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First t- Last?the Tn-.ib: News?rEditorlals
Member cf l tu of Clrculi " ?
MONDAY, JANUARY 13, 1919
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MEMBER ' ?'. ? ? VTKD I'RESS
The Ai tHled to tho usa
ns en Jll d i" it or
i | .... lhe local
titvt 31 li > . . :.. i
Aii n,, uiattor hereln
? : ? .'.
The Russian Mystery
The Rus ?? much deep
ehcd by I on ol Stephen
Pichon' Cntil this vig
orous nd how
that happe. .
was a cloi > secret
that Greal Britain I . ed invit
ing the B( at to send
representatives to iace conference.
The French . :n Af?
fairs Ba tl British government
sounded P ? Washington and
Tokio on a p to procure in
Russia a truce i . ancl a suspen
sion of hos ' t( st as long as the
peace, confereni ?? sion. Every
i was to ? ring al \ er
sailies throu h its ? es.
Litt le is 'i and cir
cumsta < lutwardly
the Allied ned to bo
united on the oi tracising the
Russian ter of the for?
merly belli ns dip
Even the . ' > have all
withdrawi, i ow as
a proti I char?
acter of 17 ot: 7;- regime.
Vevj ? r, it was an?
nounced that Japi n had ordered 20,000
troops hon e ? About the
same Lii:!'- mated that the
British go\ I to with?
draw its military < from the
Archangel zone. 1 ie Socialists
in the Fren h Cl tn to criti
cise the landii oops in the
Ukraine, and a | as made in the
United States essrs. Johnson
and Borah ' mploy
ment of A eria or
on the An
There may bi h1; rei sons, still
uudisclosed, for - I of Ulied pol?
icy with regard to ?'? i proletariat au
tocracy in Ru sia. But the public here
has been ! in the dark.
Washington is und to deny hav?
ing heard of tl < proposal. But
that would . since in the
diplorr. ment has
been transferre ' bc ' ari;.
The Frei ? must 1 e conver?
sant with tl ' vor of ex
tending to Leni rodi al
Son treatn i not convinced
by these ai Here, perhaps, is
another ins rise of
realism cla e romantic ten
dencies of a ?. v. -
These two l he original
membi ice financed
Russia for o 'e the war.
Russia is . ? France's debt.
And France, in her pre traitened
condition, e to giving
any encoun srnment like
Lenine's, which ac] -: no debts
and has no i as a mem?
ber of any civili
tion of natio
seems to the Fi has seemed
to the world . I bloody and
What has hj to cl a nge its
There is an an : here.
Conclusio ible. We await
Not Changing, but Changeless
"A woroa ..,. ner
mind and her ,r tne
spirit mov< n or for any
reason .: ,,,? fancy.
This precii _e pro.
tectt-d ? ?urt." Such
is the ruling of _ict in a re?
cent case. Does -i i an ackaowl
edged principle of it merely
One of th< ? in which the
judicial mind to indulge? The
conclusion appears : ' r than the
assumptiori on which it i> based. Few
would <!er,y to ? privilege oi
efeangii , ten as :;he
pfea* . . , fonn pf
mental _xei , ?; her
?ex? Di ? beli^fs or
conviction;* or pn ? lite as strong
ly as mere man?
Vfrgfl'i "varium et mutabile eemper
fer/df. ;,,,- no little
ffcjM pWlosophy. |eal of
the parrot in mankind. When a th ng i
npestted often -
true or fal not "the lfiflaor
man," or "as moonlight unto ronlight,"
or anything but her own sttrn :i.:\<l un
I c.r v. Ki'', (](??
? ' ? ''.;
i , Aaron Hill, than
Virgil! Nor have. others failed to note
the superiority in resolution of woman to
man. "Man has his will?hut woman
has her way," says the shrewd Autocrat
of the Breakfast Table. And she gets
her way, not hy changing her mind, but
by setting it unfalteringly upon the thing
she wants. Mr. Shaw's theory cf the
Superman places just emphasis upon this
point. Man is born to be ruled by woman.
it were tedious to derive from history
examples of thc singleness of purpose
which woman has always manifested.
Some Phyllises may be "changing as the
winds and seas," but this is woman in
her superficial aspect; there is method in '
that madness. And who shall say that a
woman docs not change for a good and
sufficient reason? lt is left to weak man
tn shuffle about in intellectual slippers,
victim oi' selfish ease tind palsied will.
Justice Benedict rightly says that it is
the prerogative of a woman to change her
mind. But she uses il only as a step
toward tlie achievement of a changeless
The Spotted Wreath
On Monday, January 6, The New York:
American appeared with a full-page edi?
torial of defensive defamation. Tlie sev?
cnth paragraph was as follows:
"Our civilian assailants, WHO IIATE
US FOR OTHER REASONS, liave all be?
come Professional Patriots, although
ne of them took no crcditable part in
tho war. and some, like Mr. Roosevelt,
took an absolutely discrcditable part."
On the same day, but a few hours
later, The Evening Journal reprinted the
editorial with that paragraph deleted to
"Our civilian assailants, WHO IIATE
LS FOR OTHER REASONS, have all be?
come Professional Patriots, although
some of them took no crcditable part in
Between morning and evening news?
paper editions Theodore Roosevelt had
passed bcyond the reach of any Hearst
A sense of decency may have saved
Thc Evening Journal from repeating
Tl>c Nai- York American's wanton scur
rility. Anything is possible. But, with?
out any respect of its own for the dead
and with only that fear of pubiic indig
nation which has been learned by experi
ence, any Hearst paper, morning or even?
ing, would have known enough instantly
to erase the offence on hearing thc news
from Oyster Bay. With Roosevelt's career
is associated tiie historical thoUght of
McKinley's assassination, and that re
calls this infamous verse from Hearst's
Neiu York Jomiial:
Thc bullet that pierced Goebel's chest
Cannot be found in all the West.
(r'nod reason; it is speeding here
To stretch McKinley on his bier.
Czolgosz, a wretched Polish Bolshevist,
delivered tlie bullet, and Hearst changed
the name of his morning newspaper to
The Ncvj York .i merican.
On Tuesday, January 7, Tiie New
York American said:
"A career unique, useful and inspiring
is ended by the death oi' Theodore Roose?
velt. . . . He also fought, though in
vain. for the right to fight in person on
the iields of France. It is with peculiar
pleasure that this newspaper recalls how
it syrapathized with that last-mentioned
What a wreath to ; 'ing !
And then, for circulation purposes, a
portrait of Theodore Roosevelt, "free
with every copy of next Sunday's New
Vork American" was immediately an?
The Benevolent Despo? of Liberalism
It is nel. alone the unsympathetic and
critical who deprccate President Wilson's
aloofness from counsel and resent hi:;
autocratic methods in the- name of lib?
erty. His warmest supporters, his faith
fulestadmirers, in England and America.
have come to feel the same regrets.
There is no one in England who has
bestowed such lavish praise upon Mr.
Wilson as Mr. Austin Harrison in The
English Review. He has proclaimed Mr.
Wilson as thc leader of the radical Brit?
ish liberalism which his magazine has
been preaching. America has produced
the prophet where Europe has failed,
in his view.
Yet in his last discussion of that chief
goal of his campaign, a league of na?
tions, Mr. Harrison makes a causticcom
ment upon the procedure by which his
prophet is seeking to write these laws
upon the world's statute books. The Eng?
lish Review has made its own campaign
for a league cf nations, hut it has
stressed very different thoughts from
those uttered hy Mr. Wilson. It has
urged that a Magna Charta, a new Dec
laration of Rights for the world, must
precede and be tho foundation of a world
league; that a league without such a
basis would be vain and useless; and it
has suggested that the best method of
erecting such a Declaration of Rights
would be through commissions or conven
tions calied to meet in the several coun?
tries and later to report to a central
peace conference. Repeating this pro?
posal, Mr. Harrison now says:
I venture to say that our solution will
be found to be still more aecurale, 6*3
r'li/hc it ix the only way to a new order.
Mr. Wilson made tho mistake of pro.
claiming morality, the effects of which
have been seen in the confusion existing
about his fourteen points. Morality
cannot be autocratic. It must be itiduced
a tho harmony of cooperation. I venture
to asecrt that Mr. Wilson will he com?
pelled to ba.se his scheme for a family of
nations on a declaration of rights or prln
Clples; further, that. to obtain thi:* char?
ter he will have to sunfmon tho nations
to cooperation by getting up select bodies
in tho variou;; COtHltrieg to frarnc the new
l.-w <.r order ?g the product of ctjiipcra
ia?>?, not of a decreed, justice.
The ItallcH are Mr. Harriuon's: Thia
may sound old stuff and capitalistic non.
fcenHc to our radicals of thc Trotzky
L#])ine dyjiaHty. But it will have a la
miliar and not ungrateful sound to
Americans with some knowledge of how
their own Constitution was built and
some aflection for its ideals.
No such constructive criticism is to be
found in The New Republic, which has
been Mr. Wilson's most ardent advocate.
But thero is an illuminating note of re
sentment in the current issue that shows
how widespread is the disapproval of Mr.
Wilson's autocratic ways. In a leading
article, called "The Lone Hand," these
Other statesmen have always an eye to
thc supporting forces behind them. Xot
so President*Wilson. At least, if he has
cherished a desire' for sympathetic sup?
port in public opinion he has given no
sign of it. To those in Ameriea who have
backed him most warmly he has been
most cold. By instinct or by conscious
choice he plays a lone hand.
. . . ln the declaration of war the
President may be said to have had the
support of the majority, at least of the
active majority. But who in Ameriea or
elsewhere was called into consultation
when thc President formulated his four?
teen points of January 8th, 1018, his four
points of February 11th, and his five points
of September 27th? In elaborating this
American charter of worlcl peace, Presi?
dent Wilson worked alone. The current
tradition has it that when the conjuncture !
demands new action, action upon which j
turn issues of tremendous import, the
President rises betimes and paces his
room, reaching conclusions with his own
soul and his Maker. That may well bo.
Ccrtainly thc President's pronounccments
have fallen upon the world, for the most
part, with their contents anticipated but
dimljj if at all. They bear an individual
imprcss, not the character of the product
of group thinking and group will.
. . . That view may prcvail, but if it
does, it will be hy virtue of a less isolated
policy on the part of liberal statesmen in
other countries. And if tho better view
does not prevail, that will in part be due
to the President's predilection for playing
a lone hand.
We have seen few better characteriza
tions of the President's statesmanship,
its rnanner and its dangers. The New
Republic does not, perhaps, pay adequate
attention to those mystical "voiees"
which Mr. Wilson listens for and reports
from time to time. If the voice of Thc
Ncio Republic had been included one
cannot help suspecting that thc Presi?
dent's lone hand would not be so chas
tised. But the wounds of this loving
friend are none the less instructive.
We do not agree with Mr. Austin Har
rison's precise proposal for what might
be called constitutional conventions in
the several nations. We do hold, and we
think most Americans fear, that if a
league of nations is to suceeed it must
grow naturally from tlie common wisdom
of all nations and all parties, by slow de?
bate, by careful construction, by com
promise, exactly as our American Con?
stitution was developed in the long
months of 1787. Had George Washing?
ton entered the Philadelphia convention
with fourteen points or live points or six
points, had there been anything but a
spirit of common counsel and generous
eompromise, a new charter of liberty
might haVe been evolvcd, but it would
certainly not have commanded the sup?
port of the colonies, and its failure would
have been swift. No despot, however
benevolent, could have solved that com
The Tribune's War Fiction
1 ast year The Sunday Tribune pub
: fifty-two shprt stories, translated
rr : the French by Mr. William L. Mc
Pherson. A notable valuation has been
put on these stories in Mr. Edward J.
O'Brien's listings of "Best Short Stories
of 1918," in a recent issue of The Boston
Even '.ng Tran '.cript.
Mr. O'Brien for several years past has
been analyzing and tabulating the short
sl ry output in American magazines and
periodicals. In 1917 he rated The Trib?
une fourth in the United States in per
centage of short stories of distinction
which it offered to the public. The Trib?
une's percentage in 1917 was 73. Scrib
ner's Magazine, Harper's Magazine and
TI ?. Century Magazine stood ahead of us
by a narrow margin. Each of them had
a percentage of 80.
ln 1918 The Tribune stood third in Lhe
United State--. Its average of distinction
was 86. The Century Magazine's was
8:?. Thc percentage of Harper';.; Maga?
zine fell to 77 and that of Scribncr's
Magazine to 75. The Metropolitan Maga
:?; had a percentage of 48, Collier's
Weekly 46, The Ladics' Homc Journal 36
and The Saturday Evening Post 27. The
two public:;tions which outranked The
Tribune in 1918 were The Bellman, with
a percentage of 88, and The Stratford
Journal, with a percentage of 96.
Mr. O'Brien's lists covcr only the first
ten months of 1918. In that period The
Tribune published forty-three short
stories. Of these nineteen were single
starred by him, eleven double-starred and
The pieces selected for translation cov
e*red a wide range. Most of the French
authors who have shown a mastery of the
short story and have given it a rich'er
content by using it to express the
great emotions of the war have been
represented in The Tribune's columns.
Erederic Boutet, Piervc Mille, Maurice
Level, Mme. Lucie Delarue-Madrus, Al?
fred Machard and Rene Benjamin are by
this time more or less known to Ameri?
can readers. But last year examples
were also given of the work of Camille
Mauclair, Edmond Jaloux, Charles Henry
Hirsch, Pierre Valdagne, Edmond Ilar
aucourt and Jean Bertheroy?all short
story writers of unusual proficiency and
The war stimulated French fiction to
an extraordinary degree. And its sober
ing and broadening influence wiil con?
tinue. Those who appreciate the short
story in its most finished and flawless
form wiil be repaid more than ever by a
study of the wonderful art of these
SHOES & SHIPS &
LIKE one, who as night came on
Approached a pleasant hostelry
And, entering, there fell upon
A hearty, goodly company
And, feet to lire, and cup to lip,
Jrank late to genial fellowship
So we arise and pass from where
We lately sat before the fire.
Another comes to fill our chair.
His lilting voice will lift far higher
The laughing choruses, and we
Will pass from page and memory.
This was his place before he went,
A pai of Mars, to smite the foe,
And now, his warlike ardor spent,
He seeks again the lirelight glow.
Our final glass at break of day
Is lifted high to P. P. A.
The songs we sang will sound no more
As round they pass the steaming cup.
Throughout the weary months of war
They may have kept our spirits up.
An hour, and they'rc all forgotten,
And most of them, oh, folks, were rotten!
So now, with all our jesting o'er,
And all our feeble catches sung,
Our mantle, rescued from the floor,
Once more across our shoulders flung,
Wc speak that word, so hard to say,
"F#arewell!" and start upon our way.
F. F. V
To the Editor of The Tribuve.
SIR: ln this morning's papers Oscar
Straus quotes Colonel Roosevelt as be?
ing in favor of a league of nations. It is a
dangerous thing to say what a man now
dead had said before his death, even to one
who, as we all know, was his friend. ln
Mr. Roosevelt's case I hope there won't be
much of il.
Theodore Roosevelt's interests wero uni
versal aml his curiosity insatiablc. In
these respects the only man I ever met who
could be compared with him v*as Mr. Pulit
zer after he was blinded. Roosevelt would
submit his thought to the scrutiny of any
human creaturc from whom he believed he
could get information, or even an equally
sincere thought. No gate ever closed the
way to Sagamore Hill; no glass dimmed
the look of Roosevelt's questioning eyes;
and to every human creaturc, prince or
pauper, who gave him something to think
about he gave attention.
From the beginning of his career to the
end of it he said his thought instantly to
anybody and everybody, and whether he
said it in the trophy room at Sagamore Hill
or in a message to Congress it was the
same thought, or, if he modified it (which
did not happen often") he was instant to say j
so. All his life long the pubiic knew just '
where he stood.
It will be too bad if now his friends un
dertake to quote any other utterances of
Theodore Roosevelt than such as are shown
in the print of his manuscripts. Laying
down this rule for others to be guided by,
I shall not offend it myself. Except for
Mr. Wilson it must be, clear to all of us
that tho leading advocate in this country
of a league of nations is Mr. Taft. if out?
side of what Colonel Roosevelt put into
print about. the league of nations idea
there is any living man who knows his
v'iew, that man is Mr. Taft. I have not
seen in tiie writings with which he is so
ab'ly instructing bis countrymen anything
that 'suggests that Theodore Roosevelt was
unreservedly in favor of what wc must sup?
pose to be President Wilson's idea of a
league of nations.
In a speech that-Roosevelt deliv.ered at
Saratoga before the Republican State Con?
vention last year., which you printed in
full, and in another speech that he deliv
ered at Carnegie Hall just before he went
to the hospital, and which you printed in
full, I heard him say that he believed in
anything, call it a league of nations, or
what not, that tendod to preserve the peace
of the world, but that he would never con
sent io an understanding between the
United States and other nations that de
prived us of the right or denied to us the
duty of universal military training. I
heard him say that, and I am not quoting
what 1 heard him say at Sagamore Hill or
at Montauk Point or in the While House, or
on any other occasion, and there never was
one, when I thought that I was more inti?
mate with him than any other of the
thousands that were looking into his face.
What 1 thought he meant when he said
that he would be glad to have a league of
nations or any other human device that.
could tend to preserve the peace of the
world, but that never could he agree to a
Stipulation that prevented this country
from training its youth for the country's
protection-what I thought he meant was
that there were questions arising in the
lives of men and nations that could not bo
arbitrated. That wSs what I thought hc
meant. Every line in his face, every tone
of his voice, every flash of his eyes told
me so. I know he meant it; and I agree
with him. If I were a Senator of the
United States I should vote against com
mitting the United States to any agreement
with any other nation that forbade us to
be, in the end. the arbiter of our own des
tinies, and I should not leave it so that, in
placing my country, it would be necessary
for me to say to the minister of any other
nation, "This is only a scrap of paper."
There muy be others, and hereafter, and
in spite of the treaty, who will say it, as
Germany did, but the United States ought
not to be in their class. Neither should it
be subject in its final responsibilities to
the determination of conflicting interests.
It should steer its course clear of them.
Nobody has asked me to vote as a mem?
ber of the Senate. - May I vote in the open
pages of The Tribune? I vote no, and I
testify that on pubiic occasions the leader
of American thought and action whom I
most respect said in my bearing that while
he welcomod any and every instrument that
tentled to preserve the world's peaco he
would never consent to an agreement that
forbade our nation to utilize for its pro?
tection any single our.co of energy that it
possossoB. LEMUEL ELY QUIOG.
New York, Jun. 11, 1919,
GOING INTO BUSINESS
Sit ai the
William English Walling, as did John Spargo, Charles
Edward Russell and a large number of other Socialists, broke
away from the Socialist party because of its unpatriotic stand in
regard to the war. These men organized the Social Democratic
League of Amcnca, of which Mr. Walling is secretary.
SOCIALISM will cxert a very powerful
influence at the peace conference?
possibly a decisive influence. Social?
ist theories will ccrtainly play no
part. Hut tho Socialist movement of Europe
is bound to play an extremeiy important
\V h ilo it is true that Bolshevism will
have only an indirect and negative effect
on the conference, ail the governments and
all the committees of the confeience wiil
keep one eye on the Bolshevist danger. But
more important will be lhe "Socianst in?
ternational," a branch of whicli is now gov
erning Germany and for fifty years has
had its headquarters in thal country. This
[nl rnationai is a powerful iactui iri every
single country of Europe. ln those coun
tiies in which it is not already governing,
it is shaping governmental policy by its
acknowledged position of leadership of the
opposition while in some cases a coalition
government exists in whicli the Socialists
play an active part, sometimes tlie most
active.part. Moreover, the Socialists are
everywhere in control of the labor union
movement, which greatly increases the dan?
ger of a general strike.
This Socialist International gravitates
between the doctrine of tho dictatorship
of thc proletariat and democratic Socialism;
government by soviets and government by
constitutionai assembly. Recent evidence
from Germany indicates that the German
Socialists, like the British Laborites, will
sta id by democracy.
For International Revolutions
But while all Soeiahsts, except the Bol
shevists, are democrats, their loyalty to
international democracy is in many cases
gravely shaken and eomproinised by an?
other doctrine. A very large and control
ling faction in all the Socialist parties in
Continental Europe is fanatically attached
to the doctrine of international revolution.
They may not believe in a dictatorship of
the proletariat w'aerc the industrial and
manual working class is a small proportion
of lhe population, as in Kussia. but they
do believe in an international revolution?
even against democratic governments?
where tho proletariat is sufficiently numer
ous to be able to put up a plausible claim
that it is a majority?a claim that could
well be made for Germany, England, Bel?
gium (.though not strictly corresponding to
facts), and a claim that could be made for |
every country of Northern Europe.
ln Italy and other scctions where thc j
Socialists know that the manual indus- j
trial workers are a minority we find that
the Bolshevist doctrine of dictatorship is
accepted. It may therefore be said that,
partly as the result of the war, every So?
cialist orgenization of Continental Europe
is tied to the doctrine of an international
The only case of doubt is Great Britain,
but even the British Laborites have de?
clared themselves to be a part of the In?
ternational movement and are supporting
it absolutely and without qualification. If
there were a general rcvolutionary move?
ment on the Continent of Europe, it is
almost certain that the labor party would
advocate a similar revolution for England?
although a large minority might not join in.
Is Gcrmany's Only Hope
Tho immediate menace or an attempted
Socialist revolution in every country on the
Continent. (possibly in England also) i3
e-ipecially grave because a general revolu?
tion is the last hope of Germany, where it
is advocated by all parties. from the Junk
ers to the Liebknecht Bolshevixts, including
even the most moderate of SocialiHts, such
as Ifause, Kautsky, Bemstoin, etc, these be
ing the undoubted and unchallenged leaders
of the entire International.
llonest democrats, as far as Germany is
concerned, still advocate the revolutionary
i overthrow of ull other demociatic govern
: ments, under the slender pretext that our
j governments arc not in rea.ity upheid by
I majorities. These are the same men who,
: up to a few days before the armistice, re
| newed their adhesion to me Stockhoim
i progiamme, which denied the right of demo
i cratic self-government to the subject races
of Germany ano Austria while welcoming
ihe breakiiit, up ui liussia inco ptatj states,
and proc.aimmg in the .,bstract the princi?
ple of self-determination.
Pyramid of Lies
The whole power and danger oi thc .: -
cialist lnterrijtio. is bui L upon a pyrami I
of misrepresentation, som'eumes cou^cious
and sometimes the entire y unintenti maJ
misiepresentation of seif-deluded \
The pyramid is constructed as follows:
The working ciass i< tlie nation It
composes the bu.k of the people, or the
masses. This is the lirst misrepri
tion. Next, the organized part of the
working class, the Socialist par'.;. and
Socialist labor unions, are presented as
being the working class. This
second misrepresentation. Finally, that
faction of the Socialist party whicl
heres to the International in th i most
dogmatic and partisan fashion is re] re
sented as being the entire Socialist party.
This is the pyramid of misrepresenta?
tion?-as far as each soparate nation is
But the strength of the International
movement is based partly on another sort
of misrepresentation. In each nation
the position, number and power of all for?
eign Socialist movements are grossly mis
statcd. It is very largely on the basis of
such gross misstatements that tho move?
ment in each count"y is built up. The
half-informed working classes are told
either that the majority of the'people of
all other nations are socialistic n the nar
row sense of the word or that the Socialists
are on the verge of obtaining such a ma?
jority and will get it the moment a revolu?
tion is started.
To the Editor of Tho Tribune.
Sir: During the past weeks it had been
my privilege to have many talks with tlie
great man whose passing has left the earth
so lonely. In his last volume, "The Great
Adventure," I have just read the following
"All who give serviee and stand ready
for sacrifice arc the torch bearers. We
run with the torches until we fall, con
tent if we can then pass them to the
hands of other runners."
During these hours of intercourse I saw
that his soul was allame with the desire
that mere empty talk. never ending nebu
lous nothings. leading nowhere. should
cease in order that sorely needed accom
plishment should take their place. Espe?
cialiy he resented every suggestion that
savored of disloyalty to our allies.
Is there no one anywhere to pick up that
flaming torch of courage and conviction
flung to us by the ardent hand that is now
New York, Jan. 10, 1919.
What Was the Mule Doing?
iFwm Th, Indianapolia News)
A man broke his leg kicking a mule An?
other reason for treating the animals with
He Certainly Goes Armed
(From Thn WatKingto* Pott)
Hank Ford insists that he was beaten by
money. Couldn't he defend himseli'.'
Greece and Korne
ums oi Greece to Northern
A i . Minor and the ls.unus
' ? "(I to tnose
f- oi ii:.... ii the same c gi m , were pre
, sented recently m an address 111 Pniladel
pma oy Dr. Juhn ... ivietaxa, former Uov
ernor 01 . ; on ca and a friend of i'remicr
Venizelos. Lnei ? lands, Dr. Metaxa said,
uave been auotied to i.:;.y by a secret
treaty ol '.ver-, but he presenta as
i oilow i ' Greece:
"ln the * poliiii ai divisions of North?
ern Epirus, ". v.ii.eii the most important
are Corytsa, Argjrocastro and Delvino,
there are to-day JuT.UU.) Greeks aml 227
Oreek ntnstanding this, Eu
op ... ed decision of Fli rence,
I I i abaQdon
thi e the
. tanan t i hat i ?. these
OUid lie III
...... i . otd of
.uiture ... . . A'uliuut a language?
.,.,.....,. .l Was iiiider
?. ....: SllOUlll
ii...y. But we
....-.'. ui a iter, ln
. we are told -
an event of im
. the great Re
States entered the
. 9 . ,'?
purity of pui | ose should be
I ... istical pri
pl< s sl iuld cl .1,: nrecedi nee.
A'orl from Himara to Corytsa,
from no, await with con
ence. Th . i am convinced, is ir
"But Northern Epirus is only a part, and
a very small part, of those tcrntor:es in
r four centuries
at '?'? oppressors, bereft
"?' the : . \.. a of all possessionii
condemned to an cx
ation and siavery. ln
Thraee, al ng th t ng
Dem B (lately
oy the , there are 8 I :'-]^ Greeks,
as against 21,01 ) Bulg rs. Around the Sea
Marmoia, into which the Allied fleet
ry after the uncon
i th< Tu.ks there are,
H'i: I ... ,u
and 175.000 <;? i_ .
Turks, on the southern.
"The . the twelve islands of
the ,E,r. a;i. are inhabit d almost entirely
by Greeks, yet, notwithstanding this fact
and the principles enunciated by President
Wilson, these islands are still under the
military occupation of Italy, ostensibly ia
consequcpee of a clauso of the Italo-Turkisli
treaty of Lausanne a ciausc which, how?
ever, i must add, has since been fally
"In Asia Minor. imagine a line drawn
southward from the city of Panormos, on
the Propontis, to ihe city of Makri, <>ppo
site the island of Rhodes. West of this
line down to the sea the character of the
country is entirefy Groek, as Greek ns the
provinces of the free kingdom of Grecce.
Language, culture, civilization, customs,
habits- everything is Greek.
"But if Epirus. Thraee and Western Asia
Minor are Groek, Constantinople is tho
gfowing centre of He'ionism. There are
364,000 Greeks in *, I of Constanti
nople, and the soul of the city i> <,:eek.
"How could it be otherwise, gentlemen.
Bysantium, or Coi it was
Bubaequently nann-d, was Greek even lon>:
before the Christian ern.
"Now, 1 ask, w:ll the day of libcrat ie:>.
patiently awaitod from generation tn gen
' < :A thi- centuries, a! I_?t
dawn for these three million wronged hu
0 - wiil secret treaties be
allowed to .-ully the purity of purpose pro
clainied by President Wilson atul to stultif.v
the efforts of the men who but recently
fought and saved democracy."