New-York tribune. [volume], March 25, 1920, Page 10, Image 10

About New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
S?eto Doric f?ilnmi
First to Last?the Truth t News?Edi
?torials?Advertisements
MeJObrr of lb? Audit Bum?? of Circulation?
THURSDAY. MARCH 25, 1920.
OifTKYl and published daily by New York Tribune
Inc. a Kan? York Corporation. Ogden KtMd, I*r**|.
?'?nt: O. Vornor Rogers, VI?**-P**i!??Wont : Helen
Rocera ZMd. tVcretary; It. K. Ma.tleld. Treasurer.
Address, Tribun? Bullding, 134 >'_.?__ Slreet, Naw
York. Telephone. Beekmaa 3000.
RrB8?3B*?J***riOX RATES?By watt. Including
routa?*. IN THE UNITED . STATES AND
CANADA. '
fina SI? On?
Yaar. Months. Month.
Dally and Sunday.. .?11.00 ??.00 $1.00
Dailr only . so? 4.00 ?T.
Sunday only . 4.00 2.00 .40
Sunday only, Canada. 6.00 3.-3 .6?
FOREIGN BATES
nally and Sunday.II4.M $-i?3- ?-.?#
I'sJly only . ir.4? ?.TO 1.45
*unday only . 0.75 -.1- ?-?
?enterad a: tba Post?*-.?** at Nes- York a? Seeon?.
Claja Mail Matter
GUARANTY
Vau earn purchase merchandise advertised In THE
TSI0UNK with absolute safety?fer It dl?iatl?t_e
tie* results la cav case THE TRIBUNE luaraiitaaa
ta pay yeur money back upon request. Na red tape.
Ne quibbling. Wa make ?joed ?remit??, It the
adrertlier dee? net.
MEMBER OF THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Th? Au?viatr?l Pre*.' ifi exdustrely cmiilixl to the
n?M for repubUr-tlon of all news dtspatrhes credlte?_
lo it or not other-ine oredit<?d In this papar and
?lea the loral news of spoutaneous origin published
herein.
All rlfhta of republ?ration of all other matter
herein also arm reserred.
Money in Politics
Once more the public is sought to
be cajoled by the demagogic parti?
sanship which is not disturbed when
a Cleveland H. Dodge spends money
to promote a candidacy in which he
patriotically believes, but is alarmed
when others open their purses to
promote a candidacy irr which they
patriotically believe. Regularly, as
often as a campaign comes, there is
a re-parade of a familiar bugaboo.
It should be possible to consider
the question of campaign funds with j
common i-ense, reasonable con- j
sistency and avoidance of prejudice.
Money is used, and legitimately
used, by every known political
organization; not only by Republi-j
cans and Democrats, but by Social?
ists, prohibitionists, and even by
the organizations which campaign
against the use of money.
We have government by public
? pinion, and this implies propaganda
fur ideas and men who represent
ideas. Democracy would scarcely j
function if there was not some j
measure of acceleration, direct or
indirect. Take our neighbor The
World, for example. Its co-Ters are
tilled by the contributions ?? many
thousands who contribute on the im?
plied understanding that it will sup?
port Democratic policies and can
??dacies. It will probably alone ex?
pend this year in political propa?
ganda more than the Wood commit?
tee will expend in the entire nation.
Nothing wrong is in this. On the !
contrary, the effect is wholesome !
and in no wise corrupting.
In recent years it has become !
more than ever necessary for those j
who would have popular rule to j
pass the collection box. The primary
has come in, and the primary means
the holding of meetings, the circula?
tion of pamphlets and appeals, the
employment of large clerical forces,
etc. This makes the going hard for
candidacies not able to attract cheer?
ful givers. But we can't have the
primary and escape the defects of
its merits.
ty'-hen there is little or no popular
participation in delegate selection,
and the bosses select those who are ;
to attend conventions and say how ?
they shall be voted, there is little ex?
pense. But will- any one say the
cheap convention is less corrupt than
the costly primary? Many of those
who pretend to be shocked over the
expenditures now incident to political
agitation are really maneuvring to
get back the old hand-picked con?
vention.1 The sinister employment
of money in politics was more com?
mon under the old system than it is
under the new.
A drastic prohibition of campaign i
-funds means a denial of a right to
appeal to the people, and such de?
nial, of course, means the negation
of popular rule. What is of con- !
cern is not what, money is spent, but
what the money goes for. As to
this, restriction cannot be too severe.
But when legislation is based on
the idea that the people are not to
be consulted there is generally be?
fore us a compound of hypocrisy
and of a desire to keep the rank
and file out of the consultation.
Stymied
The treaty's failure has left the :
candidacies for the Democratic
Presidential nomination in a limp !
condition. President Wilson still
carefully avoids announcing his in?
tentions. In view of this silence the
words of the Jackson Day letter,
suggesting "a great and solemn j
referendum," are melancholy read-1
ing for Democratic aspirants.
Reperused, they seem to imply
that the President long has had in
mind to run again and that he pre?
vented the treaty's ratification to
hsve an issue whereof he might
claim to be tho natural leader.
Otherwise why did he defeat ratifi?
cation? The interrogatory is a poser.
If there is to be a referendum,
who oth?*r than the President is
available as a candidate? Mr. Bryan
and Mr. Hoover have openly fa?
vored ratification with the Lodge
reservations. Mr. Palmer, although
prepared to jump either way, ha?
rather agreed with Mr. Lansing.
Mr. McAdoo has not openly taken ,'
sides, but that he has not must be
construed as showing non-agreement
with his father-in-law. Mr. Hitch
cock has been too slavish to lead a
referendum or anything else. About
the only Democratic figure discover?
able that the White House could.be
expected to trust is the redoubtable
Jim Ham Lewis, of Illinois. Jim
Ham, it will be recalled, was the
author o? the "blank check" resolu?
tion, which declared, whatever policy
the President upheld or opposed,
that the Senate was with him.
Moreover, the President, with re?
spect to foreign relations, still has
a strangle hold on his party. What?
ever is done to terminate the state
of war with Germany, he is the agent
through whom an accommodation,
temporary or permanent, must be
effected. He can veto any policy he
does not like. His pigeonhole is a
large one, and no way exists to pre?
vent him filling it.
Should the Democratic National
Convention in June adopt a platform
or name a candidate displeasing to
him, he would scarcely be more re?
spectful to the convention than he
has been to Congress. He easily
could make the Democratic cam?
paign ridiculous.
No evidence is at hand indicating
that the President has grown less
i arrogant and combative or less sure
j that he is the only man in the world
I who thinks and feels rightly. His
| sense of duty will forbid a lending
I of his mantle or a turning over of
] his weapons to any one while he re
i mains in office. What are conven?
tions and their declarations to him?
By his tactics the President,
whether intentionally or not, has
stymied all the open aspirants for
the Democratic nomination. They
must wait for a movement from
him. That movement hasn't come.
Until it does come there will be but
one overshadowing Democratic can?
didate.
While the treaty was before the
Senate Mr. Tumulty told the cor?
respondents that the President re?
frained from saying ho would fol?
low the precedent of Washington, ;
Jefferson and Jackson, because if he ,
did he'would lose influence; that'
there would be turning from a set-1
ting sun to greet a rising one. But I
the emergency has passed and yet i
his taciturnity is even more stony
than before. No wonder there is
jumpy nervousness among Demo- j
cratic leaders.
Future Profit-Sharing
In his address before the Boston
Chamber of Commerce in support of
the recommendations of the Indus- j
trial Conference, of which he is a
member, Mr. Hoover spoke strongly
and clearly.
The best hope for the future is in
the development of a greater sense of
the mutuality of the relation between !
employer and employed. Destructive
agitators have long seen that their
propaganda stood little chance of |
acceptance unless they could con- j
vince workingmen that there was an i
inherent and ' unescapable collision
of interest between employer and em?
ployed. Hence the insistent preach?
ing of the class war and the over?
emphasis of the points with respect
to which there is opposition of in?
terest.
It is time to meet in a thorough
way the propaganda for half the
truth by a propaganda for the whole
truth] With respect to the distribu
tion of the products of industry
Workers stand on one side and the
management and the owners on the !
other, and collective bargaining is
necessary to secure profit-sharing to
the more numerous and hence less
naturally cohesive element. On the
other hand, with respect to the more
important matter of production,
there is complete mutuality of in?
terest, and both sides are concerned
in removing all practices and rules
that diminish production.
Whatever abstract arguments may j
be brought forward in behalf of com
pulsory arbitration?perhaps to be
used in emergencies when there is
threat against the supply of a prime
necessary of life?it is doubtful if
our freedom-loving people will ever i
surrender to courts the right to
decree wages. In the past when such
schemes have been tried they have
never worked well. Acceleration of
production by joint efforts and the
free right of men to combine to secure
their share of profits?along these
lines there is certainty of progress.
The Pure Patrolman
If anybody is going to be the cen?
sor of our morals in literature we i
suppose it might as well be Patrol- j
man John p. Pooler, of our ingenious
vice squad. Was it by virtue of j
some such "Florodora" logic thtit
Commissioner Enright and Inspector I
Daly hit upon this diverting method j
of protecting the pure of heart? j
Perish the thought! We accept the j
view that Patrolman John P. Pooler ?
was chosen for this extraordinary ;
task for especial and extraordinary
qualifications.
But conceding this on behalf of
the pure of heart, we think a doubt
arises deserving of an answer. Just
what sort of heart has Patrolman
John P. Pooler? Is he peculiarly
i pure of heart? Or is he just av?
erage pure? And assuming the lat?
ter as the fair proposition and con- '
ceding that Commissioner Enright
and Inspector Daly have acted only ;
after the carefullest Bertillon meas-1
urements of John P.'s purity, just i
where has this paragon of a police?
man been kept?
Has he been exposed to grand
opera, for instance? How does he
react to "Aphrodite"? We hesitate
to mention such things in his pres?
ence, but just what are his qualifica?
tions as a barometer of vice? What
is his blushing point, anyway?
These are personal questions, but if
censorship is to be made a personal
matter we think they deserve an
answer, and from John P. himself.
Wood Gets Another State
The plurality for Wood in South
Dakota is not as large as his en?
thusiastic friends predicted, but in
view of the vigor of the campaign
waged against him and the team
work done by his opponents his com?
mittee seems to have no cause for
complaint.
In Governor Lowden General Wood
faced a Middle Western candidate
whose life has been passed in Iowa
and Illinois, states which have
largely populated South Dakota, and
in Senator Johnson he encountered
the country's most powerful stump
speaker, affectionately regarded in
South Dakota not merely on account
of his own merits but as the run?
ning mate of Theodore Roosevelt.
Three states have now made pri?
mary expressions?New Hampshire,
in the East, and Minnesota and
South Dakota, in the West. All
three have declared for General
Wood, and this coincidence of opin?
ion can hardly fail to have effect in
other states soon to hold primaries.
The drift toward General Wood is
likely to continue as long as he is
the only candidate who can claim to
be national and not local in his ap?
peal.
Governor Holcomb's Duty
The action of the Republican State
Convention of Connecticut in adopt?
ing by a practically unanimous vote
a resolution calling upon Governor j
Holcomb to summon the state Legis?
lature in special session to ratify the
suffrage amendment is significant
and impressive. We cannot believe
that the Governor will ignore this
solemn demand by his party. The
point has been raised that no
?emergency exists warranting a spe?
cial session. But surely the possi?
bility of enabling one-half of the
State of Connecticut to vote in the
coming Presidential election, instead j
of waiting four years, creates an
emergency of the largest moment to
the state.
It may be argued that Delaware
will ratify, and its ratification will
give women the vote at once
throughout the country. Very prob?
ably Delaware will ratify, despite I
the early opposition that has (level- ?
oped in the Delaware Legislature, i
Delaware is a Republican state; its ;
Legislature is Republican; if it
should defeat suffrage it would have |
the unenviable distinction of being ?
the only Republican state in the
country to take this reactionary
stand. We cannot believe that her
legislators will so resolve.
But, whatever Delaware may de?
cide, the duty upon Connecticut is j
still urgent. From a purely legal
point of view there is a possibility, j
slender but to be considered, that the i
votes of West Virginia and Ohio
may be challenged or their effect de- j
layed. It is absurd that this splen?
did grant of freedom should be
handed out in a dubious or niggardly
fashion. The vote of Connecticut
should be added to the other Repub?
lican states to make assurance
doubly sure; Vermont should sign
the roll for the same reason.
We have every respect for Gover?
nor Holcomb's scruples in the mat?
ter. But we think the facts and the
logic are increasingly against him.
A true emergency has developed
which demands that he reverse his
decision. He has no constitutional
responsibility for such action as the j
state Legislature may take?to the j
legislators alone is given the power
to ratify or reject the amendment.
Governor Holcomb's duty is ended j
when he calls the legislators in spe
cial session. We hope confidently |
that he will see his way to do so at
once in response to the overwhelm- j
ing demand of his party's convention I
and in justice to the women of Con- !
necticut and the nation.
A Hungarian Nightmare
Since his accession to power!
Admiral Horthy, now chosen regent
of Hungary by a National Assembly '
which owes its election to fraud and j
terrorism unparalleled even in Hun- !
gary, made no secret of his belief j
that the best?or rather only?way
to reconstruct Hungary is to recon?
struct a powerful Hungarian army,
and then to wait for the opportunity j
to strike.
Now comes a report from Vienna
which shows Horthy works on his I
plan. According to this report, he j
has proposed to "an Allied power" |
to raise a Magyar army of 100,000, j
to be completely armed and equipped
by the Allied power in question, and \
to be given a mandate to march!
against Soviet Russia. Moreover,
the command of the Polish and,
eventually, of the Rumanian army
is also to be given to Hungary in ,
this anti-Bolshevik expedition.
The idea that the Allies, or one
of them, should arm and equip the
army of the most stubborn of their i
enemies is crazy enough; that a \
Hungary reduced to 10,000,000 in-I
habitants and exhausted and im?
poverished beyond measure should
take up the struggle against a "Red"
Russia of ten times that population
is crazier. But listen to what fol?
lows: In recognition of her "serv?
ices," the Allied power in question
is to support Hungary's claim for
the revision of her frontiers at the
expense of Czecho-Slovakia, Jugo?
slavia and Rumania; is not to
oppose the restoration of the mon?
archy, and is to give Hungary a
big loan, besides sundry other con?
cessions.
The scheme is transparent enough.
Of course, Admiral Horthy would
never dream of attacking Russia.
What Admiral Horthy dreams of is
waging war on ??becho-Slovakia and
Jugo-Slavia and on Rumania, if the
latter cannot be bought as an ally.
The project is a reminder of the
danger that lurks in underesti?
mating the Magyar imperialists'
power for evil in Europe. The ter?
rorists, upstarts and gamblers who
to-day rule at Budapest will stop
short of nothing in pursuance of
their plans of revenge and land
grabbing. Because they ar? thought
weak they are able to operate in
the dark and are as dangerous as
the surviving militarists of Ger?
many.
Sympathy for Britain
The Senate's Irish Reservation Stirs
Counter Attack
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Decent Americans who have at
heart the best interests of their coun?
try must regard the recent action of
the Senate on the Irish question with
deepest concern and regret. The resolu?
tion approving the claims of Ireland to
self-determination was not only a grave
! political blunder, it was a piece of im
i pertinent, ignorant meddling with the
| affairs of a friendly nation which, after
j all that we have said and written of the
I necessity of a close friendship between
tHl? two great English speaking peoples,
will make us look like monsters of hy?
pocrisy.
All well informed and unprejudiced
Americans know, or ought to know, that
England is now passing through one of
the most critical stages in her history.
Staggering under an enormous war debt,
confronted by labor and industrial prob?
lems of the utmost complexity, she has
the still heavier burden thrust upon her
of having to deal with several millions
of truculent Irish subjects on Ihe verge
of open rebellion. It would have been
much more to the point and more credit?
able to our charity and intelligence if
the Senate had passed a a resolution of
sympathy for the British Empire!
It cannot be urijed in extenuation of
the Senate's offense that this regret?
table motion was introduced for the
purpose of insuring the defeat of the
treaty. Indeed, this excuse only agirra
vates tho offense; for it at once con?
demns the Gerry resolution as a piece
c'-f insincere and sordid political chican?
ery, more in keeping with the grubby
activities of a gang of ward politicians
than the deliberations of a national'
Senate. It is to be hoped that England
will overlook this affront as nothing ?
more than the climax of a pitiful Sena?
torini farce, and not as in any way re?
flecting the views of genuine Ameri?
cans. AMERICAN.
New York, March 19, 1920.
"Even in Boston"
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: In an editorial this morning you
say, "Even in Boston tllvy have a list j
of Ihe stations in the car." Not only '
a list, but a revolving list, so that one ;
can see what, the next station will be
and not have to rely on an unintelli
gible roar by the guard. !
"Even in Boston," too, there is a life- ?
saving method of getting out at the
center doors and on at the end doors,
so one isn't jammed back into the car
when one is trying to leave it.
"Even in Boston" they have revolving
illuminated signs on the platforms show?
ing where the incoming train is going,
which makes traveling and living easier
"even in Boston." T. S. M.
New York, March 22, 1920.
An Advocate of Censorship j
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Permit me to register a strong
protest against your editorial this morn- i
ing on "No Censorship on Education."
Did the disclosures of The Tribune, t
a few months ago, as to the method and
propaganda of the "Sunday schools" of
the Rand School lead to the conclusion
that "orderly and legal methods" were .
the reason for its existence? "Naturally,
they are more attractive and carry fur- i
ther than violence; hence their intro- ?
duction, to delude "broad-minded" con?
servatives (!) who crop out quite fre?
quently on the editorial page of The
Tribune and cause us older Americans
to wonder where we ai-c at when ?Saul :
also is among the prophets.
IDA E. WHITE.
New York. March 22, 1920.
We Are Shot Full of Holes
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Your "Backward, Christian Sol?
diers" editorial in this a. m. paper can
be shot so full of holes it would be
destroyed, and it would take the con?
sideration of only one paragraph to do
it. The paragraph in question is the one
referring to the effect of such legisla?
tion in England. England to-day Is
nearly in the control of radical, pas- I
sionate labor leaders and is threatened !
very seriously with a soviet government, I
mostly the result of such legislation. I j
am disappointed at the attitude of yoyr j
paper as shown by such views.
J. C. P.
New York, March 23, 1920.
True Perseverance
(From The. Cleveland Plain Dealer)
Keeping everlastingly at it bring.
success. If at first you don't succeed,
try, try again. But how few of us livo
by these noble recipes, as does the l
Iowa woman who has been married and
divorced thirteen times and is about !
to remarry.
The Conning Tower
TIS 8IXTY YEARS SINCE
The other day I met Elnathan Cobb.
"So-So," the old man said. "I've just
been down
To gefr my paper. Three days out of five
Thoso dratted mail-clerks take the
papers on
To Canaan or to Sheffield or some place,
Then send them down upon the four
o'clock,
And wo don't get them until almost
night.
They're wearing watch-chnrms bjg as
goose-eggs now
And fancy socks. Jit's no use to com?
plain.
Nobody dares say 'boo': their votes all
count.
They do just what they please. Why
should they care
Whether we hayseeds get the news or
not?
When I hear folks like them make con?
stant fuss
About their wrongs and rights, I some?
times think
How I was sexton of the First Church
here,
In the late fifties, right before the war.
I swept the building out and built the
fi res ;
Cleaned, filled and lit the lamps and
rang the bell.
I never missed a service. I received
Five dollars yearly. Abner Estabrook,
The senior deacon, after meeting once
Called me aside, out in the entryway.
I wondered what was up. 'Bub,' Abner
said,
'Does the committee pay you welt
enough?'
'Yes, sir,' I said. (Oh, he was pretty
smooth,
Was Abner! 1 'Well, then, don't you
think,' said he?
He really meant it, too? 'that you can
spare v
Something for foreign missions?' Yes,
he did."
"And so, of course, you gave your bit?"
I laughed.
"What," asked Elnathan Cobb, "do you
suppose
Abner would say If he came back to?
day?" G. S. B.
Nobody begrudges paying exorbitant
rent more than we do; but we still do
not see why landlords should be ex?
pected to be the only non-profiteers.
Even if the landlord slips the rent bill
under the door at midnight of the last
day of the month; and sends the re?
ceipted bill three weeks after it has
been paid.
If you are a tenant paying, say,
$2,500 a year for an apartment and
you could get it for $10 a year, would
you sign a lease? And if you were a
landlord getting $3,500 a year for an
apartment that would give you a decent
profit at $1,200 a year, would you, if
you could get it, charge $4,000 for it?
And if you were a member of the so- I
called human race, would you continue j
to bo astonished at every evidence of j
greed ?
Harbinger Stuff
[From the Stamford, Conn., Advocate]
Having slipped on the ice, early this
morning, at Spring and Summer streets, !
Clarence June, of 32 Fourth Street, is at
his home with a fractured left leg.
Although, as the proofroom pointed j
out to us, our paragraph about the
transitive use of "out" was founded on !
our misreading the head "German Labor
Forces Out Noske" (the labor forces
not having ousted him, hut German ;
labor having forced him outi, we hold!
that "out" still is a better word than '
"oust." And when we own a newspaper
we shall out "oust."
"Cut Flowers"
From: Observer. Metropolitan District.
To: C. O. Conning Tower, N. Y. Tribune,
N. Y.
Subject : Commercial Candor.
1. In compliance with verbal instructions,
report herewith observance of sign in floral
window, Bloomlngdale Bros., New York
City.
SPECIAL ANNOUNCEMENT
ALL FLOWERS HAVE BEEN REDUCED
100% FROM FORMER HIGH PRICES.
2. Use your own head.
GIT..
It was Mabel Hubert Urner herself J
who used " 'Oh, I hope it's no "one to
call!' anxiouscd Warren."
Another entrant for the Eleanor flallo
well Abbott cup is Leigh Gordon Gilt
ner, whose "The Broadway Bubble," in
"Young's Magazine" for April, contains
" 'But this is different,' palliated Land
reth"; "'I'm not expecting any one,
Leo,' she burbled." "But the chorus,
Leo,' faltered Adrienne"; and " 'You're
an Angel, Leo,' Adrienne bubbled."
Ruminate on This
Sir: All Conning Tower readers who hav? j
lost pennies in the subway and elevated slot
machines should take the matter up with
us instead of complaining to you.
We know perfectly well that no C. T. r.
gets sore at losing a cent when once in a
great while a machine fails to function, j
Oh. no. It is the idea of the thing. When ?
a feller needs a piece of gum, and has only '
a cent, it's tough when the old standby goes i
back on him.
Here is our suggestion : Let each loser
buy a postcard. Write on it the stations
where losses occurred. Total amount. Ad?
dress card to LISTERATED GUM COR- !
PORATION, 39 Park Place. Then wait i
for results.
I.lHTBIUTED C.?M CoSPOEATlOX.
It is suggested by P. A. K. that cal- !
ligraphers in need of practice might
make out checks to the organized Down i
Town Workers of the International !
Federation of Hotel and Kestaurant
Workers.
At the Theda Bara show they might,
of course, play the Overture to "Vampa."
Doubtless M. Georges Carpentier is an
engaging young man of himself, but it
is, we believe, Jack Dempsey that invests I
Carpentier with enormous added charm. ?
Nicky Arnstein is so little a news ?
story these days that his press clipping
bill must be the least of his expenses. j
Mr. William H. Anderson will now i
sing "A Spanish Cuvillier is strong for J
wine and beer."
r.p.a. j
The New Problem
By Frank H. Simonds
However obscure the German situa?
tion remains?and, with the mistakes
tho outside world made in the case of
Russia fresh in mind, easy and quick
generalizations should be taboo?it is
at least cloar that the upheaval is
almost certain to put a new strain
upon the international association,
which still operates in the names of
the victors of the World War and
through the machinery of the league
of nations.
Actually, Great Britain, France and
Italy are all that is left of the Paris
Conference. Upon them must devolve
tho task of formulating a policy in
the presence of the newest German
revolution, but at no moment since the
war broke have the three nations been
as separated by new, as well as old
rivalries and jealousies and by totally
conflicting national interests.
British Policy' Obvious
In the present situation British
policy is obvious. A strong Germany
has no terrors for Britain, now that
the German war fleet has been de?
stroyed, the commercial fleet seized
and the German colonies are in Brit?
ish hands. British interests would
thus be best served by the restoration
of order in Germany and by a meas
ureable success of the conservative
elements. Had Kapp been successful
he would have enlisted quite as much
British symypathy as have Korniloff,
Denikine, and Kolchak in the case of
Russia.
In nn economically restored Ger?
many the British would find their best
? customer now, as in the past, while a
I decisive defeat for the socialistic ele?
ments would, on the whole, fall best,
with the views of those now ruling
England. But all restoration in Ger?
many is conditioned on a degree of eco?
nomic assistance from without and not
impossibly upon a drastic modification
of the terms of the Treaty of Ver?
sailles. ?Such modification could only
be obtained at the expense of France
and Poland and would naturally take
the form of a reduction of the sums
to be paid by Germany to France in
the shape of reparations and of a simi?
lar reduction of the, territorial claims
of both Fj-ance and Poland, notably in
! the Sarro Basin and in Upper ?Sileaia.
! Added to this might be demand for a
? surrender by France of the right of
veto, preventing ?Austria from joining
with Germany.
Italy's Self-interest
Italy's policy is not less patently
predicted upon self-interest. Italy has
acquired by the peace settlements all
of her old Irredenta, the crest of the
Alps at the Brenner Pass, which she
never claimed openly. The collapse of
the Hapsburg monarchy has removed
her heriditary enemy and if her dis
pute with the Jugo-Slavs remains un?
settled, she can afford to wait a more
favorable moment for final adjudica?
tion. Italian policy now seeks to avoid
a reconstitution of Austria-Hungary,
which would revive old dangers, there?
fore the fusion between Austria and
Germany is approved by her. She
seeks to reduce the ?Slav influence in
Eugrcpe. which is a bond of sympathy
between herself and Germany, whose
Polish and Czech neighbors are equally
hateful to the German.
Thus, Italy can well see the restora?
tion of Germany without misgivings.
A common anti-Slav policy will unite
both. Beyond this Italy is seeking
desperately to counter the influence
temporarily ?rained by France on the
('ontinent as a result of the collapse
of Germany. To this end she is ron
structing an alliance of the Hun?
garians, Rumanians und Bulgarians to '
balance the alliance of France and the
three Slav states of Poland, Czecho- j
Slovakia and Jugo-Slavia. Instinctive?
ly the Italian and Frenchman are
rivals, and recent events have accentu?
ated the old bitterness.
It results, therefore, that Britain
and Italy, each serving its own legiti
Hyphenated Parades
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: In regard to the St. Patrick j
parade I believe Mrs. Mary Bisseil i
is mistaken in assuming- that The |
Tribune's correspondent objects to it
because it is a parade. I believe he
expressed the objection of every Ameri?
can to it because it is a demonstration
of that hyphenism which has in recent i
years been shown to be the worst foe '
of our hopes for a nation of united and ?
loyal citizens. We object to hyphen- !
Jsm, whether it be Irish, German, Rus- I
sian, English, French, Italian or any- '
thing else. In watching a St. Patrick's
parade one is impressed with the fact
that the paraders are marching as
Irishmen first and, perhaps, as Ameri?
cans afterward.
Why don't we have an annual parade I
of Englishmen on the King's birthday, '
bearing the British colors? Why not!
an annual parade of Frenchmen, carry- '
ing the tricolor, to celebrate France's !
national birthday? Why not similar I
parades every year to celebrate the
special holidays of all the nations of j
the earth whose people have sought*
refuge and liberty here, and so keep j
alive amonu the people of our land the ?
Old World traditions of separation and i
antagonism? j
If the marchers in the St. Patrick I
parade seek an opportunity to express'
patriotism and devotion to the only j
country to which they truly owe it (if
they have taken the oath of allegiance
or have had the good fortune to be
citizens by birth), they can find that
opportunity on the Fourth of July.
As to Mrs. Bissell's remark about
the parades of the Elks and Masons by !
which one is sometimes inconvenienced,!
I hold no brief for them, but on the !
very few occasions when I have seen !
them march it has seemed to me that ?
they marched as Americans, and as j
Americans only. G. E. JULIAN.
?New York, March 23, 1920.
mate but not less manifest national
?elf-interest, will agree in all under?
takings designed to restore Germany
and specifically in all efforts to modify
the Treaty of Versailles to this end.
But the French, on the contrary, have
not gained the security as a result of
the war which the British gained by
the destruction of the German fleet and
the annexation of the German colonies,
or the Italians acquired as a result of
the recognition of their demands to
carry their frontiers to the summit of
the Alps. Moreover, while neither
Italy nor Great Britain has any ma?
terial claim upon Germany for repara?
tion, the French claims are enormous,
and if they are not honored the repudi?
ation may prove the prelude to French
bankruptcy.
France thus sees her recent allies
now becoming the champions of her
traditional enemy. She realised that
the British and the Italians have de?
rived far greater security than has she
from the war, absolute security, in
fact, and are now joining in a demand
that Germany be made more powerful
! by the addition of German Austria,
while France and her necessary ally,
Poland, are made weaker both on the
I financial and the territorial side,
?through concessions demanded in the
name of European stability and gen?
eral economic reorganization.
Our American Mistake
America, naturally more open to
British than to French opinion, as a
i result of the common language, has for
many months been filled with the vari?
ous expressions of the British view, of
I which the Keynes book was one example
j of unconscious, but not less potent
propaganda. But the French view has
I been very little explained and, a? a
'. result very little understood. There has
been a tendency to see in the French
position a deliberate purpose to prevent
German rehabilitation and to insist upon
continued plunder of defenseless Ger?
many. Yet the truth is quite otherwise.
What the French have objected to, what
j the British has advocated and the Ital
| ians have approved of, is not merely the
i rehabilitation of Germany, but the re
! storation of Germany at the expense of
: France and without cost to themselves,
| that is to the British and the Italians.
I Xow the German revolution has given
new opportunity for the urging of these
i Anglo-Italian policies, and there is every
, evidence that new disputes and fresh
? difficulties are in sight. Yet, whatever
! else may be the American view, it is at
least essential to perceive that France,
with more dead in the war than Italy
? and Britain combined, with far greater
I losses due to enemy destruction, now
finds herself called upon by* her recent
allies, both of whom have obtained their
i maximum of security and profit out of
! the common victory, to ?surrender mate
; rial circumstances in her far less de?
cisive gains to an undertaking sure to
be of profit to Britain and Italy, but
not less certain to lessen French indem?
nity and .perhaps abolish French se?
curity.
France United
French resistance to Anglo-Italian
j pressure will be the more determined
| because the present French Ministry,
far more than the British or the Italian,
! possesses a national mandate for its
policy. Indeed the suspicion that the
Millerand cabinet was planning to make
concessions would bring it down in?
stantly, while its advocacy of national
interests, its defense of what the whole
nation regards as French rights, will
fortify its position in a Parliament in
which there is no real minority, so far
as international issues are concerned.
Not even in the great crises of the war
was France more united or more deter?
mined than to-day, when she feels her?
self in the presence of new dangers,
when she feels that the legitimate fruits
of the victory won at such terrible cost
are being snatched from her hands.
(Copyright, 1929. by th's UcClure Newspaper '
Syndicate)
If Women Are Grateful
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Certain Hoover enthusiasts are
sending to the women voters of this j
country a letter urging the claim of
their candidate upon the gratitude of
American women. This claim cannot
be questioned. Both the women and the .
men of the United States should be
grateful to him for the honor be con- :
ferred upon our nation by his splendid
and efficient administration of the of- i
fices he was called upon to perform in I
the interests of humanity during the
war.
But the gratitude due Mr. Hoover
from American women is not equal to
that which is justly his from Belgian
or French or Armenian women. He was,
through force of circumstances, more i
of a benefactor to foreign peoples than ?
to his own a statement that in no
way detracts from the high regard in
which his compatriots so justly hold ?
him.
But the fact is that the one living
American to whom the gratitude of
American women belongs, above all
other of our public men, is Leonard
Wood. Had it not been for his fore- i
sight, his courageous insistence upon j
preparedness, hi? Plattsburg system,
giving us barely enough trained officers
to handle our overseas army, and his
willingness to jeopardize his profes- !
sional career for the sake of our safe-|
ty, the women of this country might !
have met the fate that overtook the
women of Belgium and of the parts of
France conquered by the German?.
Gratitude is a child of justice, and
would be unworthy of its parent if not
extended in these days by American
women to the one man of our country
to whom they owe the greatest debt of :
thanks. FREDERICK E. MOORE.
New York, March 22, 1920.
In Parched Lands
i From Ths San Francisco Bullet,n)
Russia turned from drink to Bolshe?
vism?America, in her thirst, turns to
the oui ja board.
Safety First
The Effects of Americaniza.
tion in Coal Mine?
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: You had a very interesting eft,
torial on "Safety First" American??,
tion of coal mines in a recent inn
I wonder if the statistics g0 f,F
enough into the question o? langa??
and accidents to determine the percer*'
age figures in each class of mine l?bo
Roughly speaking, there are from ft
to 125 so-called company men at i
operation for each J00 coal loader**!
This includes the force that handle,
the coal after the miner has loaded;
into the mine car and until it is dumped
into the railroad car, including Mj,e.
intendenta, foremen, assistants, ingpec
tors, mwiing engineers, fire &,??,
timbermen, shot firers, machine ron'
ners, drill runners, helpers, motormec,
brakemen, drivers, trackmen, bondner,
electricians, engineers, firemen, tipp??.'
men, greasers, ?late pickers, car trim,
mers, sistemen, trappers, sub-iUtica
operators, tallymen, timekeepers, weith
men and a multitude of others.
All these various classes come nnsV
the heading of "mine labor," and v?*
none of these are actually "mine?''
that is, coal loaders. A very consider?
able number never go underground.
These facts also explain why th?
total labor cost of mining coal ij $,
much higher than the rate paid per tor
to miners for digging it. As a farther
| light on costs I may add that in the
: mines alluded to in this letter ? tt
j duction of slightly more than a third
j in monthly output, due to failure o'
| railroad car supply, increased the ?c
I tual cost of production per ton over l"
per cent with exact.y the same rates
j of wages in effect during both monthi
I believe statistics will show a much
j larger proportion of Americas? on ?>
I called company work than as coa:
loaders, and the risks on the whole ar?
less in company work than at coal load?
ing. It mi-rht be of interest to you to
consider the accident report of a cors
pany operating ten mines, producir*
in the month for which these figure?
are given 200,000'tons of coal and em?
ploying about 2,000 men:
Fatal accidents . f,
Serious accidents .)' j
Slight accidents .??! U
The company operates in a sUt*
where there is a workmen's compenis
tion law, and the line between "ser?
ous" and "slight" is drawn in this *??*,
Accidents causing enough time to be
lost to secure compensation, "serious".
others, "slight."
PROPORTION OF EMPLOYEES ESTI?
MATED
PiTfWt
i American, white . 50
j American, colored . 25
Foreign . . 25
NUMBER OF ACCIDENTS
?American, white .15. or?'?
| American, colored . 6. or 23"
: Foreign . 5, or 2(T0
Slight. Serious. Tot?!.
I Accidents due to opera
I tion of mines. 0 K 1"
? Accidents due to other
i employment . ? 4 ?
This would seem to disprove the ar
j guments in your editorial, did one not
| know the fact that far too large n pro
; portion of the Americans in the sec
? tion of the country in which the.?*?
i mines are located can neither read nor
write. Ignorance is as much in neeo
of "Americanization" as are foreigner!
The company provides good schools, and
the attendance of the children of for
eigners is excellent, much better than
the attendance of the children of the
illiterate Americans.
CAUSE OF ACCIDENTS
Cause. Slight. Seriom
Slate falls . -t J
Handling slate . " (I
Replacing derailed mine car;. . 1
Coal fall. ?' !
Coupling and uncoupling car? !
Stepp.-d on nail . 1 *
Ran needle in thumb. 1
Kell from mine car. 1 I
Driving spike . 1 ?
Tightening nut . I '
Outtincr down tree. *\
Foot caught in switch le\er. ... 1 '
Jumped from moving motor
truck'. 0 1
Fell from truck while loading
hay . D 1
Hurt foot under Kate mine car 0 1
Fall of prop under house. " '
Totals . M ?
Clearly caused by carelessness. U '
Unpreventable or doubtful.... * d
Employment?Coal loaders. 11 ; brak***
5 ; assistant foreman, contractor, night b?w.
machine runner, helper, tippleman. laborer
drayman, etone mason and shop repair m?"*
1 each.
BITUMINOUS.
New York, March 20, 1920.
Let Schools Americanize
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: In The New York Tribune ?f
Friday, March 19, appears an editori?.
entitled "Safety First" Americaniw
tion.
It is indeed true that the casualty
rate among aliens is consideraba
higher than among those who speak
and read English. It is also true th?'
there is a jrreat need to cut down our
economic waste of nearly a billion ioi'
lars per year from casualties and th?
education of foreigners will help con?
siderably to do that.
But, inasmuch as numerous safetT
engineers have been called on to
this educational work and, further, '
cause some employers have open ?
plant night schools, we wish to tH
attention to the fact that ?ducation?'
work along those lines is not a func?
tion of safety engineering but of ?
educational system of our country,
the duty rest where it' belongs.
The American Society of Safety En?
gineers heartily indorses Aroencar.it?
tion, but urges that it be carried on o.v
those agencies which were a genii"*
tion ago the bulwark of rep?blica????
?our public schools. On account ?
the changed economic condition?
status of the school teacher ha? b*
lowered through insufficient remunera?
tion to attract capable iMtroetor^.
That is a most lamentable situ?t?"
and every effort should be made to e<?
rect it. Build up again our P?"..
school system. Add to its function?,
necessary, to take care of the grown-^P
children in our midst. Do not ?J*
the safety engineer to undertake *
work which can be accomplished be
in the manner intended by the fo""
ers of our greatest national m?U
o w MOWER*'
tion. Vf "? Jlv^ o-fttf
President American Society of a?1*4'
Engineers.
New York, March 23. 1920. ,