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New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, August 13, 1919, Image 2

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Hisses and "Boos" Punctuate League of Nations Debate in Senate
with this amendment, considering many j
other features to be very bad.
It seem? sure to-night also, entirely |
?side from noy action by the commit- I
t?ee, that a reservation or amendment
favoring the right of Ireland to inde- ?
pendence would be inserted in the
treaty. It was declared that while a
majority of the Senate may not really
favor such an amendment, it could not
be defeated if brought up for a roll call
on the floor.
David H. Miller, legaj adviser to the
league of'nations commission at Ver
saules, was questioned by the Foreign
Relations Committee about the origin
of the league covenant and the mean?
ing of some parts of it. He admitted
he had never seen the ?irait of the
American plan, which was sent to the i
Senate yesterday by the President, un?
til it had been printend and was reatly
for submission to the commission. He |
said the basis for the final draft of the
covenant, was a composite, which he
and C. J. P. Hurst, a legal attach? of
the British Foreign Office, had pre?
Senator Lodge Calls League of Nations
'DeformedExperimentonNoblePurpose '
New York Tribune
Washington bureau
WASHINGTON, Aug. 12. Senator
Lodge, of Massachusetts, speaking in
tjie Senate to-day in opposition to the
tongue of nations, described it as "a
deformed experiment upon a noble pur?
pose," and as essentially an alliance
embracing many "provisions for war."
He expressed the belief that instead of
safeguarding the Monroe Doctrine, the
covenant would kill it.
His speech was cheered by the gal?
leries, which booed and hissed the re?
ply of Senator Williams, of Mississippi,
who attacked the position of Senator
Lodge as "partisan and narrow" and
accused him of "always attempting to
make a show of himself."
Senator Williams denied several of
the Massachusetts Senator's assertions
?mo rebuked him for scorning certain
of President Wilson's utterances.
Debate of the covenant followed, in
which Senator Hitchcock, of Nebraska,
and Senator Borah, of Idaho, took part.
Outbursts of hisses and cheers from
the galleries provoked several remon?
strances from \ Vice-President Mar?
shall, who failed, however, to stop the
demonstrations by threats of clearing
the visitors' space.
Reviews Holy Alliance
In opening his speech, Senator Lodge
reviewed the history of the Holy Alli?
ance to demonstrate that history
"never repeats itself exactly," and then
"I have taken the trouble to trace
in the merest outline the development
of the Holly Alliance, so hostile and
dangerous to human freedom, because
I think it carries with it a'lesson for
us at the present moment, showing as
it does -what may come from genera)
proportions and, declarations of pur?
poses in which all the world agrees.
Turn to the preamble of the covenant
of the league of nations now before us,
which states the object of the league.
It is formed "in order to promote in?
ternational cooperation, to achieve in?
ternational peace and security by the
acceptance of obligations not to resort
"to war, by the prescription of open,
just, and honorable relations between
-Jiation?, by the firm establishment of
the understandings of international
laws as the actual rule of conduct
among governments and by the main?
tenance of justice and a scrupulous
respect for all treaty obligations in
the dealings of organized peoples with
one another."
Brave Words. He Say?
"No one would contest the loftiness
or the benevolence of these purposes
Brave words, indeed! They do not
differ essentially from the preamble
of the treaty of Paris, from which
sprang the Holy Alliance. But the
covenant of this league contains a pro?
vision which I do not find in the treaty
of Paris, and which is as follows:
"'The assembly may deal at its
meetings with any matter within the
sphere of action of the league or affect?
ing tlie peace of the world.'
"No revolutionary movement, no in?
ternal conflict of any magnitude, can
fail to affect the peace of the world.
That this fair and obvious interpreta
tion is the one given to it at.road is
made perfectly apparent in the direct
and vigorous statement of -M. Clemen?
ceau in his letter to Mr. Paderewski,
in which he takes the ground in behalf
of the Jews and other nationalities in
Poland that they should be protected,
and where he says that the associated
powers would feel themselves bound
to secure guarantees in Poland 'of cer?
tain essential rights which will afford
to the inhabitants the necessary pro?
tection, whatever changes may takf
place in the internal constitution ol
the Polish Republic' He contemplate?
and defends interference with the in
ternal affairs of Poland? among othei
things? in behalf of a complete re?
ligious freedom, a purpose with whicl
we all deeply sympathize.
Embodied in Treaty
"These promises of the French l'iinu
Minister are embodied in effective
clauses in the treaties with German)
and with Poland and deal with the in
ternal affairs of nations, and their exe
cution is intrusted to the 'principa
Allied and associated powers'; that is
to the United States, Croat Britain
France, Italy and Japan. This is ?
practical demonstration of what can bf
done under Article III and Article X
of the league covenant, and the author
ity which permits interference i? be
half of religious freedom ? an admirable
object is easily extended to th<> repres
sion of internal disturbances, whicl
may well prove a less admirable pur
pose. If Europe desires such an alii
anee or league, with a power of tin
kind, so be it. liu* I object in th
strongest possible way to having th
United States agree, directly or in
directly, to be controlled by a leagu
which may at any time, and pe'rfectl
lawfully and in accordance with th
terms of the covenant, be drawn in t
deal with internal conflicts in othe
countries, no matter what those con
flicts may be. We should never pti
? mit the United States to be involve
in any internal conflict in another cour
try, except by the will of Tiir peopl
expressed through the Congress, whicl
represents them.
"With regard to wars of extern?
aggression on a member of the leagu?
the case is perfectly clear. There ca
be no genuine dispute whatever abou
the meaning of the first clause of At
tide' X. In the first place, it differ
from every other obligation in bein
individual and placed upon each natio
without the intervention of the leagu?
Each nation for itself promises to re
spect and preserve as against extern;
aggression the boundaries und the pt
litical independence of every membe
of the league. The elaborate argu
ments which have been made here an
the learning which has been displave
about our treaty with Granada, ?o
Colombia, and with Panama, were nc
necessary for me, because there ?an b
no doubt of our right to give a guai
antee to another nation that we wi
protect its boundaries and indepei
It U Individual Pledge
"The point I wish to make is tht
the pledge is an individual pledge. W
have, for example, given guarantees t
Panama and for obvious and sufflcier
reasons. The application of that guai
antee would not be in the slightest d?
gree affected by ten or twenty othc
nations giving the same pledge,
Panama, when in danger, appealed to t
to fulfil our obligations; we should b
bound to do so without the slighte;
reference to the other guarantors. T
Article X the United States is boun
on the appeal of any member of th
league not only to respect but to pri
?erve its independence and its bout
daries, and that pledge, if we give i
must be fulfilled.
"There is to mo no distinction what
over in a treaty between what som
persona are pleased to call legal an
?oral obllgationa. A treaty resta an
must -rest upon moral obligations, N
doubt a great power impossible of co?
ercion can cast aside a moral obliga?
tion if it sees fit and escape from .the
performance of the duty which it prom?
ises. The pathway of dishonor is al?
ways open. 1, for one. however, can?
not conceive of voting for a clause of
which I disapprove because I know it
can be escaped in that way. Whatever
the United States agrees to by that
agreement she must, abide.
"I return, then, to the first clause
of Article X. It is, I repeat, an individ?
ual obligation. If China should rise up
and attack Japan in an effort to undo
the great wrong of the cession of the
control of Shantung to that power we
should be bound under the terms of
Article X to sustain Japan against
Chim-. and a guarantee of that sort ;s
neyer invoked except when the ques?
tion has passed beyond the stage of
negotiation and has become a question
for the application of force. I do not
like the prospect. It shall not come
into existence by any vote f mine.
Article XI Increases Danger
"Article XI carries this danger still
further, for it says:
"'Any war or threat of war, whether
immediately affecting any of the mem?
bers of the league or not, is hereby
declared a matter of concern to the
whole league and the league shall take
any action that, shall be deen ^d wise
and effectual to safeguard the peace of
" 'Any war or threat of war'?that
mean.; both external aggression and in?
ternal sturbance. Let me take ?u
example. The following dispatch uo
peared recently in the newspapers:
"'Hedjaz vs. Bedouins The forces
of Emir Adullah recently suffered ;i
grave defeat, the Wahabis attacking
and capturing Kur ma, east ? I: Mecca.
Ibn Savond is believed to be working in
harmony with the Wahabis. A squad?
ron of the royal air force was ordered
recently to go to the assistance of King
"Hussein I take to be the Sultan of
Hedjaz. He is being attacked by the
Bedouins, as they are known to us,
although I fancy the general knowledge
about the Wahabis and lbn Savond and
Emir Adullah is slight and the names
mean bat little to the American people.
Nevertheless, here is a case of a mem?
ber of the league?for the King of the
Hedjaz is such a member in good and
regular standing and signed the treaty
by his representatives, Mr. Rvwtem
Haidar and'Mr. Abdul Havi Aouni.
"Under Article XI, if King Hussein
appealed to us for aid and protection
against external aggression affecting
his independence and the boundaries of
his kingdom, we should be bound to
give that aid and protection and to
send American soldiers to Arabia. It
is not relevant to say that, this is un?
likely to occur, that Great Britain i?
quite, able to take care of King Hus
sein. The fact that we should not be
called upon does not alter the right
which the King of Hedjaz possesses tc
demand tkp sending of American troop!
to Arabia in order to preserve his in
dependence against the assaults of tin
Wahabis or Bedouins. 1 am uriv.illinj.
to give that right to King Hussein, anc
this illustrates the point which is t?
me the most objectionable in the leagu?
as it stands the right of other power,
to call out American troops and Amer
?can ships to go to any part, of tin
world, an obligation we are bound t?
fulfil under the terms of this treaty.
Gives Control of Immigration
"Let me now briefly point out tii.
insuperable difficulty which I lind ii
Article XV. It begins: 'If there shoul.
?irise between members of the leagu
any dispute likely to lead to a rupt
lire' 'Any dispute' covers ever
poss-ible dispute. It therefore covers
dispute over tariff duties and over im
migration. Suppose we have a disput
with Japan or with some Europea
country as to immigration. Immigra
tion cannot escape the action of th
league by any claim of domestic juris
diction: it bus too many internationi
"Article IX says:
"'The council may, in any case ui
der tliis article, refer the dispute 1
the assembly.'
"We have our dispute as to imm
gration with Japan or with one of tl
Balkan States, let us say. Japan <
the Balkan States ask that it be r?
ferred to the assembly and the imm
gration question between the 1'nin
States and Jugo-Slavip or Japan, as tl
case may be, goes to the assembl
The representatives of the council, e
eept the delegates of the United Stat?
and of Japan or Jugo-Slavia. must a
vote unanimously upon it as I unde
standf it, but a majority of the enti
assembly, where the council will ha'
only seven votes, will decide, l'an at
one say beforehand what the ?lecisi?
of that assembly will be? The que
tion in one case may affect immigr
tion from every country in Europe, n
though the dispute exists only for or
and in the other the whole matter
Asiatic immigration is involved. Is
too fanciful to think that it might
decided against us? There should
no possibility of other nations deci
ing who shall come into the Unit
States, or under what, conditions th
shall enter.
"Article XXI says:
"'Nothing in this covenant shall
deemed to affect the validity of inte
national engagements, such as treati
of arbitration or regional understan
ings like the Monroe Doctrine for s
curing the maintenance of peace.'
Not in the First Draft
"Th*s provision did not appear
the first draft of the covenant. 'I'
British delegation took It upon them?
selves to eplain Article XXI at some
length and this is what they said:
"'Article XXI makes it clear that the
covenant is not intended to abrogate
or weaken any other agreements, so
long as they are consistent with its
own terms, into which members of the
league may have entered, or may here?
after enter, for the assurance of peace.
Such agreements would include special
treaties for compulsory arbitration
and military conventions that are gen?
uinely defensive.
" 'The Monroe Doctrine and similar
understandings are put in the same
category. They have shown themselves
in history to be not instruments of
national ambition, but guarantees of
peace. The origin of the Monroe Doc?
trine is well known. It was proclaimed
in 1823 to prevent America from be?
coming a theatre for intrigues of Eu?
ropean absolutism. At first a principle
of American foreign policy, it has be?
come an international understanding,
and it is not illegitimate for the people
of the United States to say that the
covenant should recognize that fact.
" 'In its essence it is consistent with
the spirit of the covenant, ami, indeed
the principles of the league, as ex?
pressed in Article X, represent the ex?
tension to the whole world of the prin?
ciples of the doctrine, while, shoulc
any dispute as to the meaning of the
latter ever arise between the Ameri?
can and European powers, the league
is there to settle it.'
"The explanation of Great Britair
received the assent of France.
" 'It seems to me monumentally para
doxical and a trifle infantile,' says M
Lausanne, the chief spokesman for M
Clemenceau, 'to pretend the contrury.
"When the executive council of th?
league of nations fixes the 'reasonabl?
limits o? the armament of Peru,' whei
it shall demand information concern
ing the naval programme of Brazi
(Article VII of the covenant), when i
shall tell Argentina what shall be th
measure of the 'contribution to th
armed forces to protect the signature
of the'social covenant' (Article XVI]
when it shall demand the imm?diat
registration of the treaty between th
United States and Canada at the sea
of the league, it will control, whethe
it wills or not, the destinies of Americi
" 'And when the American state
shall be obliged to take a hand in ever
war or menace of war in Europe (Arti
cle XI). they will necessarily fall afoi;
of the fundamental .principle laid dow
by Monroe.
" 'lf^ the league takes in the worh
then Europe must mix in the affairs c
America; if only Europe is includee
then America will violate of necessit
her own doctrine by intermixing i
the affairs of Europe.'
One Mistake of Lausanne
"The British .-statement that th
Monroe Doctrine under this article,
any question arose in regard to i
would he passed upon and interprete
by the league of nations is absolute!
correct. The statement of M. Lausanr
is explicit and truthful, but he make
one mistake. He says in substan?.
that if we are to meddle in Kuror
Europe can not be excluded from tl
Americas. He overlooks the fact thi
the Monroe Doctrine also says:
" 'Our policy in regard to Europ
which was adopted at an early stage ?
the wars which have so long agitate
that quarter of the globe, neverthele:
remains the samt-, which is not to i;
terfere in the internal concerns <
any of the powers.'
"The Monroe Doctrine was the core
lary of Washington's neutrality poli?
and of his injunction against, perm
nent alliances. It reiterates and rea
firms the principle. We do not seek
meddle in the affairs of Europe but
keep Europe out of the Americas. It
as important to keep the United Stat
out of European affairs as to ke>
Europe out of the American continen*
Let us maintain the Monroe Doctrir
then, in its-entirety, and not only pr
serve our own safety but in this w;
best promote the real peace of t
A Regional Understanding
"Let. me. now deal with the arti?
itself. We have here some protecti
coloration again. The Monroe Doctri
is described as a 'regional understar
ing,' whatever that may mean. But t
Monroe Doctrine is no more a regioi
understanding than it is an 'interi
tional engagement.' The Monroe D?
trine was a policy declared by Pre
dent Monroe. Its immediate purp?
was to shut out Europe from interf
ing with the South American repuhli
which the Holy Alliance designed to
No nation has ever formally rec?
nized it. It has been the subject
reservation at international cOnv
tions by American delegates. It 1
never been a 'regional understandii
or an understanding of any kind w
"The instant that the United Sta'
which declared, interpreted and s
tained the doctrine, ceases to be
sole judge of what it means, that
stant the Monroe Doctrine ceases i
disappears from history and from
face of the earth. In the interests
the peace of the world it is now v.
posed to wipe away this Ameri
policy, which has been a bulwark ?
u barrier for peace. Why, in the nt
of peace, should we extinguish
Why in the name of peace should
be called upon to leave the interpr?
tion of the Monroe Doctrine to ot
nations ?
The Right of Withdrawal
"Another point in this cover
where change must be made in orde
protect the safety of the Un
States in the future is in Artich
where withdrawal is pi'ovided
This provision was an attempt to n
the very general objection to the 1
draft of the league, that there was
means of getting out of it without
nouncing the treaty; that if, tl
was no arrangement for the w
drawal of any nation. As it
stands it reads that?
"'Any member of the league t
after two years' notice of its in
tion to do so, withdraw from
league, provided that all its in
national obligations, and all its <
g?tions under this covenant, shall 1
been fulfilled at the time of its v
"The right of withdrawal is givei
Narrow Four-in-hand?
$1.00 and $1.50
A varied assortment of harmonious color
combinations, including many sufficiently sub?
dued to be appropriate for business wear.
Distinctive Low Collar Styles in Popular Demand.
Bond Street Regent Street York Street
What Lodge Says of League
WASHINGTON, Aug. IS.?Striking phrases from Senator Lodge's
attack on the league, of nations covenant in the Senate to-day
were :
"It is as important to keep the United States out of European
affairs as to keep Europe out of the American continents."
"The Monroe Doctrine is no more a regional understanding than
it's an international engagement. . . . The instant the United States
ceases to be the sole judge of what it means, that instant the Monroe
Doctrine ceases and disappears from history."
"It is not a league of peace; it is an alliance."
"Those articles upon which the whole structure rests are articles
which provide for the use of force?that is, for war. This league to
enforce peace does a great deal for enforcement and very little for
"This league is primarily a political organization."
this clause, although the time for no?
tice, two years, is altogether too long.
Six months or a year would be found,
I think, in most treaties to be the nor?
mal period fixed for notice of with?
drawal. But whatever virtue there
may be in the right thus conferred is
completely nullified by the * proviso.
The right of withdrawal cannot be ex?
ercised until all the international ob?
ligations and all the obligations of the
withdrawing nations have been ful?
filled. Remember that this gives the
league not only power to review all
our obligations under the covenant,
but all our treaties with all nations,
for every one of those is an 'inter?
national obligation.'
"Are we deliberately to put ourselves
in fetters and be examined by the
league of nations as to whether we
have kept faith with Cuba or Panama
before we can bo permitted to leave
the league? This seems to me humili?
ating, to say the least. The right of
withdrawal, if it is to be of any value
whatever, must be absolute.
Little Chance of Amendment
"1 have dwelt only upon those points
which seem to me most dangerous.
There are, of course, many others, but
these points, in the interest not only
of the safety of the United States, but
of the maintenance of the treaty and
the peace of the world, should be dealt
with here .before it is too late. Once
in the league the chance of amendment
is so slight that it is not worth con?
sidering. Any analysis of the provi?
sions of this league covenant, however,
brings out in startling relief one great
fact. Whatever may be said, it is not
a league of peace; it is an alliance,
dominated at the present moment by
live great powers, really by three, and
it has all the marks of an alliance.
The development of international law
is neglected. The court which is to
decide disputes brought before it fills
but a small place.
"The conditions for which this? league
really provides with the utmost care
are political conditions, not judicial
questions, to be reached by the ex?
ecutive council and the assembly,
purely political bodies without any
trace of a judicial character about
them. Such being its machinery, the
control being in the hands of political
appointees whose votes will he con?
trolled by interest and expediency, il
exhibits that most, marked character?
istic of an alliance?that its decision?
are to be carried out hy force. Those
articles upon which the whole struct?
ure rests are articles which provide
for the use of force; that is, for war
This league to enforce peace does i
great deal for enforcement and verj
little for peace. It, makes more essen
tial provisions looking to war than tc
peace, for the settlement of disputes
"These provisions for war presen
what to my mind is the gravest objec
tion to this league in its present form
We are told that of course nothing wil
be done in the way of warlike acts
without the assent, of Congress. If
that is true let us say so in the cov?
Under Our Own Command
"I think wo can move to victory much
better under our own command than
under the command of others. Let. us
unite with the world to promote the
peaceable settlement of all interna?
tional disputes. Let us try to develop
international law. Let us asosciate
ourselves with the other nations for
these purposes. But let us retain ?n
our own hands and in our own control
the lives of the youth of the land. Ix-t
no American be sent into battle except
by the constituted authorities of his
own country and by the will of the
people of the United States.
"Those of us, Mr. President, who are
either wholly opposed to the longue or
who are trying to preserve the inde?
pendence and the safety of the United
States by changing the terms of the
l.-ague and who are endeavoring to
make the league, if we are to he n
member of it, less certain to promote
war instead of peace, have been re?
proached with selfishness in our out?
look and with a desire to keep our
country in a state of isolation. So far
us the question of isolation goes it is
impossible to isolate the. United States.
"Nobody expects to isolate the United
States or to make it a hermit nation,
which is a sheer absurdity. But there
is a wide difference between taking
a suitable part nnd bearing a due re?
sponsibility in world affairs and plung?
ing the United States into every con
trovery and conflict on the face of the
globe. The fact that we have been sep?
arated by our geographical situation
and by our consistent policy from the
broils of Europe has made us more
than any one thing capable of perform?
ing the great, work which we performed
in the war against Germany, and our
disinterestedness is of far more value
to the world than our eternal meddling
in every possible dispute could ever be.
Endless Disputes and Entanglements
"Not, only must we look carefully to
see where we are being led into end?
less disputes and entanglements, but
we must not forget that we have ii:
this country millions of people of for?
eign birth and parentage. We shall
(ill this land with political disputes
about the troubles and quarrels ol
other countries. We shall have a large
portion of our people voting not on
American questions and not on what
concerns the United States, but; divid?
ing on issues which concern foreigr
countries alone. That is an unwhole?
some and perilous condition to t'orc*
upon this country. We must avoid it
We ought to reduce to the lowest pos
sible point the foreign questions ir
which we involve ourselves,
"Never forget that this league i;
primarily?1 might say overwhelmingly
?a political organization, and I objec
strongly to having the politics of th?
United States turn upon dispute:
where deep feeling is aroused,, but in
which we have no direct interest. It
will ?11 tend to delay the Americaniia
tion of ou-.- great population and it is
more important not only to the United
States hut to tho pence of the world to
make all these people good Americana
thar it is to determine that some piece
of fcerr-torji Bhoukl belong to ?me Euro?
pean couj?tvy rath? " than to another.
For thi.j reason I w ? h to Urn;', s-trii
our tnteri'e?cHce i. the .?..fan;.! of Ku
ropt and of Afric i.
"It has been reiterated here on this
floor and reiterated '?> the point of
weariness that in "very treaty there
is some sacrifice of sovereignty. That
is not a universal truth by any means,
but it m true of .'.me treaties and it
;s a platitude which does not requ:~e
reiteration. Th" question and th.- only
question before ??: here is how much
of our sovereignty we are justified m
"1 am as anxious ;i < any human beins
can be to have the United States ren?
der every possible service !o the civil?
ization and the peace of mankind, but
f am certain we can do it hist by not
putting ourselves in leadh:g strings or
subjecting our policie and our sov?
ereignty to other nations. The inde?
pendence of the United States is n,ot
only more precious to ourselves but to
the world than any single possession.
The United States is the world's best
hope, but if you letter her in the in?
terests and quarrels of other nations,
if you tangle her in the intrigues of
Europe, you will destroy her power for
good and endanger her very existence.
The Heart of the World
"We are told that we shall 'break the
heart of the world' if wo do not take
this league just as it stands. I fear
that the hearts of the va.,; majority of
mankind would beat on strongly and
steadily and without any quickening if
the league were to perish altogether.
If it should be effectively and benefi?
cently changed, the people who would
lie awake in sorrow for a single night
could be easily gathered in one not
very large room, but those who would
draw a long breath of relief would
reach to millions.
"Ideals have been thrust r.pon us as
an argument for the league until the
healthy mind which rejects cant re?
volts from them. Are ideals confined
to this deformed experiment upon a
noble purpose tainted, as it is with
bargains, and tied to a peace treaty
which might have been disposed of
long ago to the great benefit of the
world if it had not been compelled
to carry this rider on its back? 'Post
equitem sedet atra cura,' Horace tells
us, but no blacker care ever sat be?
hind any rider than we shall find in
this covenant of doubtful and disputed
interpretation as ?t now perches upon
the treaty of peace.
"No doubt many excellent and pa?
triotic people seo a coming fulfilment
of noble ideas in the words 'league for
peace.' We all respect and share these
aspirations and desires, hut. some of
us see no hope, but rather defeat, foi
them in this murky covenant. For we.
too, have our ideals, evon if we diffei
from those who have tried t establish
a monopoly of idealism. Our. first
ideal is our country, and we see hei
in the future, as in the past, giving
service to all he: people and to the
"Our ideal of the future is that she
should continue to render that ser?
vice of her own free will. She has
great problems of her own to solve
very grim and perilous problems, ano
a right, solution, if we can attain t?
it, would largely Lencfit mankind. W<
would have our country strong to re?
sist a peril from the West, as she ha>
(lung back the German menace fron
the East. We would not have oui
politics distr?ete?' and embittered b;,
the dissensions of other lands. W?
would not have our country's vigoi
exhausted, or her moral force abated
by everlasting meddling and muddling
in every quarrel, great and small
which afflicts the world. Our ideal ??
to make her ever stronger and bettei
and finer, because in that way alone
are needed
by the
New York Telephone Company
Why not take up Telephone
Operating as a Profession or ad?
vise your friends to take it up?
We have employed over 1,000 new operators in the past
five weeks and we can use 1,000 more for the fall and
winter business. They earn over $900.00 the first year
?8 hour day and 6 day week. Tuition is free. A salary
is paid while learning. Positions are permanent to
all who qualify. There are many opportunities for
58 West Houston Street. Manhattan - 9.00 A. M. to 5.00 P. M.
453 Ea?: Tremont Avenue, Bronx - '2.00 M. to 9.00 P. M.
81 Willoughby Street, Brooklyn - - 9.00 A M. to 5.00 P. M.
1336 Broadway, Brooklyn - - 12.00 M. to 9.00 P. M.
as we believe, can she be of the gr? at
eat service to the world's pea?'" and to
the welfare of mankind."
Hisses From (iallerie?
When Senator Williams, banning
hia reply to Senator Lodge, declared
th?- Massachusetts Sem?tor "always had
made a show of himself," he was in
terruptod by loud hiss?-? fr?>m th- "gal
lery. Senator Lodge had been applaud
ed for a full minute when be ? led
his address
Senator Williams bitterly . ? ? ??<- k'-'l
? ?? position of the Foreign K?
chairman an "partisan and narrow."
"! hesitate very nine!.." he 'a d, "to
und? rtnke to rer.iy to the grei t?
%'Me prepared pr?sentai on ol I ? .? (
ishness of American policy in
teoiporaneous answer. It is not a new
presentation cf th? personality ol the
Senator from Massachu etts ;;
always attempted ' ? make a show <?t'
h imself."
It. was at this point that hisses and
"boos" came t'r.im the gallery and
drowned out the Mississippi Sei
Vice-Pfesiderjl Marshal), after re
storing order, warned that if th
ate rules again were violated he would
order the galleries eloar? I
As Fair and Impartial
Senator William, contin ? : that
Senator Lodge "has always atl
to make a show of himself as 1?? ing
non-partisan and fair and impai
"But the Senator refers," cot
Mr. Williams, "to th- fact tl
must render servit?? of our own Cre?
will to the world. How can any nation
render service of its own free wi
cannot render service to M. ?ssippi of
my own free will. 1 mus? con
other people who an.' my neigl b"t
Mississippi cannot render service ol it
own free will.
"All the crossing of t's and al
?lotting of i's that the Sen;.'?.!- from
Massachusetts has recourse to d
make me forget that he ha; neglected
the weightier matti-r^ of the law.
Leave out his crossing of t's and his
dotting of i's and his finally, ??!.??
fully, three months' prepared per?ir?
tion intended to appeal to the Senate
and the galleries, hu,^ lu- shown th?
slightest heart ...
s, r- ?.I the w-.Hd to ? >v? ,>??,.
he shown . ? H?,
o- the m il ? -
?he uselessly up
?S??> t.i ? .-? f, |, r|.u
and cast Z***1
.... -v I b
W th an -?,
? mad
? ?
the Sena
'[ .. ?
It fa
'. herofo
i ? a?)
tmeri ?. b
ica I a
fc.ir ? I
1 I ?
? that
"H .
th.- fu ? .
h v
., . .
"Who wo
he asked
be unai in ?
5T2 AVE.AT 46 ta st;
The Pasis 5?op or Amsiuck
: ricotine ?
\ el? >u r Checks ind . .?: ' ?
Formerly $75 to $150 at f45
Odd ^oups?-Broken Sizes at ?
i ?dd Pieces?ol Dm "
Lilillt ? ! i :
Formerly $6> to $85 at 25
Formerly to $95 at ^35
?^^5 It) AVE. Ar 46 ^ S Ta
'Thb Paris Shop op Amcrica."
Bo? .t 11,1 II ? ? ?
formerly to $40 at *15
Formerly $85 to $145 at *35 <?d *55
AI -' ?
cd raffeta, rulle Sal ..:?:" '
Formerly $95 to $150 ?.i 35 *nd $55
in TaffeU and Satm.
Formerly $95 to $133 at ?35 -nd ?55
?. ? ? ?
consisting of gingham?veil??i>'rer<3?orfia?i? ?> i '
Formerly $45?$85 ?25 ?* *35

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