PART I! TWELVE PAGES
SUNDAY, JANUARY 4, 1920
PART II TWELVE PAmrs
Rr,t to t*st-t??e Truth: News-iSdl.
torials?Ad** prtisen\ ont*
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gn j^gjt, |a My ?a? THE TRIBUNE gu-rantw. i
f, w yMT RNMt. ??** *?*'**? **SSU??t- N* *"??" tKP?.
*? utMllst- w? '?"'*? **<"1 (,r'*'"?,|if ,r th*
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OF THE A .---OC?ATE-? I-RES'.
1? Bxc_-__w>Jy eaUUed to tiu?
f? > i_n____??lo_ o? -11 iM_r? d_-P_-c__* credit*..
?T??r?-Mnr__i _P-_lt-<l la thl_ near. ___!
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Sumvitcr in Modo
Washington is seemingly devoting
?neb attention to the question of
?hat mea, or groups of men, are
IBMt to appear to have their way
fe the final treaty negotiations.
The question of credit is of small
fjKK&ent to the American people. To
(he future may be properly left the
assignment of the glory. Senator
ledge and hi? associates, aa they are
JBttr?H1 in action, can well afford
te grease polea down which there
fan be easy eliding. It is natural
far Senator Hitchcock to want to
?eve his face, and the fullest oppor?
tunity for him so to do should be
FortUtr fa re?Senator Lodge
has so displayed it that he can well
afford to indulge in tuaviter in modo.
It U unworthy of a great question
to want to rub any face in the dirt
when settling it
' The Troth Cornea Out
The President: in his letter of No?
vember 19 to Senator Hitchcock,
which prevented the treaty's ratifl
catioji, said that the Lodge resolu?
tion provided not for the ratification
?Jot rather for the nullification of j
The League to Enforce Peace,]
which has been active in behalf of
ratification, submitted to a number
of distinguished lawyers questions
as to the legal effects and practical
eonseqnences of the Lodge reserva?
tions. Henry W. Taft and Paul D.
Cravath have united in an answer
**W? do not think that th? rasar
tattoos radically weaken the provi?
sion? of the treaty, which are In?
tended to provide effective machin?
ery for accomplishing; permanent
Thus there is flat eoztlanadiction of
*%_ Pr?sident He is, in effect,
oharged with misreading or misrep
H?Hliia the effect of the Lodge
?M-thiUuu. There la no nullification.
Step by step, in spite of persistent
-Ants to mislead the American peo
-00, the truth has made its way. It
??* boastfully said that matters had
hjen eo arranged that the treaty
SNld not be ratified at all unless ac
Nf*-_d without addition or explana
tin. This contention is now dead.
? was said that if reservations
??He appended it would be necessary
* go "hat in hand" to Germany to
teg her to accept them. This con- !
tption is dead, and there are no
"owners. Even the White House
**w concedes that as Germany is
** s party to the league she does
?*t need to be consulted fconcem
"]Tt was said that our allies would
*rt accept our reservations and that
? would be necessary to r?assemble
?to peace conference to begin all
w? again. This contention in also
?^?i Our aliiea both can and will
**<-0_*_<-!. in our reservations.
Except as to one or two item?, the
,#?*rvation_ refer only to the domes
tfc question? of who and what in this
??wtry will control our representa
jfre in the league. The issue has
J*? M to whether the President
"Roald alone control or whether the !
?'?sident and Congress, as the Con?
ation provides, shall exercise con
t?ot over rcprecientatives. No for
*??? power claims the right to dic
tot? to us as to who or what shall i
VtS?.th* *uth?ntic v??e ?* America.
j^0* t?? phra?e "American ixing"
** eorenant is used reference i m not
*** *o Americanizing universal j
Jj^ple?, but to whether our par- !
*W?n In the league shall be in !
J***1 ^^ wr Constitution. It
^*?? ?o unfaithfulness to league
W">eiplea to bold that one man shall
g*J* rated a? America when ques
5J? ef the applicability of league
?"Wee are under consideration.
,?**?**? Taft and Cravath now
r?y ??* U?e reeerwtttons de not
S_r*^ .*? tee<^e as ? going eon
?* "toy had _?_teew_odgad-___e
; earner and had not countenanced by
?practical silence the misrepresenta?
tion of the Administration's friends
j the treaty long ago would have been
j ratified. To-day the best, way to as?
sist ratification is to piaee responsi?
bility for the deadlock where it be?
longs. Affirmative White House ac
?tion is improbable until the failure
to mix up the American people is
j plainly a failure.
Wheels for AU
Neither the first night of Opera
nor the Horse Show is the great oc?
casion of New York's winter season
any longer. As motor cars are to
buggies in number, as the style of
hood and fender is in importance to
the style of such details as hats and
clothes and tiaras, so is the suprem?
acy of the Automobile Show secure
above all rivals. Every one goes to
the Grand , Central Palace. To
absent one's self from this study of
the new cars in their splendor and
new lines and new coiors is to miss
one of the gayest and most alluring
of shows and shut one's self off from
the chief conversational topic of the
month of January.
There ax? two shows this year, the
usual passenger car show at the
Palace ?end the motor truck show at
the 8th Coast Artillery Armory, at
Jerome Avenue, Kingsbridge Road
and 194th Street?the largest ever,
incidentally. Years back we might !
have spoken of the Palace show as
a "pleasure" car show. That was
before the war, before much that is
now familiar, every-day practice
with every family possessing any
?sort of motor car. Pleasure is
yielded, yes. But it is hardly more
than a by-produ?2t. The first service,
the chief ?service, Is to fetch and
carry children to school, packages ?
from the butcher, trunks, guests, |
servants, anything, everybody, tire?
lessly, endlessly, rain or snow, year
There is beauty in abundance at
the Palace show, and it is needed,
for never were automobile purchas?
ers such connoisseurs. But it is the
service that counts, that is most con?
sidered. It is the car as hack, as de?
livery wagon, as all-round pack
horse, and only after all this as
saddle-horse and trotter, that New
York this week flocks to welcome
and con and buy.
The Railroad Fiasco
The government's net loss on r-ail
road operation for the twenty-three
months ended on November -80 last
is estimated by the Bureau of Rail?
way Economics at $548,000,000. If
such a loss were attributable solely
to ignorant as well as to futile man?
agement, nobody could have the
hardihood to suggest a continuation
of government operation.
When the government took over
the railroads two years ago it didn't
expect to pile up an operating deficit
of more than ha?f a billion. In the
rosy anticipations of the Federal
managers it seemed possible at that
time to run the railroads on the old
basis of inadequate rates and still
It was assumed that wages could
be raised all along the line without
disturbing the operating balance,
since it was claimed that economies
in operation under unified control
would offset wage increases.
All these expectations were soon
found to be of the stuff that dreams
are made of. The costs of operation
increased, and whatever economies
were effected by the unification of
the railroad system were swallowed
up overnight. The government offi?
ciais couldn't remain in ignorance
of the situation. And they had an j
obvious remedy. But they lacked
the moral courage to apply it.
Passenger rate? were raised sharp?
ly. This was done not as an end in it?
self, but on tiie theory that it would
discourage travel and relieve con?
gestion. Freight rates were not in?
creased adequately. The Adminis?
tration preferred to incur a deficit
on operation under practically the
old ratea and to draw on the revolv?
ing fund provided by Congress,
which, in the first instance, had been
described merely as a precautionary
reserve;, unlikely ever seriously to
The failure to raise freight rates
was deliberate. It resulted from a
foible of human nature. A govern?
ment always hates to confess that it
has been wrong. For twenty years
our government had contended that
rsing costs of railroad operation
ought not to be met by rising
freight rates. How they were to
be met was a problem to be passed
on to the railroad managements,
which were able to meet them only
by stunting development and sacri?
ficing credit Rather than admit
mistaken judgments in the past, the
Administration turned to the re
| voiving fund for relief. It paid the
deficit? out of taxes, instead of out
of railroad revenues. Broadly speak
; ing, the loss on operation was ?ad
idled on the public just as much by
this method a? it would have been
by a proper raise In rates. But tibe
Administration wm still blinded by
the ??conomie delusion that? whtt? it
! was admissible to tax the public di
| rectly in order to meet the excess
j cost of transportation, it was bad
j policy, to collect the excess charge.;
indirectly by increasing the rates to
! be paid by that mythical body of
j ultimate contributors known as ship
I Rates have been kept unduly low
; and looses have been met out of the
j Treasury in order, apparently, to
bolster up an erroneous policy of
railroad regulation. This has intro
, duced an unfortunate complication
into the settlement of the railroad
| question. If rates had been ration
:alized in war time the nominal res
: toration of the roads to their owners
would have been much simplified.
Now old prepossessions rise in
the path. Congress is inclined to
take the complacent view that it is
all right for it to cut off Treasury
support and at the same time to turn
the railroads over, so far as rates are
concerned, to the uncertain mercies
of an Interstate Commerce Com?
mission which has had in mind for
years the protection not of the pub?
lic, but of individual shippers.
If the railroads are allowed to
sustain themselves, even to a degree
i which would seem parsimonions in
| other industries? everything may be
straightened out. But it would be
folly to try to continue the old pro?
gram of hard-fisted and destructive
The public may prepare itself for
a great outcry over the round-up of
the "Reds." The opportunity for
public weeping over the poor mar?
tyrs wilj not be neglected. It will be
said with wearisome Iteration that
the pillar of free speech has been
prostrated and men and women who
care nothing for America or the
Constitution will invoke the social
traditions of Plymouth Rock and
There are enemies of free speech
in the country. They are chiefly
those who abuse the privileges it
confers. Any person who advocates
direct action and the substitution of
the rule of force for that of a freely
functioning majority expressing it?
self through law is the foe of free
speech. This is not only because
such a person stimulates answering
reactions, but because he strikes at
foundations which must exist if free
speech is to exist.
The Bolshevist entertains a theory
whose triumph makes free speech
impossible. When he brings down
democracy he brings down with it all
government by discussion.
Literature and the Thin-Skinned
The Scotsmen of Newark, who
have asked for the exclusion of
"Macbeth" from the schools as a
counter to the demand for the
exclusion of "The Merchant of
Venice," refute the charge that the
Caledonian lacks a sense of humor.
With great soberness, they gravely
point out that the Thane of Cawdor
was not a remorseless villain; that
his claim to the throne was as good
as Duncan's, and that the latter met
his death not by secret murder but
in open battle, and that even were
Macbeth as black as painted it is
insulting to present him as a repre?
sentative of Scotland.
The business of excluding is ?capa?
ble of indefinite expansion. The
Welshman may require that Ameri?
can youth be not poisoned by knowl?
edge of Fluellen, the Englishman
demand the exile of Jack Falstaff,
the Frenchman no mention of Louis
XI, the Italian ignorance concerning
Lucrezia Borgia, the Spaniard a
deletion of "Don Quixote," and the
Russian ask for no mention of Ivan
the Terrible or Trotzky?a long list
of affronta to the various national
elements going into the American
melting pot can be compiled from
literature and history.
Did Kipling flatter when he said
that after all the Americans would
be saved whole "by mine ancient
humor"? Are skins so thin that
even a feather touch of caricature
gives acute pain? Have we lost
capacity to grin when colored pic?
tures o? ourselves are thrown on
the screen? If so, a quality has gone
out of American life of which once
there were proud boasts. But, de?
spite their activity, professional race
patriots represent few except them?
selves. If you doubt it, see a Jewish
audience scream with laughter as a
Jewish actor depicts Abe Potash.
The Anti-Lodge Fight
(From The Buffalo Bsrpr?*?)
Jndging from the dispatches of the
inside correspondents, there would
not now be any difficulty in getting
the Democrats to agree to all the ??
?ontial features of the peace roaerra
tion?, if only Senator ?Lodge eould
be persuaded to vote against them.
Having Insisted so absurdly on treat?
ing the struggle as a Lodge-Wilson
flght, the great anxiety nbw is that
Lodge shall not be vindicated.
trrom The Pttrott Journal)
While Um Washington Administration
ha?*l brought a ledwtlen In ?*? ???*
of ltofng. the? to ?* flowing ?heltofihat
II hm ndiiind thir T1. ?'? "**fclL
LOOKS AS IF THERE WERE GOING TO BE SO MANY ACTS
WE WOULDN'T BE ABLE TO WATCH IT ALL
! _ (Corwiiffht. 1920. New ?O?k Tribune !?.,? >
How to Save the Railroads
The following proposal is from a Utter written &J> S. Harden Church, president of Carnegie Insti'
tute, Pittsburgh, to Senator Cummins, chairman Interstate Commerce Committee, U. S. Senate
As a student of railway problem?,
with an experience of the greater part
of my life spent in the railroad serv?
ice, I beg that you will permit me to
address you on the subject of the pend?
ing railroad legislation.
in writing this letter I am endeavor?
ing to express solely my own convic?
tions, and I have no reason for be?
lieving that these convictions are cher?
ished by other men who represent rail?
road and business interests.
It seems to me that all the plans
which have been put before the public
and Introduced into Congress are at?
tended by one common and fatal prin?
ciple, and that is the principle of gov?
ernment dictation. The hand of the
government has always paralyzed busi?
ness wherever it has touched it. Any?
thing that takes away from the own?
ers of the prpperty the right to adjust
rates, fix wages and issue securities
will take away th?s control and author?
ity without which the operation of the
railroads by their owners is sure to be
A Sinister SUiurtton
In one of the highly Involved end
somewhat confused plans now before
Congress provision is made that the
rates shall be mude by the Interstate
Commerce Commission, while the wages
shall be adjusted by a new government
bureau, to be called the transportation
board, consisting of five members, to
be appointed by the President. It 1? a
foregone conclusion that these two
boards will never discuss their re?
spective parts of the problem with any
feeling of reciprocity. The men who
adjust the wages will call upon the
other body to put up the rates and the
men who adjust the rates will refuse
to I'evise them upon the basis of a
wage increase. In this sinister Situa?
tion no management will ever know
where it stands, and the labor leaders
will always have the railroads by the
It seems clear that some part of the
legislation which has been proposed
In Congress on this railroad subject 1?
based upon a prejudiaed opinion du?
to some financial delinquencies and
lack of Integrity of certain railroad?
in times past. It Is quite true that
there have been some unworthy men
in the railroads, ns at times in every
other walk of Ufe, but the great body
of the profession, officials and man
alike, aro good Americans, honest to
their hearts' core end the ?alt of the
earth. There is a public impression
also that the capital of railroad com?
panies contains a large amount of
water, and that any rates which might
be basod upon watered ?took would bo
unjust rates. But it Is now known
that any watered ?took that may bave
?slated In the building of Mme of
the?? railroad? has been entirely ellav
Inated by the increased valu? of the <
railroads themselves, both In the
amount of money put Into improve?
ments out of Income and not
charged to capital account, and also In
the increment which grows from the
enlargement of the plant Itself and
the expansion of the communities
through which it run?. The total cost
of the railroads of the United States
is set down at about $20,000,000,000,
which means a cost charge of about
$65,000 a mile; but when we reflect
that the continent has been redeemed
to civilization by the extension of the
railroads over mountain ranges and
through vast wildernesses, this is a
small price to pay for such an achieve?
ment. Moreover, it is safe to say that
if all our railroads were to be totally
destroyed they could not be reproduced
in their entirety for twice that sum.
Liberal Rates ISeeded
Again, there seem? te ba a fear at
Washington against granting to the
railroads the power to make liberal
rates, lest the railroad companies would
earn too much money. Experience will
show that this fear la not well ground?
ed, while, on the contrary, it may be
pointed out that when the railroad?
are prosperous and are earning plenty
of money all th? industries of the
country are humming to the ?am? tune
' of prosperity.
' Is it not true that the only natural
solution of this railroad problem which
will stand the test of time is to put the
railroads in the same category with
any other great industrial establish?
ment, where the management adjusts
the rate?, fixes the wages and issues
the ee<rurities ? If the government were
to take over thase three functions from
the United States Steel Corporation it
goes without saying that Judge Gary
and hi? board of directors would have
no real control over their property.
The situation will be the same with the
railroads under any of these plana
which permit the government to have
actual control, in which case the em?
ployees, the shipping public end the
money lender? will all look to the gov?
ernment a? the ?eat of authority, while
the executive ornee? and directors of
all of our railroad eompanle? will b???
com? men figureheads, without real
power over their own affairs.
The Labor Problem
With the hand of the government
fastened upen the railroad system el
this oountry, the labor union? will us?
th? occasion for exploiting the prop
erty in their own interesta, a? thej
have done during th? past two year?
and thtre will be no railroad presiden!
who, with his board of directors be?
hind him, ?tan otter a final word opon
any important problem that may pre?
sent Itself. On the contrary, he will
be powerless to act until some govern?
ment bureau, moved by the subtle con
sideratlos of politics, shall have tole
him what h? must decide. Where ear
authority, discipline and progresa ex?
l?t, and hew eoold credit endura, en
dag easa ? ?lyetamT
1 Ainsi fear e* ?h?M**? ?be rnttw
that it? very life may be hindered,
vexed and destroyed through the crim?
inal leadership of labor ha? led to the
insertion of the anti-strike clause in
some of these pending bills. It seems
to me that this clause should be omit?
ted from the final railroad bill, with
the strict understanding, however, that
the inhibition of strikes shall be ef?
fected by other specific legislation
which shall bring the labor unions of
this country under the laws, with full
responsibility for their acts. Before
we get through with the labor part of
this problem it should be made un?
lawful for the unionized members of
one railroad to amalgamate with the
labor unions of other railroads, on
the ground that It would be an intol?
erable menace to the peace and dig?
nity of the nation to place in the hands
of any one labor leader or group of
labor leaders the right to declare a
strike whereby the whole transporta?
tion of the country could be stopped
at the will of vicious and irresponsible
men. The American Federation of La?
bor already hold this power, and there
can be no security for our people until
that organization is dissolved. We
should take this step, furthermore, as
a protection to the great body of our
workingmen, who In the main are con?
servativa, who own or are purchasing
their own homes, who are striving to
work upward through good service and
who abhor a strike and detest the men
who promote strikes.
Conditions of Return
After the failure which the ?country
has Just witnessed in government oper?
ation, where efficiency and loyal serv?
ice have died together under the kill?
ing hand of political control, can we
not secure the consent of Congress to
a aolution of the problem upon some
auch conditions as the following:
(1) Let the railroads be returned to
their owners for operation, each under
its own management and each with its
own board of directors. Every question
of operation affecting such a railroad to
be settled by its own management, in?
cluding all minor financial transac?
(fl) Let there he one eommon board
of directors a? an administrativ? and
executive body for all the railroads of
the United States, which, upon appeal
or by special inference to it, ?hall
hare power to fix rates, adjust wages,
approve the issu? of large securities,
arrange for the common use of facili?
ties and authorize consolidations. This
common board of directors could be
mad? up In any way that might be de- '
sired In order that the management,
th? public and the government should
have fair representation. The whole
membership of the Interstate Com?
merce Commission might, if desired,
be made ex-officio members. The other
directors would be chosen by the rail?
road companies upon some suitable
basis which would, no doubt, to a
proper extent, represent th? shipping
aad traveling pablle. The country
bum* ?toa? *t? treat somewhere?. Let
its controlling motive, therefore, be one
of confidence in the consecrated and
devoted men who give their lives to
this essential and highly specialized
Such a scheme as this would keep
the railroads In the custody of their
owners and would continue to open the
way for their immediate expansion on
an enormous scale under that cour?
ageous system of initiative and enter?
prise which has already given Amer?
ica the best system of railroads in the
world, with the lowest rates and the
best wages for doing the service, and
which has made this nation prosperous
beyond any other on the face of the
The Name of Burr
An Old Controversy and a
Matter of Opinion
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I beg to take exception to Den?
nis Hart-nan's statement (contained
under "The Name of Burr" in your De?
cember 81 issue) that "he (Burr) is
worthy of taking his place with great?
er luminaries than even Hamilton in
this wonderful history of our United
Quoting ?The Real America,1* ed?
ited by Edwin Markham, 1910 edition:
"He was a man purely selfish in his
ambitions, without ideals or reverence;
with no high regard for the things that
are held worthy in this'World; a man
whose genius was too strong for the
restraints which his abortive con?
science placed upon it, a victim of his
He repeatedly expressed his con?
tempt for the Union and the Constitu?
tion. He Intrigued with Merry, the
British Minister. He was tried for
treason and escaped only through the
astuteness of his lawyer, who cleared
him by a technicality, "defining treason
in such a way that he must have been
present when the expedition set out
to have rendered himself a party to the
treason." The foregoing has reference
to Burr's conspiracy to divide the
Union and form the Western states
into a confederacy.
If we care to delve into romance for
opinions, I respectfully recommend
"The Conqueror," by Atherton. I have
had the pleasure of reading "Blenner
hasset," as Mr. Hartman suggests.
There are numerous writers, among
them, I believe, Harriet Beecher Stowe,
who have endeavored to excuse Burr,
for Hamilton was not without blame.
Hamilton harassed Burr both editorially
and verbally until Burr, finally whipped,
challenged him for certain of hjs state?
Undoubtedly Burr was a prominent
character; a lawyer of marked superi?
ority. He might have escaped the
censure of historians if his life had
been less open to criticism. He was a
grandson of Jonathan Edwards and
son of Aaron Burr, president of the
College of New Jersey (Princeton). He
had a great intellect and was an "ele?
gant gentleman" of his time, but with
the suggestion of holding him up to
posterity as one of the greater lumi?
naries of our history permit me to dis?
It is an old controversy and, perhaps,
a matter of personal opinion.
C. H. DICKINSON.
East Orange, N. J., Jan. 2, 1920.
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Under the caption "The Name
of Burr" you published, on December
31, a remarkable letter from Dennis
Hartman, which was in effect an en?
deavor to gild the rather black record
of a Justly unpopular person. Burr
was everything that his opponents
hav? claimed, and more. Pidgin's "in?
teresting little book, ?Blennerhasset,'"
was written by its author with his
tongue In his cheek, as other men have
tried their hands at defending Bene?
dict Arnold. To be honest, Arnold had
more ground for defense than Burr
could discover had he lived for a cen?
We advise Mr. Hartman to go to the
original documents, the officia! records
of the Burr trial. Fortunately, some
of Burr's. old friends of the days of
the Revolution kept journals that cov?
ered the years of Burr's shady efforts.
Their early efforts to support him, fol?
lowed by their surprise and chagrin on
realizing the depth of his infamy, are
clearly given In these old and valuable
pages. They were honest men, and
they could not stand for him.
S. J. ALTON.
New York, Jan. 1, 1820.
Across the Dry Years
To the Editor of The Tribuna.
Sir: It is very hard in these days ef
prohibition to read good literature with?
out being reminded of the pleasant past
Let us Btart with the Good Book, Prov?
erbs, ill, 10:
So shall thy barn* be Ailed with plenty
and thy presses _h_5_ burst out with new
From William Shakespeare, "King
Henry V," Act I, Scene It
Nym?Z shall have my eisht shlHing? 1 won
of yon at betting.
Pistol?A noble ?halt thon have, and present
And liquor !f__rwt_ ? wHl _ ft?? the?,
And friendship shall combina, and brother.
I'll live by Nym. and Nym shan Bv?
From Sir Walter Scott, Bart., "The
Bride of Lammermoor**:
"But if your ale is bad you can let as have
some wine," said Bucklaw, making a rrimaoe
at the mention of the pure element which
Caleb so earnestly recommended.
From Alexandra Dumas, "The Three
Athos replied, still by cestnrea, that that
was well, and indicated to Grimaud, by
pointing: to a kind of pepper castor, that he
was to stand guard as sentinel. Only to
alleviate the tedio uanesa of the duty. Athos
allowed him to take a loaf, two cutlets and
a bottle of wine.
Those were th? happy days!
New York, Deo. U, Uli.
A Week of Verse
(From a play)
(From The Anglo-Frenoh Reviotc)
"JV"OW silent falls the clacking mill;
Sweet?sweeter smells the briar;
The dew webs big on bud and twig;
The glow-worm's wrapt in fire:
Then sing lully, lullay, with me;
And softly, lill-lall-lo, love;
Tis high time, and wild thyme.
And no time, no, love.
The westesm sky has veiled her rosa.
The night wind to the willow
Slgheth, "Now, lovely, lean thy head.
\ Thy tresses be my pillow!"
i Then sing lully, lullay, with mo;
| And softly, lill-lall-lo, love;
Tis high time, and wild ?thyme,
And no time, no, love.
Cries In the brake; bells in the sea;
The moon o'er moor and mountain
Cruddles her light from height to height.
Bedazzles pool and fountain.
Leap fox; hoot owl; wail warbler sw<?etl
"Tis midnight now ?-brewing;
The Fairy Mob are all abroad.
And Witches at their wooing.
Then sing lully, lullay, with me;
And softly, lill-lall-lo, love;
Tis high time, and wild thyme,
And no time, no, love.
WALTEB DE LA MARE.
(From Contomporory Verve)
/"MVE in song your happy breath;
^^ March along the road to death,
Head erect and heart set hip>i.
They have shown us how to die:
They have sent their boyish laughter
Kinging back along the way:
All who walk this road hereafter
Must like them be gay.
Shall men fear to follow on
Where their sons have gone?
Not alone the enemy
There in front where all may see,
They went out to meet:
They have stormed the shadowy tow?.?rs;
Death is rifled of his powers,
Harmless in defeat.
Youth has overrun his kingdom.
Brought the mystic borders arar.
Made the land familiar, dear:
Every highway, every ut red.
Echoes now to trampling feet,
Whistled signals, noisy chen.
Sudden greetings: "Brother!" "Brother!"
"I am here!"
Shout and sing and march ahead-'
Who fears death now they are dead?
CLARA PRATT MEADOWCROFT.
(Erom The Letter f?e t. u )
Tf/E ARE both silver soa-troui
And have risen to delicate flic? '?n
And got away.
The young ferns batanee ou tr,.
Like green smoke above a coal.
Let us watch the sun throw gold plat**
Down to us through lake water
Where none fish.
The night is so full of movement
i That the stars seem like corn being
j Against a blue barn.
j The wind Is a black river
! And Just for a moment
j The moon a small green fish
Swimming in your bair.
EDWARD POWYS MATHERS
I Love the Friendly Face? of
(From Contemporary Vereo)
? LOVE the friendly fa<*s of eld
I have no secrets that they do not know.
They are so old, I think they bave for?
What bitter words were spoken, long
I hate the cold, stern facas of new
Who ?tend and w&teh, and catch me all
I should be braver if X could remember
How different the older ones hav?
?. KARLE WILSON BAKER.
(From The Paean)
/"\N THE soft biue hulk of Perlmy
Two mortals, side by aide,
Whisper and watch the lights of to-*:.
Shattered by the tide.
Bat when I come they eOently wait,
Nor whisper till I go.
And what their words and what their
I ?hall never know.
(From Tho Vomdo*. Nmt?om)
COME faster, death; and unlmprison
From the spMt-etaxving thing I call
And if my tremolo? ?ear? light waki
Give it an airier, vaatar habitation
Than that gros? battleground of lusts
(From Tho FactrnJ
iTi Catches at undtreettd thoughO.
Then drops them, one after another.
Into the limbo of fantasy,
Like an Indigent eld woman
Who fingers trinkets and remuent?
Over a bargain eoontar
And than move? ea
Wlthent aorehaatng. _
B. AVtBBM ?tUfOfVaa
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