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EDITORIAL FINANCIAL NEWS PART I! TWELVE PAGES .rifame LATE NEWS REAL ESTATE?AUTOS SUNDAY, JANUARY 4, 1920 PART II TWELVE PAmrs Rr,t to t*st-t??e Truth: News-iSdl. torials?Ad** prtisen\ ont* Mt__>!r ?^ "* Audit Bttw*u of Citv'll*U'*,us ^^S^^JANUARY 4. 1920. ?_. ft 1W? *??? M*?*?*Wciii: Hole? !?e? **?? *?***r*: F- * i~",or' Tr?'urBr V^, TH_u_ * Bftliains. 15? N-MMi Sur*,. New ??sGBjr-TlON BATBS-By MAU, lnuludta? iv TUn 1 ST1T11 STATES AM? CJ_??P? m 51, of? Y.... M. ?,. ... Wotitb. ?-? ???-<? ..... ? v:,; ?;?. lai-- ?W^ . i. i;.-..i .3.1 **^ v.lllKJl.N RATK ! __ kmitar ?3..06 5. " ._.<?) p?j ??< So- u*. ii 4o - ro i r, ?ubo*.i0'7 ???;_'_? ?m?-_ ?t U* *f*?t<i*'-** ?? New T?r'' *? *"*?***?4" I ^^ CUm M_U M?tt-_ 8UARANTY wM ?m f?r_--M ??ar-headls? __v_r_s-_l In THl ! TRIBUNE wlt? ?b*?8tt Mfsty?I?r If _l.s_m_-_ ? gn j^gjt, |a My ?a? THE TRIBUNE gu-rantw. i f, w yMT RNMt. ??** *?*'**? **SSU??t- N* *"??" tKP?. *? utMllst- w? '?"'*? **<"1 (,r'*'"?,|if ,r th* ?fwt__r ***? ?^_ OF THE A .---OC?ATE-? I-RES'. 1? Bxc_-__w>Jy eaUUed to tiu? f? > i_n____??lo_ o? -11 iM_r? d_-P_-c__* credit*.. ?T??r?-Mnr__i _P-_lt-<l la thl_ near. ___! ? ____. __?*? ?* _S4Dt_n____i ort__a pub ______ ,?? ?r i?i-ltmli ?* ?U ??**? -__??_? Sumvitcr in Modo Washington is seemingly devoting ?neb attention to the question of ?hat mea, or groups of men, are IBMt to appear to have their way fe the final treaty negotiations. The question of credit is of small fjKK&ent to the American people. To (he future may be properly left the assignment of the glory. Senator ledge and hi? associates, aa they are JBttr?H1 in action, can well afford te grease polea down which there fan be easy eliding. It is natural far Senator Hitchcock to want to ?eve his face, and the fullest oppor? tunity for him so to do should be FortUtr fa re?Senator Lodge has so displayed it that he can well afford to indulge in tuaviter in modo. It U unworthy of a great question to want to rub any face in the dirt when settling it ' The Troth Cornea Out The President: in his letter of No? vember 19 to Senator Hitchcock, which prevented the treaty's ratifl catioji, said that the Lodge resolu? tion provided not for the ratification ?Jot rather for the nullification of j file treaty." The League to Enforce Peace,] which has been active in behalf of ratification, submitted to a number of distinguished lawyers questions as to the legal effects and practical eonseqnences of the Lodge reserva? tions. Henry W. Taft and Paul D. Cravath have united in an answer which says **W? do not think that th? rasar tattoos radically weaken the provi? sion? of the treaty, which are In? tended to provide effective machin? ery for accomplishing; permanent Thus there is flat eoztlanadiction of *%_ Pr?sident He is, in effect, oharged with misreading or misrep H?Hliia the effect of the Lodge ?M-thiUuu. There la no nullification. Step by step, in spite of persistent -Ants to mislead the American peo -00, the truth has made its way. It ??* boastfully said that matters had hjen eo arranged that the treaty SNld not be ratified at all unless ac Nf*-_d without addition or explana tin. This contention is now dead. ? was said that if reservations ??He appended it would be necessary * go "hat in hand" to Germany to teg her to accept them. This con- ! tption is dead, and there are no "owners. Even the White House **w concedes that as Germany is ** s party to the league she does ?*t need to be consulted fconcem "]Tt was said that our allies would *rt accept our reservations and that ? would be necessary to r?assemble ?to peace conference to begin all w? again. This contention in also ?^?i Our aliiea both can and will **<-0_*_<-!. in our reservations. Except as to one or two item?, the ,#?*rvation_ refer only to the domes tfc question? of who and what in this ??wtry will control our representa jfre in the league. The issue has J*? M to whether the President "Roald alone control or whether the ! ?'?sident and Congress, as the Con? ation provides, shall exercise con t?ot over rcprecientatives. No for *??? power claims the right to dic tot? to us as to who or what shall i VtS?.th* *uth?ntic v??e ?* America. j^0* t?? phra?e "American ixing" ** eorenant is used reference i m not *** *o Americanizing universal j Jj^ple?, but to whether our par- ! *W?n In the league shall be in ! J***1 ^^ wr Constitution. It ^*?? ?o unfaithfulness to league W">eiplea to bold that one man shall g*J* rated a? America when ques 5J? ef the applicability of league ?"Wee are under consideration. ,?**?**? Taft and Cravath now r?y ??* U?e reeerwtttons de not S_r*^ .*? tee<^e as ? going eon ?* "toy had _?_teew_odgad-___e ; earner and had not countenanced by ?practical silence the misrepresenta? tion of the Administration's friends j the treaty long ago would have been j ratified. To-day the best, way to as? sist ratification is to piaee responsi? bility for the deadlock where it be? longs. Affirmative White House ac ?tion is improbable until the failure to mix up the American people is j plainly a failure. Wheels for AU Neither the first night of Opera nor the Horse Show is the great oc? casion of New York's winter season any longer. As motor cars are to buggies in number, as the style of hood and fender is in importance to the style of such details as hats and clothes and tiaras, so is the suprem? acy of the Automobile Show secure above all rivals. Every one goes to the Grand , Central Palace. To absent one's self from this study of the new cars in their splendor and new lines and new coiors is to miss one of the gayest and most alluring of shows and shut one's self off from the chief conversational topic of the month of January. There ax? two shows this year, the usual passenger car show at the Palace ?end the motor truck show at the 8th Coast Artillery Armory, at Jerome Avenue, Kingsbridge Road and 194th Street?the largest ever, incidentally. Years back we might ! have spoken of the Palace show as a "pleasure" car show. That was before the war, before much that is now familiar, every-day practice with every family possessing any ?sort of motor car. Pleasure is yielded, yes. But it is hardly more than a by-produ?2t. The first service, the chief ?service, Is to fetch and carry children to school, packages ? from the butcher, trunks, guests, | servants, anything, everybody, tire? lessly, endlessly, rain or snow, year after year. There is beauty in abundance at the Palace show, and it is needed, for never were automobile purchas? ers such connoisseurs. But it is the service that counts, that is most con? sidered. It is the car as hack, as de? livery wagon, as all-round pack horse, and only after all this as saddle-horse and trotter, that New York this week flocks to welcome and con and buy. The Railroad Fiasco The government's net loss on r-ail road operation for the twenty-three months ended on November -80 last is estimated by the Bureau of Rail? way Economics at $548,000,000. If such a loss were attributable solely to ignorant as well as to futile man? agement, nobody could have the hardihood to suggest a continuation of government operation. When the government took over the railroads two years ago it didn't expect to pile up an operating deficit of more than ha?f a billion. In the rosy anticipations of the Federal managers it seemed possible at that time to run the railroads on the old basis of inadequate rates and still split even. It was assumed that wages could be raised all along the line without disturbing the operating balance, since it was claimed that economies in operation under unified control would offset wage increases. All these expectations were soon found to be of the stuff that dreams are made of. The costs of operation increased, and whatever economies were effected by the unification of the railroad system were swallowed up overnight. The government offi? ciais couldn't remain in ignorance of the situation. And they had an j obvious remedy. But they lacked the moral courage to apply it. Passenger rate? were raised sharp? ly. This was done not as an end in it? self, but on tiie theory that it would discourage travel and relieve con? gestion. Freight rates were not in? creased adequately. The Adminis? tration preferred to incur a deficit on operation under practically the old ratea and to draw on the revolv? ing fund provided by Congress, which, in the first instance, had been described merely as a precautionary reserve;, unlikely ever seriously to cut into. The failure to raise freight rates was deliberate. It resulted from a foible of human nature. A govern? ment always hates to confess that it has been wrong. For twenty years our government had contended that rsing costs of railroad operation ought not to be met by rising freight rates. How they were to be met was a problem to be passed on to the railroad managements, which were able to meet them only by stunting development and sacri? ficing credit Rather than admit mistaken judgments in the past, the Administration turned to the re | voiving fund for relief. It paid the deficit? out of taxes, instead of out of railroad revenues. Broadly speak ; ing, the loss on operation was ?ad idled on the public just as much by this method a? it would have been by a proper raise In rates. But tibe Administration wm still blinded by the ??conomie delusion that? whtt? it ! was admissible to tax the public di | rectly in order to meet the excess j cost of transportation, it was bad j policy, to collect the excess charge.; indirectly by increasing the rates to ! be paid by that mythical body of j ultimate contributors known as ship . pers. I Rates have been kept unduly low ; and looses have been met out of the j Treasury in order, apparently, to bolster up an erroneous policy of railroad regulation. This has intro , duced an unfortunate complication into the settlement of the railroad | question. If rates had been ration :alized in war time the nominal res : toration of the roads to their owners would have been much simplified. Now old prepossessions rise in the path. Congress is inclined to take the complacent view that it is all right for it to cut off Treasury support and at the same time to turn the railroads over, so far as rates are concerned, to the uncertain mercies of an Interstate Commerce Com? mission which has had in mind for years the protection not of the pub? lic, but of individual shippers. If the railroads are allowed to sustain themselves, even to a degree i which would seem parsimonions in | other industries? everything may be straightened out. But it would be folly to try to continue the old pro? gram of hard-fisted and destructive regulation. The Round-Up The public may prepare itself for a great outcry over the round-up of the "Reds." The opportunity for public weeping over the poor mar? tyrs wilj not be neglected. It will be said with wearisome Iteration that the pillar of free speech has been prostrated and men and women who care nothing for America or the Constitution will invoke the social traditions of Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill. There are enemies of free speech in the country. They are chiefly those who abuse the privileges it confers. Any person who advocates direct action and the substitution of the rule of force for that of a freely functioning majority expressing it? self through law is the foe of free speech. This is not only because such a person stimulates answering reactions, but because he strikes at foundations which must exist if free speech is to exist. The Bolshevist entertains a theory whose triumph makes free speech impossible. When he brings down democracy he brings down with it all government by discussion. Literature and the Thin-Skinned The Scotsmen of Newark, who have asked for the exclusion of "Macbeth" from the schools as a counter to the demand for the exclusion of "The Merchant of Venice," refute the charge that the Caledonian lacks a sense of humor. With great soberness, they gravely point out that the Thane of Cawdor was not a remorseless villain; that his claim to the throne was as good as Duncan's, and that the latter met his death not by secret murder but in open battle, and that even were Macbeth as black as painted it is insulting to present him as a repre? sentative of Scotland. The business of excluding is ?capa? ble of indefinite expansion. The Welshman may require that Ameri? can youth be not poisoned by knowl? edge of Fluellen, the Englishman demand the exile of Jack Falstaff, the Frenchman no mention of Louis XI, the Italian ignorance concerning Lucrezia Borgia, the Spaniard a deletion of "Don Quixote," and the Russian ask for no mention of Ivan the Terrible or Trotzky?a long list of affronta to the various national elements going into the American melting pot can be compiled from literature and history. Did Kipling flatter when he said that after all the Americans would be saved whole "by mine ancient humor"? Are skins so thin that even a feather touch of caricature gives acute pain? Have we lost capacity to grin when colored pic? tures o? ourselves are thrown on the screen? If so, a quality has gone out of American life of which once there were proud boasts. But, de? spite their activity, professional race patriots represent few except them? selves. If you doubt it, see a Jewish audience scream with laughter as a Jewish actor depicts Abe Potash. The Anti-Lodge Fight (From The Buffalo Bsrpr?*?) Jndging from the dispatches of the inside correspondents, there would not now be any difficulty in getting the Democrats to agree to all the ?? ?ontial features of the peace roaerra tion?, if only Senator ?Lodge eould be persuaded to vote against them. Having Insisted so absurdly on treat? ing the struggle as a Lodge-Wilson flght, the great anxiety nbw is that Lodge shall not be vindicated. Still Reducing trrom The Pttrott Journal) While Um Washington Administration ha?*l brought a ledwtlen In ?*? ???* of ltofng. the? to ?* flowing ?heltofihat II hm ndiiind thir T1. ?'? "**fclL LOOKS AS IF THERE WERE GOING TO BE SO MANY ACTS WE WOULDN'T BE ABLE TO WATCH IT ALL ! _ (Corwiiffht. 1920. New ?O?k Tribune !?.,? > How to Save the Railroads The following proposal is from a Utter written &J> S. Harden Church, president of Carnegie Insti' tute, Pittsburgh, to Senator Cummins, chairman Interstate Commerce Committee, U. S. Senate As a student of railway problem?, with an experience of the greater part of my life spent in the railroad serv? ice, I beg that you will permit me to address you on the subject of the pend? ing railroad legislation. in writing this letter I am endeavor? ing to express solely my own convic? tions, and I have no reason for be? lieving that these convictions are cher? ished by other men who represent rail? road and business interests. It seems to me that all the plans which have been put before the public and Introduced into Congress are at? tended by one common and fatal prin? ciple, and that is the principle of gov? ernment dictation. The hand of the government has always paralyzed busi? ness wherever it has touched it. Any? thing that takes away from the own? ers of the prpperty the right to adjust rates, fix wages and issue securities will take away th?s control and author? ity without which the operation of the railroads by their owners is sure to be a failure. A Sinister SUiurtton In one of the highly Involved end somewhat confused plans now before Congress provision is made that the rates shall be mude by the Interstate Commerce Commission, while the wages shall be adjusted by a new government bureau, to be called the transportation board, consisting of five members, to be appointed by the President. It 1? a foregone conclusion that these two boards will never discuss their re? spective parts of the problem with any feeling of reciprocity. The men who adjust the wages will call upon the other body to put up the rates and the men who adjust the rates will refuse to I'evise them upon the basis of a wage increase. In this sinister Situa? tion no management will ever know where it stands, and the labor leaders will always have the railroads by the throat Water Eliminated It seems clear that some part of the legislation which has been proposed In Congress on this railroad subject 1? based upon a prejudiaed opinion du? to some financial delinquencies and lack of Integrity of certain railroad? in times past. It Is quite true that there have been some unworthy men in the railroads, ns at times in every other walk of Ufe, but the great body of the profession, officials and man alike, aro good Americans, honest to their hearts' core end the ?alt of the earth. There is a public impression also that the capital of railroad com? panies contains a large amount of water, and that any rates which might be basod upon watered ?took would bo unjust rates. But it Is now known that any watered ?took that may bave ?slated In the building of Mme of the?? railroad? has been entirely ellav Inated by the increased valu? of the < railroads themselves, both In the amount of money put Into improve? ments out of Income and not charged to capital account, and also In the increment which grows from the enlargement of the plant Itself and the expansion of the communities through which it run?. The total cost of the railroads of the United States is set down at about $20,000,000,000, which means a cost charge of about $65,000 a mile; but when we reflect that the continent has been redeemed to civilization by the extension of the railroads over mountain ranges and through vast wildernesses, this is a small price to pay for such an achieve? ment. Moreover, it is safe to say that if all our railroads were to be totally destroyed they could not be reproduced in their entirety for twice that sum. ! Liberal Rates ISeeded Again, there seem? te ba a fear at Washington against granting to the railroads the power to make liberal rates, lest the railroad companies would earn too much money. Experience will show that this fear la not well ground? ed, while, on the contrary, it may be pointed out that when the railroad? are prosperous and are earning plenty of money all th? industries of the country are humming to the ?am? tune ' of prosperity. ' Is it not true that the only natural solution of this railroad problem which will stand the test of time is to put the railroads in the same category with any other great industrial establish? ment, where the management adjusts the rate?, fixes the wages and issues the ee<rurities ? If the government were to take over thase three functions from the United States Steel Corporation it goes without saying that Judge Gary and hi? board of directors would have no real control over their property. The situation will be the same with the railroads under any of these plana which permit the government to have actual control, in which case the em? ployees, the shipping public end the money lender? will all look to the gov? ernment a? the ?eat of authority, while the executive ornee? and directors of all of our railroad eompanle? will b??? com? men figureheads, without real power over their own affairs. The Labor Problem With the hand of the government fastened upen the railroad system el this oountry, the labor union? will us? th? occasion for exploiting the prop erty in their own interesta, a? thej have done during th? past two year? and thtre will be no railroad presiden! who, with his board of directors be? hind him, ?tan otter a final word opon any important problem that may pre? sent Itself. On the contrary, he will be powerless to act until some govern? ment bureau, moved by the subtle con sideratlos of politics, shall have tole him what h? must decide. Where ear authority, discipline and progresa ex? l?t, and hew eoold credit endura, en dag easa ? ?lyetamT 1 Ainsi fear e* ?h?M**? ?be rnttw that it? very life may be hindered, vexed and destroyed through the crim? inal leadership of labor ha? led to the insertion of the anti-strike clause in some of these pending bills. It seems to me that this clause should be omit? ted from the final railroad bill, with the strict understanding, however, that the inhibition of strikes shall be ef? fected by other specific legislation which shall bring the labor unions of this country under the laws, with full responsibility for their acts. Before we get through with the labor part of this problem it should be made un? lawful for the unionized members of one railroad to amalgamate with the labor unions of other railroads, on the ground that It would be an intol? erable menace to the peace and dig? nity of the nation to place in the hands of any one labor leader or group of labor leaders the right to declare a strike whereby the whole transporta? tion of the country could be stopped at the will of vicious and irresponsible men. The American Federation of La? bor already hold this power, and there can be no security for our people until that organization is dissolved. We should take this step, furthermore, as a protection to the great body of our workingmen, who In the main are con? servativa, who own or are purchasing their own homes, who are striving to work upward through good service and who abhor a strike and detest the men who promote strikes. Conditions of Return After the failure which the ?country has Just witnessed in government oper? ation, where efficiency and loyal serv? ice have died together under the kill? ing hand of political control, can we not secure the consent of Congress to a aolution of the problem upon some auch conditions as the following: (1) Let the railroads be returned to their owners for operation, each under its own management and each with its own board of directors. Every question of operation affecting such a railroad to be settled by its own management, in? cluding all minor financial transac? tions. (fl) Let there he one eommon board of directors a? an administrativ? and executive body for all the railroads of the United States, which, upon appeal or by special inference to it, ?hall hare power to fix rates, adjust wages, approve the issu? of large securities, arrange for the common use of facili? ties and authorize consolidations. This common board of directors could be mad? up In any way that might be de- ' sired In order that the management, th? public and the government should have fair representation. The whole membership of the Interstate Com? merce Commission might, if desired, be made ex-officio members. The other directors would be chosen by the rail? road companies upon some suitable basis which would, no doubt, to a proper extent, represent th? shipping aad traveling pablle. The country bum* ?toa? *t? treat somewhere?. Let i its controlling motive, therefore, be one of confidence in the consecrated and devoted men who give their lives to this essential and highly specialized service. Such a scheme as this would keep the railroads In the custody of their owners and would continue to open the way for their immediate expansion on an enormous scale under that cour? ageous system of initiative and enter? prise which has already given Amer? ica the best system of railroads in the world, with the lowest rates and the best wages for doing the service, and which has made this nation prosperous beyond any other on the face of the earth. The Name of Burr An Old Controversy and a Matter of Opinion To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: I beg to take exception to Den? nis Hart-nan's statement (contained under "The Name of Burr" in your De? cember 81 issue) that "he (Burr) is worthy of taking his place with great? er luminaries than even Hamilton in this wonderful history of our United States. Quoting ?The Real America,1* ed? ited by Edwin Markham, 1910 edition: "He was a man purely selfish in his ambitions, without ideals or reverence; with no high regard for the things that are held worthy in this'World; a man whose genius was too strong for the restraints which his abortive con? science placed upon it, a victim of his own unmorajity." He repeatedly expressed his con? tempt for the Union and the Constitu? tion. He Intrigued with Merry, the British Minister. He was tried for treason and escaped only through the astuteness of his lawyer, who cleared him by a technicality, "defining treason in such a way that he must have been present when the expedition set out to have rendered himself a party to the treason." The foregoing has reference to Burr's conspiracy to divide the Union and form the Western states into a confederacy. If we care to delve into romance for opinions, I respectfully recommend "The Conqueror," by Atherton. I have had the pleasure of reading "Blenner hasset," as Mr. Hartman suggests. There are numerous writers, among them, I believe, Harriet Beecher Stowe, who have endeavored to excuse Burr, for Hamilton was not without blame. Hamilton harassed Burr both editorially and verbally until Burr, finally whipped, challenged him for certain of hjs state? ments. Undoubtedly Burr was a prominent character; a lawyer of marked superi? ority. He might have escaped the censure of historians if his life had been less open to criticism. He was a grandson of Jonathan Edwards and son of Aaron Burr, president of the College of New Jersey (Princeton). He had a great intellect and was an "ele? gant gentleman" of his time, but with the suggestion of holding him up to posterity as one of the greater lumi? naries of our history permit me to dis? agree. It is an old controversy and, perhaps, a matter of personal opinion. C. H. DICKINSON. East Orange, N. J., Jan. 2, 1920. To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: Under the caption "The Name of Burr" you published, on December 31, a remarkable letter from Dennis Hartman, which was in effect an en? deavor to gild the rather black record of a Justly unpopular person. Burr was everything that his opponents hav? claimed, and more. Pidgin's "in? teresting little book, ?Blennerhasset,'" was written by its author with his tongue In his cheek, as other men have tried their hands at defending Bene? dict Arnold. To be honest, Arnold had more ground for defense than Burr could discover had he lived for a cen? tury. We advise Mr. Hartman to go to the original documents, the officia! records of the Burr trial. Fortunately, some of Burr's. old friends of the days of the Revolution kept journals that cov? ered the years of Burr's shady efforts. Their early efforts to support him, fol? lowed by their surprise and chagrin on realizing the depth of his infamy, are clearly given In these old and valuable pages. They were honest men, and they could not stand for him. S. J. ALTON. New York, Jan. 1, 1820. Across the Dry Years To the Editor of The Tribuna. Sir: It is very hard in these days ef prohibition to read good literature with? out being reminded of the pleasant past Let us Btart with the Good Book, Prov? erbs, ill, 10: So shall thy barn* be Ailed with plenty and thy presses _h_5_ burst out with new wine. From William Shakespeare, "King Henry V," Act I, Scene It Nym?Z shall have my eisht shlHing? 1 won of yon at betting. Pistol?A noble ?halt thon have, and present pay. And liquor !f__rwt_ ? wHl _ ft?? the?, And friendship shall combina, and brother. hoods I'll live by Nym. and Nym shan Bv? by me. From Sir Walter Scott, Bart., "The Bride of Lammermoor**: "But if your ale is bad you can let as have some wine," said Bucklaw, making a rrimaoe at the mention of the pure element which Caleb so earnestly recommended. From Alexandra Dumas, "The Three Guardsmen": Athos replied, still by cestnrea, that that was well, and indicated to Grimaud, by pointing: to a kind of pepper castor, that he was to stand guard as sentinel. Only to alleviate the tedio uanesa of the duty. Athos allowed him to take a loaf, two cutlets and a bottle of wine. Those were th? happy days! MARCEL STEINBR-TOGA. New York, Deo. U, Uli. A Week of Verse A Lullaby (From a play) (From The Anglo-Frenoh Reviotc) "JV"OW silent falls the clacking mill; Sweet?sweeter smells the briar; The dew webs big on bud and twig; The glow-worm's wrapt in fire: Then sing lully, lullay, with me; And softly, lill-lall-lo, love; Tis high time, and wild thyme. And no time, no, love. The westesm sky has veiled her rosa. The night wind to the willow Slgheth, "Now, lovely, lean thy head. \ Thy tresses be my pillow!" i Then sing lully, lullay, with mo; | And softly, lill-lall-lo, love; Tis high time, and wild ?thyme, And no time, no, love. Cries In the brake; bells in the sea; The moon o'er moor and mountain Cruddles her light from height to height. Bedazzles pool and fountain. Leap fox; hoot owl; wail warbler sw<?etl "Tis midnight now ?-brewing; The Fairy Mob are all abroad. And Witches at their wooing. Then sing lully, lullay, with me; And softly, lill-lall-lo, love; Tis high time, and wild thyme, And no time, no, love. WALTEB DE LA MARE. Road Song (From Contomporory Verve) /"MVE in song your happy breath; ^^ March along the road to death, Head erect and heart set hip>i. They have shown us how to die: They have sent their boyish laughter Kinging back along the way: All who walk this road hereafter Must like them be gay. Shall men fear to follow on Where their sons have gone? Not alone the enemy There in front where all may see, They went out to meet: They have stormed the shadowy tow?.?rs; Death is rifled of his powers, Harmless in defeat. Youth has overrun his kingdom. Brought the mystic borders arar. Made the land familiar, dear: Every highway, every ut red. Echoes now to trampling feet, Whistled signals, noisy chen. Sudden greetings: "Brother!" "Brother!" "I am here!" Shout and sing and march ahead-' Who fears death now they are dead? CLARA PRATT MEADOWCROFT. Love Songs (Erom The Letter f?e t. u ) I Tf/E ARE both silver soa-troui And have risen to delicate flic? '?n streams And got away. The young ferns batanee ou tr,. earth Like green smoke above a coal. Let us watch the sun throw gold plat** Down to us through lake water Where none fish. II The night is so full of movement i That the stars seem like corn being threshed j Against a blue barn. j The wind Is a black river ! And Just for a moment j The moon a small green fish Swimming in your bair. EDWARD POWYS MATHERS I Love the Friendly Face? of Old Sorrows (From Contemporary Vereo) ? LOVE the friendly fa<*s of eld Sorrows; I have no secrets that they do not know. They are so old, I think they bave for? gotten What bitter words were spoken, long ago. I hate the cold, stern facas of new Sorrows Who ?tend and w&teh, and catch me all alone. I should be braver if X could remember How different the older ones hav? grown. ?. KARLE WILSON BAKER. Caesura (From The Paean) /"\N THE soft biue hulk of Perlmy " Bridge, Two mortals, side by aide, Whisper and watch the lights of to-*:. Shattered by the tide. Bat when I come they eOently wait, Nor whisper till I go. And what their words and what their dreams I ?hall never know. WEABE HOLBBOOK. R?esurrection (From Tho Vomdo*. Nmt?om) COME faster, death; and unlmprison me From the spMt-etaxving thing I call my body; And if my tremolo? ?ear? light waki ?again, Give it an airier, vaatar habitation Than that gros? battleground of lusts and fears. KATHARINE TYNAN. Fantasie? (From Tho FactrnJ T||Y MIND iTi Catches at undtreettd thoughO. Then drops them, one after another. Into the limbo of fantasy, Like an Indigent eld woman Who fingers trinkets and remuent? Over a bargain eoontar And than move? ea Wlthent aorehaatng. _ B. AVtBBM ?tUfOfVaa