New-York tribune. [volume], April 09, 1919, Page 10, Image 10

About New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
?Neto MorKSTri?mne
First to Last?the Truth: Now??Editorial?
?Advertisements
Urab*r of t!i. Audit Bureau ef cit._iatio.ia
WEDNESDAY. AI'HIL 9, 1919
..?I published .lull? tiy New York Trlhnn? Inc..
% Ne? \.-:i Corporation. Ogden IUld, Pr?sident; O.
Vwraai tl ? \ President; Uflsn Bogan Bald, St??
i?rt. r a Saur, Trsajursr. Addrtw, Tribuna itiiil<!inic,
111 Nassau BUMC New York. Telephon?, lleekinau tWO.
S't'.?'.i'ltt:"!'l<i\ BATES H. Ms!. In.lu.llin Pontage:
IN Till: ? SITED STATES AND CANADA,
On? Sil Tlir.. On?
Tear, Month?, Month?. Month.
i Bun lay .*io n? *'? nn fa.SO |1.00
Dally only. * "" < 0" 2 on .75
Kuoday only . non i '.o ,7J .80
?.. .'DO ? 3? 1-5 .50
POBEION RATES
Dsllv and Sunday.|_..on $!_oo |fl.00 V? V,
. 18.00 9 00 4.r.0 1.1)0
only . S0O 4.00 ZOO ,T5
New Y"rk M Bfond Clsss
Malter
GUAPANTEC
Vnu r,in purchase tnerchandl.e adv.. t!?f(1 In THE
TRIBUNE with absoluta safety?Tor If dissatisfaction re?
sults In any rase THE TRIBUNE guarantee? to nay your
money hack upon rrqurst. No red tapo. No qulbb-.'lng.
Wo mako good promptly If tho advertiser floes not
MEMr.r.tl OF TUB ASSOCIATED raras
?, lociated Press is exclusively entitled to the use
for -??publication of a.l Dews dlapatcht? ?.Tc.ltexl to it or
not ?tl rwlse credited In Ulis paper and also tho local
i;.-n of sponta origin published herein.
All rights of republlcaUou -f all ether matter heroin
?ra a!.',? rosem-cl.
Losing the Peace
Do the people of the United States
want Germany, after losing the war, to
win the peace? Millions of Americans
arc anxiously revolving this interroga?
tion, .'hey do not understand, nor much
want to understand, the intricacies of
European politics, hut some broad ques?
tions they deem themselves capable of
assessing justly.
They do not want Germany to win the
peace. Soldiers and civilians agree as
to tliis. Do a heavy job over again?
They cry out an emphatic negative. Yet
they are full of apprehension. Since the
signing of the armistice practically
everything has been to Germany's ad?
vantage.
First, the coalition that defeated her
has been steadily weakened through
insidious attacks on its moral founda?
tions. It has suited either the narrow?
ness or the partisanship of American
public men to draw in question the good
faith of our allies. They have been pre?
sented as aggressionists and imperial?
ists. Not only has the alliance been
? nod, but propaganda campaigns,
paid for out of American public funds,
been carried on to rouse tho sus
pic m of the populations of Europe
t the governments of their free
cho
Si cond, the policy steadily pursued
toward Russia has strengthened Ger
many. A way is prepared for a post?
war alliance. Abandoning support of the
true Russians, the great Slav family
whose instinct is for peace, under Amer?
ican leadership, there is practical recog?
nition of a Germanized power in Russia
which, seizing the supply of guns and
ammunition, by force keeps the Russian
, massi s in subjection. German traders,
political agents and army drillers are to
descend on Russia like locusts when
peace is signed. The advance guard is
already there. L?nine was on the Ger?
man payroll once?for his own purposes,
he says. Ho may be on it again, and
may again say, as the bribed are likely
to do, that he is only doing what he would
do anyway. German organizing ability,
plus the docile millions and the inex?
haustible resources of Russia, means Ger?
ma:?: overlordship in the region east of
the Rhine and the Alps.
Third, the German industrial machino
is practically intact, while that of France
ind Italy is shattered, and that of Great
Britain greatly needs repair. Germany
will be able to make a quick recovery,
and she makes no pretence of repent?
ance. Hindenburg is organizing a new
army, and this army is not for self-pro?
tection. The despicable Kaiser may not
be brought back, but all the signs are
his foreign policy will be.
. of course, is not to say that Ger?
mas/ now has any definite or matured
idea of when the conflict is -to be re?
newed. Probably a majority of Ger?
ma: are now war weary, their
mit' occupied with thoughts of recon
str: tion. But the immediate, conscious
int. tions of Germany are of little con
seot ice. What the world needs to
fast n its notice on is that the creation
of a new power is apparently to be
per... i tied.
ia, as we have seen, is likely to
become a German province. Austria
? I tlungary will be in Germany's orbit,
- d probably Jugo-Slavia, Bulgaria, and
] .mania, against her will. Poland and
( cho-Slavia will be surrounded and
I With such a power managed
. ; Berlin, who can doubt how it will
i imately be used?
to credit will be given to the demo
c tic nations for magnanimity. Peoples
i > madly supported the recent war
x til exhausted are not to be trusted.
3 us open our eyes to facts. It is
? .reme folly to suggest otherwise. If
( ire turned loose with weapons
i heir hand?, who has a right to expect
t n not to use them?
sequences of nagging and
} Jng our allied are necessarily evil.
<:<-ny to our friends tho means of
1 lire self-defence is bad. The business
< confusing friend and foe is vicious.
?/lace reliance on the mockeries of a
I league is to build peace on foun
* 'HiM of sand. To put tho claims of
j ?:/ politic? ahead of patriotism and to
i c one man a chance to pose before
f world?these are betrayals of the
- ?? of mankind. Not to these ends
< bravf rrir.n go across the ?-ca; not for
t are there wooden crosse? in France.
.-..se the. jptace und the great hope of
the world is gone. Every nation must
then arm itself and carry a greater load
of military preparation.
The Wheat Harvest
The forecast is for 837,000,000 buih
ela of winter wheat this year, against a
harvested crop last yeur of 508,000,000
bushels and the year before of 412,
000,000.
if the spring wheat crop is as large as
last year?3G.'5,000,000 bushels?-the total
foreshadowed wheat crop is P.200,000,000
bushels. At the government guaran?
teed price of $2.26 a bushel, the return
to tho wheat raisers will bo $2,712,
000,000.
Nothing like this was deemed possible.
The farmers under the stimulus of the
guaranteed price have maintained and
added to their war energy. Not strange
is it that reports como of rising land
values and extraordinary prosperity in
the wheat states.
Counting six bushels per capita for
domestic consumption, the United States
promises to have 600,000,000 for export
during the next twelve months. Tho
period of short rations in the war-swept
countries draws to a close.
Not a Dummy Senator
Senator Lenroot, of Wisconsin, in his j
address before the Economic Club, said: !
"I sincerely hope that when the con?
stitution is finally laid before the Senate
for action it may be in such form that it |
will bo safeguard American rights and !
interests that it may bo ratified; but I i
wish very frankly to say that as one
Senator I shall consider tho proposed con- j
stitution upon its merits. I will not bo j
coerced, through tying this league of na- j
tions to a peace treaty with Germany, .
into voting for it if in rny judgment it ?
will prove disastrous to the American
people."
Here is a declaration worthy of a
United States Senator. Widely adver?
tised is the purpose so to intertwine the
peace treaty proper and the covenant as
to make it impossible to ratify the one ?
or reject or amend tho. other. In his i
Metropolitan Opera House address the
President, usine language of menace, i
openly proclaimed such was his intent. !
The answer of Senator Lenroot is the
only one possible. If one President
may coerce the Senate in tho fashion
sketched other Presidents may do the
same. Parliamentary control over war
making and peace-making will be dead
in this country.
On such an issue there can be no com?
promiso. A Senator's oath of office for?
bids it. He may not elect between obey?
ing the Executive or tho Constitution.
The clause of tho Constitution sought to
be ignored is vital and substantive is
at tho very roots of our institution.
Think of complaining because a kaiser
or a czar has exclusive power over for?
eign relations and then saying the
United States should have, the kaiser
czar system !
No wonder the excuses brought for- I
ward by Senator Hitchcock were weak
and hollow. His prayers, he said, went
up for amendments to the covenant, as
it is being secretly prepared in a room |
with a locked door and plugged keyhole, I
but if his prayers did not avail he would |
yield.
The Tossing Intellect
There happens along a quotation
ascribed to Gilbert Murray which de?
serves a little thought. It reads thus:
There is always a place for protests
against the main convention, for re?
bellion, paradox, partisanship and in?
dividuality, and for every personal taste
that is sincere. Progress comes by con?
tradiction. Eddies and tossing spray add
to the beauty of every stream and keep
the water from stagnancy.
We do not know when these words
were written. Very likely before the
war. But they express very well tho
point of view of those intellectuals dur?
ing the war who protested against every
restraint upon protest, and who refused
to concede that war time necessitated
any subordination of personality. They
express the idea, and they also, we think,
suggest its fallacy. Why protests? Why
rebellion? Why eddies and tossing
spray? To "keep the water from stag
j nancy." Well, whatever else war time
may be, it is certainly not a stagnant
j time. The stream may be too violent,
too narrow, too all-compelling. But it is
certainly not stagnant.
The truth is that such protests of per?
sonality as were then advocated accom?
plished nothing in war time save to
irritate and discourage. There is no stag
j nation which they can bestir. But the
j tossing intellect can sting and annoy and
j vex. When heavy jail sentences were
j imposed upon some of our prominent
j protesters and rebels, for example, there
| were protests from intellectual and
i well-meaning folk who ought to have
i known better. Tho truth is that the
common instinct is far wiser and saner
i in war time than the pet theory of the
I intellectual. It is at least based on the
? facts of human nature that if a war is
to be won it can only be won by a com
| plete subordination of individual tastes
I and hobbies and a complete devotion to
i the one job. As so often, half-way rea?
son is here a poor enough substitute for
whole-hearted instinct.
Put these same intellectuals in a blaz?
ing house and their instincts would over?
whelm their pretty intellectuals and
function soundly enough. They would
not insist upon etiquette or a debate, or
a compliance with anybody's rules about
anything. They would save what they
could and debate afterward. In war
time, because the fire is not actually
scorching them and their rare brains
can work unimpaired by subconscious
reactions, they spin out the most aston?
ishing theories as to how the fellows
actually being scorched should behave,
and insist upon the roost decorous and*
i i
careful and regular procedure on tho
part of the firemen. "Don't mako such
a racket!" "Let mo crow the street
herel" "Why do you carry that hose
across my Btoop?" And so on.
We should be inclined to rest our defi?
nition of true wisdom upon the ability
to know when to trust to one's instincts
and let reason go hang.
The Nickel's Discoverer
At the ago of twenty-five years the
lato Frank W. Wool worth, several year:;
after he had left the farm, was a clerk
iti a country ?tore. His salary wan $8.50
a week, and cm it he supported a wife
and child and Raved the capital of $50
with which he started in business.
lie lived to see- his company operate
1.0G8 stores in the United States and to
erect and (rive his name to tho. loftiest
habitable edifice ever erected. The beau?
tiful structure, towering 751 feet, is tho
familiar first .sign and symbol of the im?
perial city and its material wonders.
And all this in a short life from nickels
and ten-cent pieces. The Ford of the
merchandising world, the flivver of
trade, the great fortune came from the
savings of superior organization and a
multitude of transactions.
The pessimists steadily croak that the
old America is no more?that oppor?
tunity's door is shut. But when a leader
of the business world dies and his biog
*raphy is read there is commonly a repe?
tition of the old, old story. Yet Lcnine
cannot understand why America will not
go Bolshevik, and the alien elass-shrieker
curses as he meets incredulous smiles.
To M. Jacques Copeau
Tho French Theatre of M. Jacques
Copeau, now come to its unavoidable
end, deserves to rank with the highest
artistic achievements in the city's his?
tory. There was the essence of French
mind in everything that was presented.
That amazing clarity of thought, of
structure, of action, of speech, which
places the French theatre in a rank of
its own, informed every play, every
speech, every color and sound. Never
has our stage seen a greater devotion to
art, a truer loyalty to the finest and
rarest.
It was as an innovator, a representa?
tive of tho newer stage theories, that M.
Copeau was heralded. We have learned
to appreciate his unique abilities in
rounder fashion. If to react from the
overwrought stage, if to erect the play
as something above and beyond scenery,
is a new idea, then M. Copeau belongs
with flic innov?t,.is. Hut this also is ;-;i
old idea, as old as Athens and as young
as the ShapcBpearian stage. The truth
is that M. Copeau sought beauty in no
small formula or novelty or theory of the
book. Stage, action, everything, were
made the servants of the play, its true
body, to express and personify, never to i
envelop or confound. To each play its
own body. "Fes Fr?res Karamasov" was
as far distant in its presentation from ?
"Figaro" as Moscow of one century is I
from Paris of another. They were I
equally successful.
Now that the years of M. Copeau's
visit are over, there will be much regret
that the city did not moro largely par?
take of tho feast which he offered. In
plain fact, the barrier of language is tho
insuperable one. And that barrier is
wholly unnecessary, if our educational
system were properly conducted. There
is in a city like New York an ample
population of college, men and women all j
of whom have spent years on French.
If the language were, properly taught !
there is no reason why a constant; and I
ample public for a French theatre might i
not be developed. We may hope for tho !
future, for the war, the tongue-tied ex- j
periences of our soldiers in France, have
dono much to awaken our collegiate au?
thorities to tho blunders of tho past.
The city owes much to Mr. Otto Kahn
and his associates, and we hope greatly
that their efforts will continue. We
hope, too, that our city's universities will
begin at once that hearty cooperation
which ought to exist between their
French courses and the city's French
stage.
But that is for years to come, and
here and now tho thanks of the city go
to M. Copeau for his rare artistic suc?
cess, for the whole spirit and example of
his art, which we would confidently as?
sure, him have had an effect farreaching
and profound. The message qf such art
is not to be measured by the numbers
who attend. What are numbers, any?
way? Ask the Germans at the Marne.
It is precisely by such devoted and val?
iant leaders as M. Copeau, fitly repre?
senting his great people, that civilization
is saved and the torch held aloft and
I aflame.
Usurpation
"There are illegitimate means by
which tho President may influence tho
acci?n of Congress. Ho may bargain
with members, not only with regard to
appointments, but also with regard to
j legislative measures. He may use his
local patronage to assist members to get
or retain their seats. He may interpose
hia powerful influence, in one covert way
or another, in contests for places in the
Senate. He may also overbear Congress
by arbitrary acts which ignore the laws
or virtually override them. He may even
tiubstitute his own orders for acts of
Congress which he wants but cannot got.
Such things are not only deeply immoral;
they are destructive of the fundamental .
understandings of constitutional govern?
ment, and, therefore, of constitutional
government itself. They are sure, more?
over, in a country of free public opinion,
to bring their own punishment, to de?
stroy both the fame and the power of tho
m sin who dares to practise them."
WOODUOW WILSON. I
? ' J
The Conning Tower
DUDS
At most of the critical jargon
It's hardly my provinco to sneer;
For, oh, I can still conjuro up quito a thrill
At beauty that's "stark" or that'? "sheer."
lint no more I react to "reaction" -
The language', duddiest dud -
And "arresting," at best, has no power to
arrest,
And "poignant"'s unpoignant as mud.
Through "One Who Did Hlfl Bit" this de?
partment in enabled to pin a citution on the
largo hearted breast of Mr. Jam??? Forbes,
of tho Over There Theatre League, "I was
one of the birds," writes "One Who Did His
Bit," "that hung around Now York last Juno
and July waiting for passports. And who
got them? Jimmy Forbes got them. And
who kept us happy while wo were waiting?
lie did. He got us across. Look what he did
for us in Franco when he went over there.
He got us more money and fought our battles
with tho Y. I was there. You ought to hear
tho performers talk about him. We thought
when he got back from France they would
give him a parade up Broadway and they
haven't given him a dinner. It makes us
performers dead sore. He's a great littlo
guy and we love him."
THE DIARYOF CUR OWN SAMUEL PEPSY
April 4?With Major Tt. Barlow the play?
actor to luncheon and he tells me of his days
in France; and thenco with I. Irvin and my
wife to Spuyten Duyvil, and saw his new
house and his wife Dorothy; both pretty.
6?Up, and for a ride in the country in
my petrol-waggon with my wife, and we
stopped at M. Glass's and found J. Montague
there, too, and had dinner there, and thenco
home, but my wifo distrait when I drive
fnstcr than 10 miles an hour.
("I -Early to the office, and early finished
with my stint, and then with S. Spaeth to
the courts, and played for the first time in
19 months, and did not do so ill neither, los?
ing only two setts in four. But no Bpeed to
my strokes soever. To my inn, and found
there R. Hughes and Mistress Adelaide, and
they to dinner with us, and thereafter all to
tho playhouse and saw Miss Crothers' ''.'?9
East," too syrupy for my taste, but Miss C.
Binney engaging, and H. Hull and Miss A.
Skipworth doing well, too.
7?Lay lute, my arm stiff and sore from
exercising, and I fear I am growing old, for?
asmuch as never before have I felt thus on
the first day of exertion. All day at the
ofllce, at my stint, and I find it hard to hold
a pen, what with the stitfness of my wrist.
In the evening to the dinner of tho Authors'
League, ami my wife to see Mrs, Fisko in
her merry play.
There is no doubt that there are irri?
tating delays in the Peace Conference, but
it is understandable, J''<>r years tennis ex?
perts have been deliberating on the ques?
tion., of amateurism and tho footfault;
rulo; and neither question has been de?
cided.
I'crslcl .\ppur?it (I .
[Prom Hi-? aiens Kullu Pont Stur]
CET/1-HnATI- return of Company 13. Kurnlnh
yonr homo with Orlontal rugs. Moderate
price?. N, Atlych, 30 Mohican. Phono _62-U.
Home stockings have one advantage nnd
Rome another, but Orson's favorite is Onyx
Hosiery, the merit of which, according to the
advertisement, "reveals itself quickly."
The Mantle of O. Henry With Patch Pnrlict?.
Sir: ir you had the opportunity of acquiring
anothor man's style, would you do so 7 O.
Honry'a t;ii!ur wants to make me a spring suit.
A. il.
Tho daylight saving is what is so aptly
called a boon, to golf and tennis players;
but it is going to make a lot of liars out
of those of u:; who promise to be at homo
for a 7 or in May, June and July an 8
o'clock dinner.
More or Less Assemblage
.Sir: "Meeting Largely Attended by Everybody,"
headlines my homo town paper, which, every well
informed person must know, is the Winchester,
Ky., Sun. T take it a good-sized crowd was
present. Do you think my inference correct?
JY'R A. Jackson.
Alderman Algernon Lee, quoted in the
Times, challenges tho Mayor to name "a few
of tho aliens whom ho alleges are 'preach?
ing murder and sedition. ' " Nonsense!
Whom preaches that stuff?
Joe Mulvey
Sir: A day or so ago in your Palimpsest
of Pyrrhonism I noticed a curt, cold, quick?
ly-dismissed reference to "Mulvey, 3rd
Base, Philadelphia." Ono rarely peers
through the pathos of distance with un
dimmed eyes, and yet the lithe form of Mr.
Joseph Aloysius Mulvey is very vivid to
me. Your readers will undoubtedly be in?
terested to know that Mr. Mulvey played
all the infield positions with equal facility.
.Tust why the cigarette card should place
him at third baso is a mystery to me. Ho
war, really a catcher and received for Bobby
Matthews 'a distant relative of Brander),
who was the inventor (if the word may bo
I so used) of the curve ball. Mr. Mulvey
had a blue cheek from ear to ear like tho
supers in a third rato Shakespearian
troupe; and ho was tho first ballplayer I
ever saw that affected tho manner of
, phooieing on his gloved hand. Another ono
of hia characteristics was the upturned
collar of his shirt, worn so even on a hot
Philadelphia August afternoon. One day
nt a critical stage, with the bases filled
and two out, Joo par-ted tho bail t0 deep
t centro for what nppeared to be a homer,
| but aberrantly ran toward third. Doubt
j less this Is the reason tho Cigarette His
i toriun now links his name with that sack.
P. G.
_
The interviews the ex-Kalser Is giving
| must cut frightfully into his wood sawing.
IDLE THOUGHTS OP AN IDLE BARD
It is a job when one has spent
A twelvemonth as an army gent
To write a poom full of fi.z.
tWhnt g<m.. I used to write to I.li ! i
My mine n change has underwent.
I My grammar too.) There's quite a dent
In both. Anil I .han't rest content
Until they're mended, though, gee whiz.
It lu a job
To do a come-back, Jf my bent
For o. I. lyric merriment
Would but return I My muse has riz
Against all fluff. It', growing bir
Nrssllke. Its theme, friend? (This you ?cent I)
The President is gradually taking people
into his confidence. When Admiral Groyson
asked him last night how ho wns feeling, ho
auid, "A littlo botter." y, ?p. jy?,
I'll be right over here, only 3,000 miles away
< ??Gaar Williams in The Indianapolis News
Concerning the Nonpartisan League
By Kenneth Macgowan
VII
THE Nonpartisan League has Its limi?
tations?limitations of outlook and
of Bcopo. A. G. Townley realizes this.
He realizoB that a farmers' party pure and
simple may 1m a bourgeois party pure and
simple; satisfied with high prices for grain
and cattle and low prices for farm labor.
]!'; realizes that a farmers' party pure and
simple can ru-ver bo a national party,
however important it may becomo as a
wioldor of the balanco of power. Townloy
realizes these things as the leader of the
Farmers' Alliance and of the People's Party
roalized them in tho '80s and '90s. And,
like them, ho is broadening tho outlook
and tho scope of his party by allying it
with labor. If the league's farreaching
plans materialize by 1920, it will not only
control the electoral vote of from six to
thirteen agricultural states, but it will also
be a national "producers' party," signifi
j cant and powerful wherever industrial
labor is active and politically minded.
The Alliance With Labor
Townloy began his alliance with labor
back in 1917. It was in Minnesota, the
one state of those then organized by the
leaguo where labor really counted for
something. With characteristic acumen, he
wa3 looking forward to the state election
of 1918. Labor had becomo powerful and
I politically minded in Minneapolis. That was
the secret of the large Socialist vote polled
by Thomas Van Leer in Minneapolis, which
finally put him in tho Mayor's chair by a
small majority. Van Leer ran as a So?
cialist, but ho got the support of the Min?
neapolis central labor body and he got
labor votes. In the fall of 1917 Townley
saw his opening. It was tho streetcar
strike in the Twin Cities. While it twisted
its way through the customary intricacies
of the War Labor Board's arbitration, the
Nonpartisan League gave the union $5,000
toward its war chest. To labor that was
better evidence of common interests than
speeches and pamphlets and programmes.
Fourteen Points
Very soon Townley supplied these, too.
With declarations of the common interests
and common sufferings of the farmer and
tho laborer, and under the name of "Farm?
er-Labor," the Nonpartisan League and the
Minnesota Federation of Labor went into
tho campaign of 1918. Both state and city
labor bodies got behind tho ticket, after
naming the candidato for Governor. In
the face of one of the most violent "dis?
loyalty" campaigns ever launched in the
United States, "Farmer-Labor's" exact
amount of success is hard to estimate.
The union didn't carry the election. A large
mass of the labor vote wasn't delivered
or deliverable. But tho league "stuck" and
won with labor an unquestionably solid
minority and solidarity. Tho next step?
in December?was to approach the newly
j formed Labor party of Chicago. As prep
I aration, the leaguo issued its "fighting
: programme" and "fourteen points." Half
i of thorn dealt with matters affecting labor.
RECONSTRUCTION
2. A reconstruction programme must be
| adopted which will provide employment for
all, reduce the cost of living, maintain tho
earnings of labor and of primary producers,
mako an end of monopoly extortion, and re?
deem the state and national governments
from the autocratic control of monopolies
and in this way make our nation safe for
i democracy.
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP
3. The termination of the present na?
tional control of railways and all other pub?
lic utilities, not by returning tho properties
of triplicate order blanks, giving the date to
private monopolies, but by national owner?
ship, which shall bo extended to include
all means of transportation and communi?
cation, and all other undertakings, which In
their nature must be either great privato
monopolies or public enterprises.
HOMES, SCHOOLS AND EMPLOYMENT
FOR THE UNEMPLOYED
A. Employment for the unemployed, in co?
operation with organized labor, through
government works in such enterprises an
road building, forestry and timber and fuel
production, flood protection and land recia?
i
mation. The national improvement, with
buildings, stock and machinery, of reclaimed
or purchased lands, to bo sold as going
concerns, on long-time amortized paymcntB,
to returning soldiers and to others able to
make small initial payments, all such un?
dertakings to bo provided with free schools
for vocational training.
THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF WOMEN
C. Tho complete enfranchisement of wom?
en, with equal opportunities with men and
equal pay for equal services.
NO WAR PRICES IN TIME OF PEACE
7. Tho immediate reduction of freight and
passenger rates, especially on food and fuel.
POLITICAL RIGHTS OF PUBLIC EM?
PLOYES
8. Tho immediate abandonment of all In?
terference with the political rights of em?
ployes in the public service, or the exercise
of any further postoffice censorship.
THE MILLIONAIRES AND THE WAR
DEBT
9. TLe national debt created by the war
should be liquidated; and to that end there
should bo an income tax and inheritance tax,
graduated upward from $5,000 until all in?
comes abovo $100,000 per annum, and all in?
heritance abovo that amount, shall bo appro?
priated for that purpose until the debt is
paid; and all incomes not accounted for
and all income producing properties, se?
curities and inheritances not listed for this
purpose shall be forfeited to the govern?
ment.
GAMBLING IN LIFE'S NECESSITIES TO
BE MADE IMPOSSIBLE
11. The use of the mails, telegraphs, tele?
phones, express companies and banks shaf
be denied for making sales of goods, prop
erties, investments or ?4ecurities, except foi
direct delivery by the owner or his author
ized agent; and then of tho epocifio goods
properties, investments or securities in
volved, in order to eliminate gambling am
?peculation In necessities of life.
The Chicago Labor party cam. back wit!
fourteen points of its own:
1. Right to organize.
2. Democratic control of industry.
3. Eight-hour day and minimum wage.
4. Abolition of unemployment.
5. Equal rights for men and woman.
6. Stop profiteering.
7. Abolish Kaiserism in education.
8. Soldiers and sailors' insurance for a
workers.
9. Abolition of inheritances abo.
$100,000.
10. Public ownership and nationalizatic
of natural resources and railroads and pu]
lie utilities.
11. Free speech, free press, free asser
blage.
12. Labor representation in the gover
ment.
13. Labor in the peace conference.
14. An end to kings and wars.
A National Convention
The next step was the presence of t
Nonpartisan League's Governor?? Noi
Dakota's Governor?Lynn J. Frazier, at t
ratification meeting of the Chicago Lab
party. Frazier explained the farmers' leg
lativo accomplishments, and received
pledge that the Illinois Federation of Lai
would deposit its funds with the Noi
Dakota state bank if "Big Biz" tried
wreck the new enterprise.
Following tho ratification meeting, it I
came known that the Nonpartisan Leaf
had taken an activo part in an agreenn
by which the farmer organization v
participate in b national convention
which representatives of all the city la
parties formed or forming will bo call
With tho announcement from tho abort
Nationnl party of pro-war Socialists,
telligentsia and social reformers that
will stand ready to join tho new pu
movement, tho existence of a third p.
in 1920 is a practical certainty.
Leaders of the Nonpartisan League,
tho labor parties feel dissatisfaction v
both tho policies and th# p?r. onnlit ies
tho two old parties. They bave their ?
jpolicie? protty well outlined, but in t
ing personalities they are vague Fr
P. Walsh, who has thrown his 'jot 1^
the labor group, is much discuased by th
labor leaders ?m Presidential timber, rv
farmers talk more of La Follette' n
Bidars say that Hearst will g,t aboard th.
new party In order to grab the nomination
This idea wins no enthusiasm from eitha
league or labor. They distrust hi? motive
and they don't fancy his reputation. The?
consider his radicalism (vid? Mexico and
universal military service) i Karment of
circumstances. As for his power as a newi.
paper and magazine inn^tiate, the leagui
has all the periodical! it needs in Hi own
field, and Chicago labor leaden nny that
they will do a loi to escapo tho support of
the ??cal "American" or "The Examiner."
Such are the political potentialities" of
A. C Townley, plus the more and moro
evident fact that the "extreme leftf" now.
ment in the Socialist party, which threaten!
to turn the organization toward Bolshevism
will, if successful, force a large number
of the party into tho moro moderate radical
party of "Farmer-Labor."
The Disappearing
Teacher
To the Editor of The Tribuno.
Sir: One wonders occasionally whether
the teachers' pay bills are going to pass
this winter. And ns one wonders one is
given to musing upon the shallow reasons
that underlie our laws; the narrow motives
that actuate our legislators.
If the legislators at Albany think the
teachers deservo more pay, they may grant
it. Which i? a narrow reason.
If the legislators think an increase in
teachers' pay will affect the duration of
their politicnl lives, they may grant it.
A narrow reason.
If the legislators have time, they may
grant it. A narrow reason.
If the legislators think the people would
like to see tho schools moro efficiently con?
ducted, they may grant it. A narrow rea.
son.
If it is the prime duty of lawmaker? to
guard the safety of the commonwealth and
tho ration; if it is their duty to enact
in due time laws that will combat th?
evils that threaten common security; if it it
their duty to strengthen, fortify and defend
the institutions of the United States and of
the individual states; if this be their duty,
then it is the urgent duty of the lawmakers
at Albany to grant the teachers a reasonable
wage.
Tho country has not enough teachers.
When you can go into the heart of the
great city of New York and find schools
where daily eight and ten classes are with?
out, a teacher, what shall you say of th?
vast rural districts of our country! Yet
the rural population of the United Slates Is
greater than the urban. When you consider
that right here in our own Empire State
we have not b< run to meet tl
that j> ? i lent tl im elves ucatlcto
of our country children, what shall ..
when you view conditions Buch as <xi"t, for
example, in Alasl a, < ? in Key West, or in
the mountains o? Kentucky, or in any one
of a thousand places where American chil
dn 'i are growing up to be Ignorant, vicious
burdens of society?
The country h:is not enough teacher!.
New York Stnto has not enough teachers.
Tho army of teachers is dwindling day ly
day. And it will continue to dwindle so
long as teaching does not pay at least a liv?
ing wage. Through sheer neglect we are
weakening the one great barrier that stands
between the United States and the social
unrest that feeds upon ignorance. To pre?
serve the United States, preserve her army
of teachers.
Let New York lead the way!
New York, April 4,1919. II. R. S.
How About the Farm?
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: After reading the article in Th?
New York Tribune of April 2, "New Bread
Line, 800 Men Long, Forms in City," I feel
that I would like to havo Mr. Ledoux ask
those eight hundred men, more cr lets.
who might continue to patronize his "re?
construction bread line," a question.
That question is thiB: "How many of
those eight hundred men would bs willing
to go out in the country and work on ?
farm, where they would have three good
meals a day, a good bed to sleep in at night
and a well filled pay envelope at the end of
the month ?"
*
Where do they suppose the food eociei
from that is handed out to them? From the
producer, of course, and the farmer is the
original producer of all foodstuffs, and st
the present time it is impossible for him to
get labor enough to produce the food that
is required not only for these men out of
work but for the whole cour.try, as well
as for export.
If the men who patronize these "recon?
struction bread lines'* would Etop and con?
sider for a moment the fact that if they
would go out on a farm and help produce
the bread they eat there would be no need
of a bread line; end if the originator?
themselves, of this bread line, realised th*
situation of the farmer they -would impres?
upon the minds of their "800" patrons th?
need of men on the farms, and therefore
help to relieve a situation that is gro#tBl
more than serious.
M. W. FAITOUTE.
Somerville, N. J., April 2, 1919.
To tho Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: In your editorial of April 3, "^er"
sonal Liberty Straws," you fay:
"In Chicago there ??? * vote cm tie m*stU*\.l|E**j
CMf-npt-? be fir- territoryr On 'Mi baue onb M.Ttl *T
and 7ii.3?5 ?omen roud re?, while if.? S-9 n? ana }*\^
Til women roti mt the ?*u.?x
u,e aaaarUon that the? made no effort tf> *?t ont vm
?utn, i. the country mm ?,> eooo to ich ?:ry *ji>??>.'
But this "discount" is seen to be wort?
vory little when the figures aro considere?.
Tho total of tho wet voto as above given,
is 801.280; the total vote for the Mayoralty
candidate??Republican, Democrat, IndePtn'
dent Democrat and Labor- was less tbst
063,000. If, then, every voter that went to
the polls in this tremendously cxcittal*
Mayoralty contest were counted with th*
drys unless ho (or she) actually voted wet,
tbo vote would stand In round number?!
891,000 wet against 273,000 dry. a majority
of ID-' ,000 ?hain't prohibition. And ?*
course this supp grotesquely '**
vornble to the prohibition side.
STRAIGHT THINKING.
New York, April ?WOIA. *!