess at it with any feeling of confidence. Ac? cordingly, this effort to appraise roughly some of the conditions, tendencies and indications that may throw light on the prospects of a Bolshevist uprising in the United States is submited with no pre? tension to scientific accuracy and finality. Before considering the question as to the likelihood of the spread of the Bol? shevist movement in this country, it may be well to inquire precisely what Bol? shevism is. There seems to be a deal of ignorance and misapprehension concern? ing this subject on the part of Ameri? cans. In general. Bolshevism is simply a RussiarPphase of revolutionary social? ism. The essence of socialism is the pro? posal to substitute for the present indus? trial system, based on private ownership of capital, individual enterprise and per? sonal responsibility for the maintenance of one3s self and family, a new order founded on the collective ownership of all material instruments of production and distribution, public enterprise and social responsibility for the maintenance of all individuals brought into the world. The Socialist.-- propose that private com? peting capital shall be transformed into one collective social capital. The wealth produced through socialized industry would then be distributed according to some fixed standard or principle of re? muneration, not by way of free competi? tion as at present. Concerning the method of distribution that should be adopted Socialists are not agreed, some favoring equality, either absolute or ap? proximate; others advocating remunera? tion according to services rendered, and others favoring the apportionment of the social product according to needs. Under a socialistic r?gime all railroads and other agencies of transportation and communication, all factories, farms and mines, all banks, mercantile establish? ments and insurance companies would be owned and operated by the state, or so? ciety, acting through agencies created for this purpose, and all workers would be employed and remunerated by such collective agencies. TPhe Demands ?*- of Bolshevism Bolshevism stands for the immediate inauguration of socialism. The term Bolshevism was first used in 1903 at a convention of the Russian Social Demo? cratic party, when upon a test vote the party divided between the majority and the minority. The majority party was nicknamed the "Bolshevik" and the minority the "Menshevik," the terms be? ing derived from the Russian words Bol shinstvo and Menshinstvo, meaning, re? spectively, majority and minority. Prior to the rise of Bolshevism, the Socialist movement throughout Europe had taken on a somewhat moderate, op? portunist character. The leaders of the majority Socialist party in the different states pursued a policy of compromise and cooperation with other political parties and with existing institutions. The socialism that they represent was evolutionary and educational in charac? ter. They admitted that the masses were not yet ready for the introduction of the socialized organization of industry and believed that the establishment of socialism must wait upon a process of educational and preparatory propaganda. The Bolshevists rejected this Fabian type of socialism. They demanded that the socialistic state be installed at once; that the ownership of land and capital be transferred immediately from the exist? ing proprietors to the working masses, and that revolutionary tactics be substi? tuted for educational propaganda and Political compromise. The Bolshevist programme has actual? ly been carried into effect, at least in krge part, throughout Russia. It is not generally known that to-day the indus? tries of Russia are already socialized ; that Private capital has been expropriated, ?Mid that both manufacture and agricult? ure are conducted by organizations cre ated and controlled by workers them? selves. |*he process by which the transition n'om the capitalistic to the socialistic ?^girae took place in Russia is extremely '??^Westing. The movement ?tarted locally with workmen's shop committees, which assumed control of the factories when the old monarchical r?gime col? lapsed. At the time of this collapse the ! superintendents of the factories, most of I which had been taken over by the gov ernment for war purposes, fled from ? their posts and the factories closed down | for a time. The workers, finding it nec j essary to work in order to live, got to I aether and formed workmen's shop com j mittees to run the factories. These com? mittees soon found that brains were needed for the task of industrial manage? ment and they called in experts to direct the work under the control of the com? mittees. A crude scheme of cooperation, with interchange of products between different industrial communities, was gradually established. At the same time, the movement thus begun by the work? men's shop committees was brought un? der centralized control, exercised through the Soviet government. A similar move? ment ran its course on the land among the agricultural laborers, who formed peasants' committees to take over the ownership of land and the direction of agriculture. It is interesting to note that this transformation took place largely under the pressure of economic necessity, in consequence of the break? down of the old political and industrial system. The Soviet Machine at Work The Soviet government, which was es? tablished through the successful Bol? shevist revolution of November, 1917, is based' on a series of popular assemblies, local, provincial and central. There is a joint Soviet of soldiers' and workers' deputies in every town, the principle of representation being one representative to every 500 population. The various wards in the towns also have Soviets. The representatives are elected by equal suffrage and secret ballot. There is full right of immediate recall on the part of constituents. The representation in the Soviet thus registers the changing senti? ment or mood of the masses of the popu? lation. Above the local Soviets of the towns and the villages, some of which have peasant Soviets, stand the Soviets of the provinces and counties. Finally, there is the central All-Russian Con? gress cf Soviets, which is made up of delegates from the provincial Soviets, tlccted in proportion of one delegate to every 25.000 population. The All-Rus? sian Soviet elects a central executive committee of about three hundred mem? bers, which is the Parliament of Russia. This parliament in turn elects Peoples' Commissars, who constitute the Cabinet or Ministry. The chairman of the Com? missars is Nikolai L?nine, who thus plays the r?le of Prime Minister. The emphasis in the work of the Soviet government is placed on what is termed an "economic government"?that is, the organization and management of indus? try?rather than on purely political ad? ministration. The "economic government" is super? vised by a Council of Public Welfare This is a body of experts, selected foi their preeminence in the different fields of industry. The membership of th< council includes, for example, the leading experts in electrical engineering, indus trial chemistry, textile manufacture steel fabrication and so on. The utiliza tion of technical experts in the Russia! socialistic organization is perhaps it? most distinctive and significant feature F features of Capitalism Drawn In The impression prevails generally ii this country that Bolshevism is a wholl; destructive movement, which spends it se'f in killing, wrecking and pillaging But the movement has also its construe tive phase, which should not be over looked by any one who wishes to under stand it thoroughly and appraise it fair ly. in a statement concerning the prob lems and the aims of the Soviet govern ment issued recently by Nikolai Lenin? under the title of "The Soviets at Work, the problem of construction is empha sized as the most important and diflicul task confronting the new governmeni He distinguishes three problems whic the Bolshevist party had to meet. Th first lay in convincing the majority o the population that its programme an policies were correct. The second wa the conquest of political power and th suppression of resistance of the sui porters of the old r?gime. The thir problem, which he characterized as th most urgent, was to organize the mai agement of Russia. "At present," h says, "this has become the centn problem. We, the Bolshevik party, ha\ convinced Russia. We have won Russi from the rich for the poor, from the ej ploiters for the toilers. And now it up to us to manage Russia." As vitally essential to the solution of this problem he urges two things: First. the need of employing experts, and, sec? ond, the importance of strict universal accounting and control of production and distribution with a view to increasing the productivity of labor. With respect to the employment of ex? perts he states: "Without the direction of specialists of different branches of knowledge, technic and experience, the transformation toward socialism is im? possible, for socialism demands a higher productivity of labor in comparison with capitalism and on the basis which has been attained by capitalism." 1 In this connection he justifies the pay? ment of very high remuneration for the services of "the biggest of the bourgeois specialists," at least during the transi? tion period. This is extremely signifl I cant. The leader of Russian socialism, | confronted with the task of industrial i organization and management, has been forced to recognize the truth, hitherto generally overlooked or ignored by So? cialists, that talent and genius will hard? ly render their indispensable services to society if deprived of their proportion? ately high rewards. The policy of the Soviet government in this respect has been criticised and attacked both out? side and inside the Socialist ranks. But L?nine declares: "We will go ahead try? ing very cautiously and patiently to test and discover real organizers, people with sober minds and practical sense whc combine loyalty to socialism with ability to organize quietly (and in spite of con? fusion and noise) efficient and harmo nious joint work of a large number of people under the Soviet organization." T3ut No Escape ?*"--* From Discipline The advocacy of accounting and con trol to increase the productivity of labor in the L?nine pronouncement is equally interesting. He declares that the slo? gan, "Keep accurate and conscientious accounts; conduct business economically; do not loaf; do not steal; maintain strict discipline at work," which have always been ridiculed by revolutionary Social I ists, have now become an urgent and ? practical slogan. He tells his followers ! that "without thorough state accounting and control of production and distribu? tion the authority of the toilers, and their freedom, cannot last, and a return to the yoke of capitalism is inevitable. ' More definitely he announces' "We should immediately introduce piece work and try it out in practice. We should try out every scientific and progressive suggestion of the Taylor system; we should compare the earnings with the general total of production or the ex? ploitation results of railroad and water transportation and so on." He goes even so far as to concede that the effort to increase the productivity of labor through such measures "will require the use of compulsion so that the slogan of i the dictatorship of the proletariat should i not be weakened by the practice of a toe mild proletarian government." In this connection he offers a vigorous defence of the courts, as essential to the rule of the proletariat and the maintenance ! of proper training in discipline. "There is," lie states, "a lack of appreciation of ': the simple and obvious fact that, if the chief misfortunes of Russia are famine ; and unemployment, these misfortunes I cannot be overcome by any outbursts of ! enthusiasm, but only by thorough and i universal organization and discipline, in '. order to increase the production of bread for men and fuel for industry, to trans | port it in time and to distribute it in the right way. That therefore responsibility for the pangs of famine and unemploy? ment falls on every one who violates the labor discipline in any enterprise and in any business. That those who are re? sponsible should be discovered, tried and punished without mercy." It appears from these remarkable ut ! terances of L?nine that socialism, con ; fronted in Russia for the first time with \ the problem of industrial organization j and administration, has been forced to ; resort to the same measures for maintain? ing social order and discipline which the i Socialists have assailed so bitterly when applied under the present system. The critics of socialism have often declared that attempts to realize it must result either in the breakdown of the industrial machinery from the lack of sufficient mo ti.es for productive effort on the part of workers or in the establishment of an intolerable industrial tyranny. They reasoned that if the great economic mo? tive of desire for gain and the stimulus of competition were removed men could be kept at work only by calling into play on a great scale the motive of fear of punishment, applied by rigorous compul I FEATURES WITHIN ???? -1?i?.??-. Will He Want the O?d Job Back??The Soldier's Problem.P*ge 2 The Soul of War in Bronze.Page 3 Obstacles to Peace?By Frank H. Simonds. Page 4 | The Road of Glory?By Hendrik Willem Van Loon.Page 5 Lloyd George Before the Bar of British Electorate?By S. K. Ratciif?e..Page 6 The Promised Land in the South?By William P. Lighten.Page 7 Under the Evening Star?Translated by William L. McPherson. . . Page 7 Does New York Know its Library?.Page 8 Wonks._Page 9 The Tribune Institute.Pages 10, 11, 12 I i_ __ _i > ,-, American Industry Never More Ably and Fairly Run?Poor Soil for Post-War Unrest and Ferment sion to work. This criticism finds strik? ing confirmation in the L?nine plea for a socialistic dictatorship. It remains to be seen whether the rank and file of his fol? lowers will stand for the sort of compul? sory industrial r?gime that he advocates. What of the United States? The question as to the prospects of a sweeping Bolshevist movement in the United States now remains to be consid? ered. At this writing the movement seems to be gaining control of the Ger? man cities through the ascendency of the Spartacus wing of the Social Demo? cratic party led by Karl Liebknecht. A complete victory for Bolshevism in Aus? tria and Germany was predicted some time ago by an Austrian press corres? pondent, who studied on the ground the rise and spread of Bolshevism in Russia. This observer told the writer that it was almost certain that the movement would sweep everything before it, not only in the Teutonic countries, but also in Italy, and would make large gains in France and England. He based this prediction largely on his knowledge of the spread of the Bolshevist propaganda among the soldiers of the Teutonic and Allied armies. The American soldiers, by the way, this informant thought, had thus far been practically immune to the revo? lutionary propaganda emanating from Russia. This prediction suggests the disquieting possibility of a new align? ment in Europe, which might find the United States in an alliance fighting against the Socialist republics. The prophecy has been made in some quarters that the Bolshevist movement, after sweeping through Europe, will spread naturally and inevitably to the United States. The grounds for this belief appear to be the tendency of any revolutionary movement to spread with ? wildfire rapidity at a time like the pres? ent, when the restraining forces of con? servative public opinion and established social standards have been unsettled and weakened througb influences set in mo? il by the war; the insistence upon the claims of labor, which, having won large gains during the war period, will not allow itself to be forced back to the old level of wages, hours and conditions of employment, but will rather press on for new and larger concessions; the counter resistance on the part of capital which may be expected to demand the restora? tion of terms of employment that will offer a larger margin for profit; and the pressure of the increasing cost of living, which must produce widespread discon j tent and readiness to resort to revolu ! tionary social panaceas for relief. When j one considers these conditions and ten j dencies, the prospect of a Bolshevist up? rising of the United States might seem hardly remote. But there are other considerations bear ' ing on this question, which, upon deeper reflection, point to an opposite conclusion. In the first place, the peculiar conditions that produced the sudden rise and spread j of Bolshevism in Russia are not present j in the United States. There the oppor | tunity for Bolshevism, as has beer ; pointed out, came through the collapse oi ! the monarchical system and the indus ! trial organization which depended upor it for support. The Workmen's Shoi j Committees came into existence and wen I able to assume the control of industrie; I in which they were employed, becaus( the owners and managers of these in i dustries, as well as the government it j self, had abdicated. Indeed, it may bi said that the success of the Bolshevists ii this phase came about through the pr?s sure of economic necessity. No such con dition exists in this country. On the con trary, the organization of American in : dustry to-day probably rests upon i firmer basis of efficiency and equity thai at any previous time in the national his 1 tory. Hard Going for Revolutions Here Not only are the chaotic conditions c governmental and industrial organiza tion, which gave Bolshevism its oppoi tunity in Russia, not present in th United States, but there are certain fa( | tors at work here which must tend t I block the path of Bolshevism on this sid of the Atlantic. The nation has jus emerged from the conduct of a brilliantl successful war. The national mooi made jubilant and exultant by victory, not likely to be hospitable or recepth to revolutionary foreign propagand The countries in which Bolshevism hi thus far made its great gains were a losers in the great war. There can be r doubt that in Germany chagrin of defei is a potent factor in the present dri toward revolutionary socialism. In a d feated country social revolution follov naturally as the aftermath of an u successful war. In this country the hij elation of military success is a psycho? logical barrier to the importation of Bol? shevist doctrines. It is not to be forgotten, moreover, that the American spirit has always been hostile to revolutionary socialism. The average American instinctively pre? fers the principles of private property and private enterprise, individual initi? ative and individual independence, per? sonal freedom and personal responsibil? ity, upon which our present social order are founded, to the theories of public ownership, collective control and social responsibility which lie at the basis of socialism. In the past, moreover, Amer? icans have been too prosperous in the main to pay much attention to schemes of social reconstruction. In the last two decades, to be sure, the rise of the cost of living and the consequent unrest have made a favorable opportunity for Social? ist propaganda. The increase in the Socialist vote at successive elections registered the effect of these conditions. In the recent elec? tion, however, the Socialist vote receded to a marked extent. Every one of the twelve Socialists who ran for Congress in New York City was defeated and the only Socialist member of Congress run? ning for reelection was rejected by an emphatic majority. In the country at large only one Socialist candidate for Congress was successful. Thus far so? cialism in this country has made no sub? stantial progress toward convincing the American people of the expediency and justice of its programme and capturing the political power for its realization, which, according to L?nine, are the two preliminary goals of the revolutionary Socialist movement. Another obstacle in the path of Bol 1 shevism in this country is the powerful influence of the majority of the Amer? ican Federation of Labor and its great ? national leaders, Samuel Compers, John j Mitchell and others. Socialism has failed ? in repeated efforts to capture the annual convention of the American Federation of Labor, and until it takes this strong? hold it can hardly make any real prog? ress toward the conquest of American voters at large. Finally, the influence of the Church. both Catholic and Protestant, must be set down as another powerful deterrent to the expansion of Bolshevism in America. There is probably no countrj in which the Church exercises so direc and potent an influence on public opinior and political programmes as" it. does ii the United States. The Catholic Churcl has conducted an organized and well di rected propaganda against socialisnr The various Protestant bodies ar equally antagonistic to its teachings. The Forces of Order The foregoing brief survey disclose that the economic conditions in thiscoui try, the national mood emanating from successful war, the instinctive tendene of the American people, the attitude < organized labor and the influence of tl great religious denominat.ons are all u favorable to ihe spread cf Bolshevisi In vew of these conditions it seems mc unlikely that the Bolshevist moveme in this country will spread to any notai extent or with any alarming rapidity. In conclusion, it may be pertinent offer a word of suggestion or caution i garding the policy that should be adopt by the government and its officiais, r tional and state, in dealing with Bols? vism. In the first place, a policy of ? nunciation, persecution and suppress: would defeat its own object and woi tend to provoke the growth of the mo ment rather than to retard ?t. A re lutionary movement thrives on ill vised attempts to exterminate it. 1 surest way to promote the growth such a movement is to create for i body of martyrs. In place of sue! policy we need one of wise toleration harmony with the democratic princi; j of free ?speech, free press, free disc , sion and free criticism. In the ? place, measures of legislation should ! enacted promptly which will make fi j reasonable equalization and ?mpr ' of social conditions for the masses of I population. A comprehensive prograi ; of social insurance, which will sup I ment the accident insurance provide? i workmen's compensation laws, wit?h visions for sickness, invalidity, old and, possibly, unemployment insun is of the first importance here. equitable distribution of the tax bin national, state and local, is also fu mental. If the right policy with re: ? to the treatment of revolutionary pi ! ganda and the enactment of social ! I lation shall prevail in this country ? menace of Bolshevism, which now ! | on the national horizon, will prove [ only a passng phase of the afterma the world war.