New-York tribune. [volume], June 09, 1919, Page 10, Image 10

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MONDAY, JUNE 9, 1919
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Mail Maitor
Coming 'Round to It
Back in the days of the Tait Adminis?
tration Nelson W. Aldrich told the Sen?
ate that if the government's business
were handled in a business way a saving
of 30 per cent could be made on the an?
nual appropriations. Congress at that
time was not interested in putting gov
I emmental appropriation and expenditure
| on a sound bookkeeping basis. It dia
. couraged Mr. Taft's praiseworthy efforts
to systematize the estimates. When he
.persisted in doing what he could to
? ei'ablish an informal budget system it
. pi-'; a rider in an appropriation act for
j bidding the transmission of estimates to
Cc u'ress except in the old helter-skelter
[ fa-hion.
I That mood has passed. If Congress
dc sn't reduce expenditures it will either
-, b?ye to lay heavier taxes or to run the
country further into debt Believing that
i a budget system will eliminate waste,
' Congress is now for it The Senate Com?
mittee on Rules has just reported a reso?
lution creating a special committee to
'work out budget plans. It will consider
tha McCormick bill, which provides for
tiiG centralization of all control over esti
? mates in the hands of the President and
Hot an independent auditing agency re
p-ponaible to Congress. In the House of
itepreeentatives Mr. Good, the chairman
Rtf the Appropriations Committee, has
{presented a bill differing somewhat in
details from Senator McCormick's.
The general purport of these measures
'.Is to make responsibility for appropria?
tions definite and tc establish a critical
?jpervision of expenditure. Under the
| present system the department and bu?
reau heads make their own estimates
j.tnd transmit them to Congress through
m? Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Good
?coaks to end the laxity and lack of ac?
countability which this method fosters
m establishing a Bureau of the Budget
Ha the office of the President. This bu
^reau Is to handle an estimates, including
phose of the Treasury Department, and
m U) awat the President in making out
U complete statement of the appropria?
tions needed, with a forecast of the rev?
enues for the year and suggestions for
i new taxation if a deficit is Indicated.
?The President thua assumas tha obliga?
tion of balancing outlay, and income.
GUARANTEE
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sult? In any case THE TRIBUNE guarantees to pay your
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; V? rqaXo. good promptly If th? advertiser does not.
-,?
SIKMBEIt OP THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
| The Associated Press Is t-.-lusively entitled to the use
Ibr rcpublkiuion of all news dispatches credited to It or
Hot otherwise credited In this paper and also the local
news of spontaneous origin published herein.
I All rights of rcpubllcaUoo of all other matter herein
? a?? also reserved._
**=-?-^^
Ajar, but Not Open
It is reported from Paris that the
President will not comply with the Sen?
ate's request for a copy of the peace
treaty. The President is entirely within
;.his technical rights in withholding the
text of an unsigned convention. He would
ba sustained by precedents in refusing ?
the Senate's plea. But the precedents
he would have to rely on would be those
of old-fashioned diplomacy.
Old-fashioned diplomacy was intensely
furtive. For that reason the champions
of the new diplomacy denounced it. They
heralded the approach of the new era of
"open agreements, openly arrived at."
Has that era come, or hasn't it come?
That is the real issue raised by the Sen?
ate's request; for the Senate knows well
enough that, according to the traditions
?of the non-open school, the resolution it
? passed was something in the nature of
i a breach of etiquette.
Are we yet in the era of the open
I door? The Senate had some ground for
I thinking we were. The covenant of the
I league of nations, which is a part of the
? treaty of peace, was published in full,
', then amended and republished in full.
?r The provisions of the main body of the
Lreaty were given to the world in a sum
: Bfary which was supposed to be compre
j hensive and accurate. The German pro
I tests against various sections of the
; document, discussing its details without
', reservation, have appeared in the news
, papers. So have the council of three's
; replies thereto.
The veil of secrecy which shrouds the
| text has been lifted entirely so far as
I the reading public of Germany, Holland,
Switzerland and various other countries
is concerned. A large part of the world
? is openly arriving at an understanding
? of the terms offered the Germans.
The precedents of the old diplomacy
I have, therefore, been recklessly shat
I tered. We are walking, in part, in the
". light of the new dispensation. Why
should we not walk in its full noontide?
Diplomacy, it appears, is still a mys
f tery, even if it is "open." It vouchsafes
; us the covenant and Brockdorff-Rant
\ zau's epistles. But the details of repara
l tiens and territorial settlements it still
' covers with a somewhat diaphanous
' mantle.
this ho haafaerer don? so far, tha a?
ceptsd theory being that he had no par?
ticular concern with the sum total of
Appropriations, merely spending what
CongrcBs, in its discretion, allotted to
him.
At present the power which spends
?also audits. The various? departmental j
auditors and the Controller of the Treas?
ury are executive officers. Mr. Good's
bill remedies this anomaly. It creates
an Accounting Department, independent
of the executive departments, whose
head, the Controller General of the
United States, is to serve during good
behavior and to be removable only by
action of Congress. All the powers now
vested in the Controller of the Treasury
and the various departmental auditors
are transferred to the new Accounting
Department, which is to serve as an j
agency of Congress to supervise and ?
control expenditures. A permanent Joint
Congressional Committee on Receipts
and Expenditures of the government is
also established, which is to keep track
of fiscal operations.
Here is a scheme which brings the Ex?
ecutive, as the originator of appropria?
tions, and Congress, as the holder of the
purse, into closer and more logical rela?
tions. It is as near an approach to the
budgetary system of countries which
have the parliamentary form of govern?
ment as is practicable under our separa- |
tist Constitution. It opens the way to a j
rational fiscal system. If it doesn't ac
complish that saving which Mr. Aldrich !
predicted for "business methods" it will
not be because the system is at fault,
but because we have not yet developed j
a keen sense of the necessity and value
of governmental economy. I
As Drawn
"I am convinced," the Paris Matin
quotes President Wilson, "that our |
treaty project violates none of our prin- |
ciples. . . . The treaty, as drawn i
up, however, entirely conforms with my !
fourteen points." ?
"Entirely" is a strong word. What j
the President means is that the German
outcry is unjustified. Territories not in?
disputably non-German have been left
with Germany. Doubtful areas are to
have plebiscites. There is no economic ?
exclusion. The reparation bill, not as !
large as the fourteen points authorize, !
represents modification in Germany's in- |
terest.
And wherein the treaty may seem not
literally square with the fourteen points
the explanation is that the fourteen ;
points were not meant to be literally
applied; the subject matter was too vast
for any exact formula. Asquith, Lloyd
George and Balfour found this out, and
bo did Clemenceau and the President.
Roads
Almost the first business of society is
roads?then more and more roads, and |
when it has no more roads to build its i
work in this world will be nearly done.
This country's read building lias hardly
begun. There was a slump during the j
war, inevitably, so that we are behind j
the normal rate of development, which
was too slow. It is gratifying and sig?
nificant, therefore, that highway mak?
ing is now proceeding on a scale never
before touched in the United States,
Price concessions from the producers
of raw materials broke the cycle of
waiting that still hobbles many indus?
tries.
Now York has already contracted for
3,200,000 yards of roads.
Pennsylvania means to'spend between
$20,000,000 and $24,000,000 this season.
Illinois intends to construct 500 miles
of trunk line highway.
Minnesota is well started on a $15,
000,000 programme.
One small Iowa county has voted
$1,500,000.
Other states are hard at work, com?
parably.
There has been a great spurt in joint
state and Federal projects, aggregating
12,000 miles. Thomas McDonald, for?
merly chief engineer of the Iowa State
Highways Commission, who was recent?
ly appointed director of the public roads
bureau of the Department of Agricult?
ure, has found a way to "short-cut" the
routine of Federal approval and co?
operation. The central office in Wash?
ington now passes on the general proj?
ect. If it acts favorably?and it is sure
to act promptly, in any event?the
whole project is turned over to the
proper district engineer, there being ten
such engineers, with full authority to
act from then on. The district engi?
neers keep in close touch with the state
and local engineers a3 they develop the
details of the projects and pass on them
as fast as they progress, with the result
that when the state engineer has
reached his final decisions the Federal
bureau is prepared to act coincidentally
with him through its district represent?
ative.
This speeding up of the wheels of
governmental procedure is so gratifying
to the states that the dissatisfaction
which has existed in the past with the
workings of the Federal aid system is
dissipating. Some states are so far ex?
ceeding the quota of the Federal finan?
cial assistance they are entitled to that,
instead of spending dollar for dollar, as
planned, they are spending four dollars
for every dollar they receive from the
national treasury.
One effect of this increasing popular?
ity of the Federal aid administration
may be, it is said by some of the good
roads advocates, to diminish the chances
of the Townsend Federal Highway Com?
mission bull becoming a law. This
bill, extensively amended, has just been
reintroduced into the Senate by Senator
Townsend, of Michigan. It provides for
the spending of $426,000,000 on a sys?
tem ?f roads entirely under national
construction, ownership and maintsn
anee, and for the taking over by the
commission that is to direct the nation?
al roads of the administration of the
Federal aid road act. As the latter act
and its amendments authorize the ex?
penditure of $289,000,000 this proposed
Federal commission would have the
spending of about $700,000,000.
There is no necessary conflict between
the commission idea and the Federal aid
act, as the $425,000,000 would be applied
exclusively to national highways and the
$289,000,000 to state roads, but the states
are so jealous of their independence in
such matters that it was not easy to per?
suade them even to cooperate with the
Federal government on the planning of
roads which were to be exclusively theirs, i
though partly built by national funds.
It is feared, therefore, that whatever its
merits may be it will be impossible to
get through Congress a law that will
bring direct national ownership and
management of roads into every state,
especially as the preserst cooperative sys?
tem is beginning to give satisfaction.
Supporters of the Townsend bill main?
tain, though, that the time has come
when there is imperative need for a great
system of national highways, built with
regard for national interest and use
rather than for local and state interests
and utility, and that will be as inde?
pendent of local control and interference
as the farreaching roads of imperial
Rome. They say that only in this way
can be established a truly national sys?
tem of roads, as all roads built under ;
local authority or joint local and Federal !
authority will be merely patches here j
and there over the face of the country,
without regard to fundamental national i
considerations of continuity, military
usefulness and shortness of through
routes, and without regular and adequate
maintenance and repairs. , An effort is
being made to have the Federal High?
ways Commission plan made a Repub?
lican party measure, and the suggestion
has been made that a triple line of endur?
ing national highways across the con?
tinent, with many branches and feeders, |
totalling about 15,000 miles, might be a
fitting memorial to the soldiers of the
late war.
A notable fact about the roads now
building is that, taking a lesson from the
experience first with the automobile and
then with the light truck, and finally
with the heavy truck and trailer, which i
have successively ruined practically all
the formerly good roads of the country,
the new trunk roads of thick concrete
are costing as high as $40,000 a mile, and
probably will average around $25,000 a
mile. The donation of 20,000 army
trucks to the states for their road work,
as well as contributions from the mili?
tary surplus of many other machines and
implements that may be used in road
building, is tending to reduce the cost to
an appreciable degree.
The stimulus that is already coming to
the varied industries and businesses that
contribute to highway building or are '
benefited by it is so noticeable that it
may result in such a popular insistence
on the further expenditure of Federal
funds on highways that the Townsend
bill or some substitute may yet become
one of the big and closely contested is?
sues in Congress.
'Tis Thus With Kansas
The Kansas Legislature will meet in
special session on June 14, for one day,
for the purpose of ratifying the Federal
woman suffrage amendment. More than !
that?the Kansas legislators will make
a voluntary offering to the suffrage
cause by waiving salary and mileage in- ;
cident to the special session, that it may
not be open to criticism on the score of
unnecessary expense.
This is the kind of thing that cheers
the suffrage heart. Too much have
women known as "friends" the politi?
cians ready only with their words, gen?
erous in promises that cost nothing.
But a Legislature so imbued with enthu?
siasm for political womanhood that it
pays its own fare to cast a vote for the
Federal amendment! May its example
never perish!
The full value of this testimonial is
only realized by contrast with the some?
what cool replies received from certain
other suffrage states in response to the
women's request for special sessions.
The grief is greatest in the case
of Wyoming, which gave its women
the franchise exactly fifty years ago,
and has now so far forgotten those gal?
lant days that it makes the following
reply to the request for a special session :
"The Wyoming Legislature will not meet '
until 1921. As Wyoming was the first
state to adopt equal suiTrago, no ques?
tion that our Legislature will ratify
constitutional amendment. No special
session will be called, for the reason
that we already have equal suffrage, and
the expense of a special session is not
justified, as of no benefit to the people
of this state.
"R. D. CAREY, Governor."
But it is a long way from Topeka to
Cheyenne, and the Kansas solution of
the problem of expense may not yet
have travelled up the mountainside.
Women are notorious bargain hunters.
Even in Wyoming we predict they will
get that amendment ratified, if it does
not cost them anything.
Latter-Day Requirements
iFrotn The Detroit Journal)
Leninc'a yellow dog followers have killed
a few more people, but not enough to call
for his recognition.
Or Nothing
(From Tha Knickerbocker Prens)
New York editor Inquires, "What do wo
stand foT in Russia?" Answer: Almost
everything.
Coxey'a Recruits
(from The Toledo liladey
One fancies that any booze army Coxey
marche? to Washington will have trouble
keeping step.
The Conning Tower
"Haec Olim Memiifcsse Juvabit"
I remember, I remember,
The days of au!d lang syne,
When Carrie Wright made us translate
"How long, O Catiline?"
How long ago when Cicero
Attempted to enthrall ua!
And I used to look in the big brown eyes
Of Beatrice H. Gunsaulus.
We have be_n asked to write a piece for
recruiting purposes?to show 50,000 men why
they should enlist in the Army of Occupation.
It is beyond our constricted powers, but if
any contrib wants to do a patriotic service
by writing it we shall do what some one has
cleverly called "our bit," by printing it.
One of the reasons we couldn't write it
ourself is because we have no confidence in
our argumentative powers. For months we
have been trying to convince the Army that
it owed us $60, and our eloquence sums up
to zero.
Variety's Golden Days
Sir: How is it that no one has as yet
said a word in favor of Ward and Curran,
of the famous bathing act, in which old
Pop Ward wore a knee-high skirt? And
have they all forgotten Gus Williams? I
can see him now singing "When Father
Laid the Carpet on the Stairs." And Pat
Rooney (the old man), to see whom at
Pastor's would mean to stand on a line
almost a block lonjr to get tickets. And
that exquisite playlet team (.they called
them sketches in those days), Milton and
Dolly Nobles; is there no one to put in
a reminder of them? Last, but not least,
there was the clever team of Sager Midgley
and Gertie Carlisle. 0?h, how I did enjoy
them regularly four or five times a season,
for I don't know how many years. The
first time was at Pastor's twenty-five
years ago, on which occasion my parents
had taken me to the theatre for my ninth
birthday, and when Sager told Gertie "I
have another pig" (you will probably re?
call the act, as they played it until only
a few years ago), 1 asked my dad if he
couldn't get mo two or three pigs.
OLD MAN 34.
Those who think that our contention is
that all the old variety acts were funny,
and all the present ones dull, have us
wrong. And it is true, as we have ob?
served, that the names of the dull acts of
long ago escape us. And memory brings
back nobody who made us laugh harder
than Frank Tinney can make us laugh to?
day; or Chic Sale; or Olin Howland. And
fifty years from to-day, when we are try?
ing to get away from the office for our
first game of golf, we shall hark back to
these evenings of drollery. And speaking
of comedians, it occurs to us that the pres?
ent De Woli' Hopper is even more gifted
and appealing than he was in the days
twenty-five years ago, when wc heard the
Old Folks say that he wasn't as funny as
he used to be in the Eighties.
Speaking of history, this is what remains
of May 1, 1898. It was a Sunday night and
Miss Ethelia Levey, between the acts of "A
Milk White Flag," sang George Cohan's "I
Guess I'll Have to Telegraph My Baby."
And on the way home the bulletin announc?
ing the victory at Manila was posted in front
of the Chicago Tribune office. And that night
we lay awake, trying to ivmrrnber-the word
and music.
?Quite a warm spell last wk.
?Mr. and Mrs. Frank Case was
to the theatre Wed. eve'g.
? Fred C. Kelly of Washington
is sojourning in our busy midst.
?Have Gotham Gleanings follow
you to your .summer habitat.?Advt. ;
?BrockdorfE Pemberton gave a
?dinner Friday evening, to a selected
few.
?Items to the effect that ye scribe
attended a dinner Tues, eve'g are
a lie.
?Chet Barnett was a pleasant
caller Thurs., also Jim Montague
and others.
?Jack Calder of Utica was in
Gotham last wk. purchasing his
trousseau.
?Mrs. Mont Glass of New Ro?
chelle is better of the cold she had
the fore part of last week.
?T. W. Wilson is going to toke
an ocean voyage soon to the U. S.
Joe Tumulty will be glad to see him.
?The many friends of Col. R. H.
Van Dcman will be glad to learn
that he has just ree'd the Distin?
guished Service Medal.
?Eddie Brady the 2nd Best Lino- \
typer in the World has got a new I
pair of 'trick shoes of the exclusive
2-color type. Oh you Eddie say we.
?C. Le Roy Baldridge, who used
to cartoon for the Stars and Stripes,
pass'd thro' Gotham this wk. on his
en route to San Diego, Cal., to visit
his mother.
The clipped paragraphs the Literary :
Digest flashes on the screen are good I
enough paragraphs, but whoever arranges
them evidently thinks they are good
enough. The points are underlined, so
that the audience, as tho spectators are
called, may have most of its thinking done
for It.
However, the underscoring may be done
to avoid argument. When a young man
and a young woman disagree as to the
point of a wheeze, one world is likely to
lead to another.
"Relief for Short Lines."?Sun headline.
Good.
Suggestion for song writers: The Joseph
Urban Blue?.
_ , r. p. a.
O. B. U. Spells Revolution
By Stanley Frost
Staff Correspondent of The Tribune
'. -*~V ^INNIPEG, June 5.?Bolshevism j
W by that name was promptly and i
V T thoroughly beaten on its Amer- ?
! ican debut at Seattle. Enters now the J
I substitute idea of One Big Union. Will ?
| that seduce the "proletariat" of the j
1 American continent?
It is militantly launched in the Cana- i
? dian Northwest. But radical Canadian ?
\ labor is tied up with that of the United |
| States. What starts in Winnipeg may ?
j spread to Chicago and New York a3 !
I easily as to Toronto and Montreal. In
| fact, it is more than likely that the
One Big Union movement is being
financed from the United States, and that
behind it are the same forces that failed
at Seattle. .
The One Big Union is frankly revolu?
tionary. Its speakers, its resolutions
and its press all pz-cclaim the fact. What
i it does not frankly say is that it aims
to introduce into America the Soviet
idea, to seize the power that is now held
by the government and put it in the
hands of committees of workers only.
It is the old idea of the dictatorship
I of the proletariat, of which we have
j heard so much from Russia?it is Bol
| shevism by a new name.
I Strike, Anyway
Watch the Winnipeg developments.
j There was a demand for collective bar
I gaining of a kind that would permit the
paralyzing of a whole city, province or
nation at the demand of a single shop
force. But when the strike leaders were
asked whether they would stop the strike
if the principle of "collective bargain?
ing" were granted they refused. They
wanted the strike, anyway. So it came.
? They took particular pains to call out
the police, the firemen,' the postmen
and all civil servants, in a deliberate
effort to paralyze the government. The
strike committee then assumed control,
issued* orders for policing, for sanita?
tion, for the distribution of food. It
tried to be the government and it
boasted that it was. For a few hours
Winnipeg had the Soviet idea?Bol?
shevism?in full force.
The government struck back at its
dcs(?riing employes and the strikers
called for sympathetic strikes in other
cities in defence of the civil employes.
Thus the whole fight was made, by the
strikers themselves, on the right of
labor to paralyze the government?on
its right to start a revolution.
The New Bolshevism
None of this is denied even yet by
the strike leaders. They do deny
that this was to be permanent, and claim
that their Soviet was intended to func?
tion only during the emergency of the
strike. But the principle for which they
were fighting is the power to install a
Soviet at any time. And the "One Big
Union Bulletin," the organ of the new
Bolshevism, naturally defends the Rus?
sian horror. It said on April 18:
The Russian revolution was the most
free from trouble of any in the world.
So it is in Germany to-day; the so
called atrocities of the Spartaeides are
mere press fabrications. The work?
ing class took control of Hungary
ivithout any trouble.
The things that the One Big Union
leader:; openly advocate are revolution?
ary. When the Federation of Labor oi
British Columbia voted for the "O. B.
U." principle it adopted resolutions
which say in part:
RESOLVED, That this conventior,
lay doivn as its future policy the
building up of an organization on in?
dustrial lines for the purpose of en?
forcing, by virtue of their industrial
strength, such demands as such or
ganizations may at any time consider
necessary for their continued mainte n
anee and wellbeing, and shall not bt
as heretofore for the purpose of at?
tempting to persuade legislative as
semblies to amend, add to or take fron
the existing statutes allegedly callee
labor laics.
The resolutions further demanded ;
five-hour working day, the "equal divi
sion of profits," and the appointment o
a "central revolutionary committee."
One Grand
Working Class
The plan is very clearly outlined ii
the "One Big Union Bulletin," and tb
resemblance to the I. W. W. programm
and the Bolshevist doctrines stands ou
in almost every line. Here is the organ
ization, its purposes and the methods i
advocates, as set forth by its own ad
vocates:
The principle upon which indus
trial unionism taks its stand is th
recognition of the never ending s trug
gle between the employers of labo
and the working class. . . . 1
must educate its membership to a com
plete understanding of th.e principle
and causes underlying every strug
gle between the two opposing classa
. . . This self-imposed drill, disc
pline and education will be the method
of the O. B. U.
In short, the Industrial Union ?i
bent upon forming one grayid unite
working class organization and doin
away with all the divisions the
weaken the solidarity of the worker
in the struggles to better.their cond
tions.
Revolutionary industrial unionis;
?that is, the proposition that a
wage workers come together on "o
ganization according to industry"; tf
grouping of the workers in each <
the big divisions of industry **
whole into local, national and inter?
national industrial unions, all to be in?
terlocked, dovetailed, welded into One
Big Union for all wage xvorkers; a big
union bent on aggressively forging
ahead and compelling shorter hours,
more wages and better conditions
in and out of the workshop,
and as each advance is made
holding on grimly to the fresh
gain with the determination to push
still further forward?gaining strength
from each victory and learning by
every temporary setback?until the
working class is able to take posses?
sion a-nd control of the machinery,
premises and materials of production
right from the capitalists' hands, and
use that control to distribute the prod?
uct entirely among the ivorlcers.
"A Mighty Weapon"
Revolutionary industrial unionism
embraces every individual, unit, sec?
tion, branch and department of indus?
try. It takes in every creed, color
and nation. ' From Scandinavia to
Neu) Zealand, from Moscow to Van?
couver, it appears to every worker and
forges a mighty weapon of freedom.
And here are a few of the working
principles as laid down:
Right never did prevail and never
will without the aid of might.
Existence is a perpetual struggle;
the weak go to the wall, ?t isn't
the few who go to the wall, but the
weak.
The greatest power in the world
is the power to produce, but It "cuts
no ice" except when it is withheld.
What would happen if tabor with?
held its power to produce?
Capitalists, priests, politicians,
press hirelings, thugs, sluggers,
hangmen, policemen and all creep?
ing and crawling things that suck
the blood of the common working
man would die of starvation.
The New Morality says:
Damn interest!
Damn profits!
Damn rent!
Damn agreements!
We've damned well enough to do
to look after our own damned selves
and our families.
And whatever Is calculated to
help ourselves and our class Is
moral, good and pure.
What injures our class Is im
?nnrals.
We didn't make the struggle be?
tween the capitalist class an:l the
woi king class, but it's here, and it's
nur business io uphold our own in*
terest if we don't want to go under.
The power must be taken from
the policeman's club!
How? Anyhow!
Why? Because it hurts our class
and is therefore immoral.
The guns mustn't point our way if
they aren't spiked, because they are
liable to go off and hurt us. and that
would bo immoral.
So we must spike the guns and
turn them round. Anyhow, because
it hurts our class and is immoral.
If we go on strike we must strike
quickly, suddenly and certainly.
Don't give the boss time to think
and prepare plans. He might get
the better of us and that would be
bad for us and immoral.
Strike when he has a big order to
fill. It will hurt him more and us
less, and that is moral.
Tie up the industries in town, all
the industries in all the towns, in
the whole country, or the whole
world if necessary. The strike will
end quicker and we will starve less,
and that's good for us and therefore
moral.
Don't strike for more than you
have a right to demand.
You have a right to demand all
you have the power to enforce.
So much for -the O. B. U. idea
and purposes. This is the thing thai
is growing daily in strength just acros?
our border, and as one of its leader;
pointed out, "there are twenty-three
railway lines crossing the border?ant
some roads."
Against Old Unions
The agitation along these lines, hai
been going on in the Northwest on botl
sides of the border, for the last fou:
or five years, but the One Big Union ai
such is brand new, and sprang fron
what was practically a bolt from th<
Trade and Labor Congress of Canadz
three months ,*go.
The bolters held a convention o:
their own in Calgary, and it becann
plain that they had with them only th<
more radical element of the Westen
section of organized labor. A commit
tee was appointed to draw up a plat
form, which is to be submitted to an
other convention within a few days
The names of the committeemen _ho*v
the geography of the movement so far
V. R. Midgeley, Vancouver, the bigges
man apparent in the movement at pr?s
ent; A. Pritchard, Vancouver; R. J
Johns, Winnipeg; Joe Knight, Edmon
ton, and J. Naylor, Cumberland, B. C.
The movement is making a bitte
fight 'against the old-line labor organi
zations, charging that they have sol
out to the employers, that they hold th
men back from seizing advantages whei
they could do so by breaking agre?
i
ments, that they spend great sums in
useless officials, and that they are gener*
ally "archaic."
Mysterious Forces
The forces back of the movement are
mysterious?they seem to be about the
same that are supposed to be backing
the I. W. W., but that never come to
light. With one or two exceptions the
agitators and leaders are of British or
American birth. There are indications
that money and other support are com
ing from the States.
The O. B. U. agitators have as
working capital the real?and some fan?
cied?grievances of labor in Canada,
and even leaders of the conservative
type, while opposing their methods,,
agree with many of the charges they
make against the business and govern*,
ment of the country. High prices, un?
controlled by the government, profiteer?
ing, agreements broken by employers,
without redress for the workers, general
neglect on the part of the official world
?these are accusations heard from labor
men of all classes. A large proportion
seem to have lost hope that the gov?
ernment will help. Some of the most
conservative resent its course in Win?
nipeg.
"The workers had won the strike when
the government stepped in," said one
conservative leader. "If we can't get
what we are entitled to by lawful means
?then revolution. I hope it won't havs
to come."
Success Surprising
The movement is spreading through
the West like wildfire, if the statements
of its backers can be trusted, and even
opponents admit that its success has
been "surprising." Every issue of the
"One Big Union Bulletin" records new
unions that are said to have voted for
the idea. Here are some?the Bulletin
charges that the "capitalistic press" is
afraid to print them:
"April 4?10,000 mine workers in
Alberta, by a vote of 11?1.
"April 18?Landslide in Calgary.
Indorsement claimed in Port Arthur,
Winnipeg, Calgary, Vancouver, Vic?
toria and other places. Defeats due
to 'ti*ickery' in Edmonton, Nelson and
Camrock.
"May 2?Edmonton now claimed
and the following: Local 1387 United
Mine workers, voting 193?5; Belle
vue miners, 276?14; Wayne Local
U. M. W. of A., 178?1 ; Michael Local,
U. M. W. of A., 178?2; Michael Lo?
cal, U. M. W. of A., 322?12; Humber
stone Miners' Local, 138?1; Dawson
Local, 100 per cent; Brule Local,
259?6."
By May 20 Midgely claimed ihat
30,000 out of an estimated 84,000 mem?
bers of regular labor unions in the four
Western provinces of Canada had voted
4 to 1 for the O. B. U. That
would mean that 35 per cent of all
organized labor in this territory had
come to the new movement. The move?
ment is still going strong.
United States Next
The propaganda is along the regular
extreme radical lines. There are now
three papers published under O. B.
U. auspices. There are several Sun?
day schools, and in Winnipes: a "labor
church." A special drive is being made
for the returned soldier??the Seattle
agitators appeared in New York after
the strike failed and tried to convert
the newly landed men. Of course, there
are meetings and parades and speeches
everywhere. The West is swarming
with speechmakers.
This is the One Big Union.
It has set out to beat the government,
the old labor organizations, and .the pub?
lic, and it has made progress at all three
aims.
Its leaders have the Russian revolu?
tion in mind.
They have in mind also the invasion
of the United States.
Change Trains, Not Cows
To the Editor oT The Tribune.
Sir: Of all the illogical arguments ever
attempted, surely that of William Wade
Hinshaw against the daylight ?aving law, in
yesterday's Tribune, is entitled to the prize.
I was raised on a farm and have long
owned a small farm. If there is one thing
about farming unchanged and unchange?
able it is this: No matter what the law of
the clock says, farm work is regulated by
the sun. I'm not in the milk busines:-. bal?
my cow is not milked one minute earlier
because of the law and need never be.
As to milk trains, if the law works the
loss alleged by Mr. Hinshaw why doesn't
he and why don't the rest of the dairymen,
instead of fighting the daylight saving law.
merely tell the transportation people
they'll have to run milk trains by sun time
What sort of fool would a railroad man?
ager be that would insist upon causing his
patrons loss mWe.ly to follow a t:me
schedule which no law compels him tft
follow? How Ions: would he hold out if
dairymen declined to meet hi3 hour-too
early train? L. B8AEP.
Irvington, N. J., June 2, 1910.
Will Kultur Say "Can't"?
(From The Washington Poet)
Brockdorff-Rantzau saya the Huns can't
sifrn because they can't comply with tho
terms. This imputation of good f?'1"
will be r-nscnted by every ku!tur>d Boche.
Instead of Postoffices
(From The Boston Heral-l)
The country might at least build now tha
schoolhouses that its children need.
And Doesn't Even Stop *
(from The Toledo Bladt)
Speedomanin is one form of inianW
that kills. ^ . irr1 i
*"*"" m?m? _?^.^. ,?M-?.tJ?s*sliJ in?"! j