New-York tribune. [volume], March 26, 1920, Page 12, Image 12

About New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
?Ccro$0Tk S?r?btm?
First to Last?the Truth: News?Edi?
torials?-Advertisements
of the Audit Buteau of Circu? allons
FRIDAY, MARCH 26, 1920.
Ownad and publish?! dally by New Turk Tribune
Inc.. a New York Corporation. Ogclen Ueld. l*re*l
?tnt; O. Vcrnor Bofer*. Vice-President; Helort
Ottni Hold. Secret?-?; R. T. Maxtiekl. Treasurer,
Address. Tribune Building, 134 Nassau Street, New
York. Telephone. Beektnan 3000.
SUBSCRIPTION RATES?By wall. Including
r-oet*?*, IK THB VNITKD STATE? AND
CANADA.
One SU One
Year. Mouths. Month.
Dally and Sunday,.$11.00 16.00 $1.00
IHily only . 8.00 4 00 .75
Sunday only . 4.00 2 00 .40
Sunday oaly. Canada. 6 00 S.riS .5&
FOREIGN RATES
Dally and Sunday.$2?00 $13.?0 $2.4?
Dally only _. 17.4? 8.70 1.48
Sunday only . 8.75 5.12 .80
Altered at th? Posloffce at New York a? Second
Hau Mall Matter
GUARANTY
Veil ?as aurehase merchandise advertised In THE
TRIBUNE with absolute safety?for If dissatlsfac
tlar results Is cuv ease THE TRIBUNE guarantees
te say your money back upon request. No red tape.
Ne quibbling. We make good oromatl* It the
afvertlver dees not.
MEMBER OF THIS ASSOCIATED TTtESS
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the
ese for republication of all news dispatches credited
to it or not otherwise credited in th!? paper and
sito the local news of spontaneous origin published
herein.
All right? o.' republication of all other mstter
herein also are reserved.
Ebert's Capitulation
If the news from Germany is cor?
rect, the Ebert government has
agreed to the formation of a private
army to control the western German
industrial districts.
This is not a treaty, but a capitu?
lation. A government which in?
trusts to those not responsible to it
the supreme power is not a govern?
ment.
Particularly is this the case when
those to whom arms are given openly
proclaim their disregard of laws and
elections and advertise their belief
that possession of might creates
right.
Evil days seem ahead of Germany
unless there is repudiation of the
Ebert agreement and a speedy re
establishment of democratic institu?
tions. No doubt can be entertained
of what the followers of L?nine and
Liebknecht will do when they have
weapons and military organizations.
They are not hypocrites, and they
openly disclose their program.
What will the rest of the world
do? Our government, without wail?
ing for developments, characteris?
tically says it does not concern us
whether Germany goes Bolshevist or
not. It is apparently intended that
we shall look on indifferently, no
matter how great the rapine and
plunder. Once we were told Amer?
ica opposed all arbitrary and auto?
cratic governments everywhere. But
there have been second thoughts.
Josephus the Unready
Mr. Daniels's defects as a war?
time Secretary of the Navy were
not made apparent to Admiral Sims
alone. Practically every naval offi?
cer who came into close contact with
the head of the department received
the same impression of indecision
and procrastination.
The testimony of Captain Harris
Laning, assistant in the office of the
chief of operations, is highly illumi?
nating on this point. He says that
whenever a plan or policy was pre?
sented to the Secretary the latter
almost invariably delayed action on
it. It was easier to prepare a sound
plan or policy than to get permission
to carry it out. "This condition
finally became so bad that officers
used every means possible to put,
their plans and policies through
without obtaining the required au?
thority." Even Admiral Benson
labored under this great handicap,
Captain Laning says.
The navy's inaction in the first
months of the war was not due, as
Hie army's was, to conditions beyond
the department's control. It had the
ships and the men. It had been
warned long in advance of the ap?
proach of hostilities. Says Captain
Laning:
"For many months prior to Feb?
ruary 1, 1917, our agents in Germany
were reporting on the situation there.
f They gave us fairly accurate infor
? mation of Germany s intention to
; carry on unrestricted attacks on mer?
chant shipping. But ,tho department
;. even then failed to get the fleet.
- ready for war. . . . On February
.'? 1, 1917, Germany announced her cam?
's paign of unrestricted submarine war
. ? tare. At that time the country prac
I tlcally gave up the hope of averting
war, and certainly then, as never be?
fore, there was the necessity of at
least preparing plans for a war
against Germany. But, although I
was in the office of the chief bf
naval operations and would have
i | known of them, I did not hear of
f . ?ny such plans."
Secretary Daniels was deaf to all
| advice from men who foresaw war
' and knew what it meant. Away
? back in November, 1914, Admiral
? Fiske, then his aide, filed with him
f a memorandum pointing out with
I marvelous clearness the reasons for
C beginning at that time to prepare
I for the contingency of war. Ad
'.?noiral Fiske wrote with prophetic
accuracy :
| "In my opinion, as your professional
I adviser, and in the opinion of every
naval officer with whom I have
?' talked, the United States is in danger
?S of being drawn into war and will
?l continue to be in danger for several
| | years. And when I say war I do not
| mean the kind of war that we had
} with Spain, but a war with u great
I * power, carried on in the same ruth?
less spirit and in the wholesale man
' ' ner as that which pervades the fight
| ? ' ?ng In Europe now."
This important document was
?
^
! pigreoriholed. Later the Secretary
said that he never knew of its ex?
istence. It might as well never have
been written, so far as its effect on
Mr. Daniels'? ideas and policies was
concerned.
The Secretary was, in fact, pacifist
and anti-preparationist in sympathy
up toi the outbreak of the war. He
never got morally ready for the
break with Germany. And his
mental prepossessions and adminis?
trative habits kept the navy from
getting ready.
Mismanaging Hoover
The announcement that headquar?
ter?? will soon be established in
Chicago to promote Mr. Hoover's
nomination by the Republicans em?
phasizes the fact that Mr. Hoover
so far has not been politically well
served. The mistakes of his friends,
their persistent wrong-headedness,
have dimmed bright prospects. Per?
haps it is going too far to say his
chances have been destroyed, for
they may revive during a convention
deadlock, but they have been weak?
ened and valuable time has been lost.
Mr. Hoover has been induced to
overplay the fact that he preferred
to be proposed to rather than to pro?
pose. A purely receptive candidacy
is practically impossible. No Ameri?
can since Washington has been con?
ceded such a luxury. A man who
permits the free use of his name, or
otherwise acts as a candidate com?
monly does, makes himself one.
When he encourages large numbers
of persons to become active in his
behalf he assumes an obligation to
go through unless excellent reasons
to the contrary develop. He can't
play coquette. This isn't fair play?
ing of the game. Mr. Hughes was
immured in a court, but in its later
stages his passivity was artificial.
When receptivity is kept up long it
has a savor of lack of candor. It
seems a mock modesty that borders
on hypocrisy. It is better to be
frank, as was Roosevelt when he said
with a grin, ''My hat's in the ring."
A hearty "yes" or "no," Mr. Hoover.
Equally impossible is the attempt.
to ride at the same time two horses
which are going in contrary direc-'
lions. The complicated political
machinery of the country compels a J
Presidential aspirant to be on one i
ticket or another, or else to seek to
create a new party, as was done in j
1912. By not indicating which of the
regular nominations he would accept,
or even whether he seeks a third, I
Mr. Hoover is put in the position, ?
against his wish, one may assume, of
seeming to say to one party: "If
you don't name me I will take the ;
other nomination," and to both, "If i
neither of you nominate me I will
run independently." No self-respect
ing political organization likes to be ;
browbeaten?is averse to being com
pellet! to accept any one by a club. \
Mr. Hoover was also put in wrong
by the fact that his name was first
conspicuously urged, not by non?
par! isans or by those of no pro?
nounced party affiliation, but by
the country's foremost Democratic
organ. The average man scented a
familiar political trick, tried in
Greeley's case, of seeking to disinte- !
grate opponents. If Mr. Hoover;
could be detached, perhaps he could
be won with ; but if he could not, per?
haps th-n Republicans could be made
?so dissatisfied as to vote Democratic.
To a great number of Americans
Mr. Hoover, both with respect to his
record and to his personal qualities, !
is a most attractive figure. They
like his intelligent progressiveness. i
They believe he is one of tho.se who
see clearly what sort of remedies
must be applied to cure the dis?
tempers of the times. They are will
in??;' to allow much for his non-expert
ness in American political psychol?
ogy?indeed, like him the more for
what may be called his political
greenness.
But the time for him to take the
American people into his confidence
has come. If his mind is not yet
made up he should make it up. The
country is proud of Mr. Hoover, but
neither in his favor nor any one's
else is it disposed to write a blank
check.
Daylight Worth the Bother
There is no question that saving
daylight by cities or zones or states
involves some bother and the risk of
occasional confusion. The plan is
not going to work without effort, as '
did the simple, logical national shift
of clocks used during the war. But
the bother is not great, and the gain
is great. We are sure that every
city dweller or worker will he more
than glad to exercise the little extra
intelligence necessary to meet the
confusion involved in local time.
There is bound to be considerable
temporary confusion in New Jersey
' owing to the inaction of the state
; Legislature. But we presume the
? towns of the commuting district will
: follow Governor Edwards's sound ad
j vice and turn their clocks ahead with
the rest of the metropolitan area.
I Commuters will then experience only
! tho slight and occasional bother
; which comes when a through train
| is to be taken instead of a local.
? Then it will be necessary to remem?
| ber that your watch is an hour ahead
| of railroad time and that the train
; which by the timetable leaves at 1
j o'clock for Boston will actually leave
j at 2 o'clock by your watch. So far
j as local trains are concerned, there
j will be nothing for the commuter to
| remember?except to awake by his
' _f
watch st the hour he has always
awakened and catch his usual train
at the usual hour. This is assuming
that all the railroads will follow the
example of the New York Central
and the New Haven and schedule
their local trains exactly an hour
earlier than before. Of course, the
occasional traveler on a local train,
with no commuting habits to help
him, faces the same problem that
faces the traveler on a through train.
He will have to remember that for?
all trains, local as well as through,
his watch is an hour ahead of the
time shown on the timetable.
The greatest confusion will exist
at the edge of the time zone?across
the state lines. No metropolitan
community has sharply defined
limits, anyway, and it is impossible
for the city communities to use a
local time without making trouble
for some areas. The answer is, of
course, the nation-wide shift made
during the war?with proper pro?
vision in the way of train service for
strictly rural communities to stand
by the old schedule if they desire.
But since this simpler solution baa
been made impossible the present
move is a sensible and practicable
substitute. It should be welcomed
by every one and the large benefits
accepted as an ample reward for the
episodes of mathematical confusion
that may occasionally occur.
A Family of Paradox
The Arnold tribe, intellectually
one of the most distinguished of
modern England, has reveled in the
exhibition of paradoxes, and Mrs.
Humphry Ward lived true to her in?
heritance. One of the chief among
learned English women, she refused
to follow the current of her sex, and
obstinately opposed suffrage and
feminism to the end.
In her first and best book, "Rob?
ert Elsmere," were heats of crea?
tion that fired consciences to their
depths a generation ago. But there?
after Mrs. Ward withdrew within
the shell of her Arnold intellect and
never afain ventured upon an
untrod path. A mind that promised
to be a light and a directing force
among women and her generation
was dissipated upon bypaths of so?
cial fads and conventional fiction.
There were similar contradictions
in the mind and achievement of Mrs.
Ward's distinguished uncle, the great
Matthew. A leader of his time, un- j
questionably, how much further his
influence might have reached had it ?
been warmed by the fires of common
humanity! Yet in denying Matthew I
Arnold this last greatness we must I
remember that for all his conscious
culture and irritating intellectualism i
he wrote lyrics, moving, lilting, beau- j
tiful lyrics, of the first rank. Truly,
only an Arnold could assemble within
one being such contradictory ele?
ments.
For a final mystery there is the
question as to how such descendants
could have issued from the line of
the great and original Thomas of
Rugby, a genius of practical educa?
tion, whose intense humanity was
the outstanding fact of his success.
Will Rents Come Down?
How much will the rent bills re?
duce rents or prevent, them rising?
Will there be an actual saving to
tenants? Will individual bank ac?
counts fatten when the new laws are
enacted?
Or do we confront another Hearst
Hylan campaign for cheaper milk,
which has lightened no domestic bur?
den? Is there another Wili-ion-Palmer
campaign for lessening the H. C. L.,
such as thundered loudly in head?
lines last August? A disillusionized
public hopes for better days, but it is
scarcely prudent to spend the money
our Albany protectors are to save
for us.
The bills are, of course, meritori?
ous in striking at many abuses. They
will make it less easy for landlords
to be arbitrary and oppressive, but
do not promise much to the great
body of tenants, who seldom come
into the courts.
The twelfth bill is the only one of
general significance. This provides
that any increase of more than 25
per cent "in any year is presumptively
unjust, unreasonable, oppressive and
uncollectible. Passing over the legal
question of whether such legislation
will be upheld by the higher courts,
and also over the practical question
of whether the 25 per cent limit at?
taches to an increase which comes at
the end of a three or five year lease
?ignoring these considerations, it
does not appear that the limit, in
most cases, would keep rents down.
Various investigations have shown
that habitation rents in New York
have gone up on1 an average some?
thing like 40 per cent in five years,
or about 8 per cent a year. Land?
lords may not much complain of the
bill or tenants much rejoice over it.
The bills do not go into the prob?
lem of promoting construction ex?
cept by exempting from the state in?
come tax mortgages of $40,000 or
less in the hands of a single indi?
vidual. But until Congress makes a
similar exemption of the nation's
heavier tax the exemption is not
likely to attract much money to
building. In the opinion of many, the
Legislature should go much further
in lessening the fine now levied on
any one who erects a home.
As far as they go the bills are to
be commended, but they do not go
very far. They are not to be dis?
missed as buncombe measures, but
Senator Walters is probably right'
when he says: ?'These bills will not j
affect the average real estate man in j
New York and other cities of the
first class who is and has been act
ing squarely." As most land owners !
are able to show they have not >
pushed up their collections as fast as
other persons, it does not appear
that the bills are to be rated as^
ushering in a tenants' millennium.
The International Mind
If General Wood Hasn't It, So
Much the Worse for Him
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The Leonard Wood national
campaign committee, bo I read in The
Tribune of March 24, has asserted that
a distinct disqualification on the part
of Mr. Herbert Hoover for nomination
to the Presidency lies in the fact that
he "represents essentially the interna?
tional rather than the national point
of view." This is an interesting state?
ment from whatever angle one regards
it; but might it be permitted to an j
earnest seeker after truth, not entirely
content with this portentous designa?
tion, to make bold to ask the Wood
committee for a definition of just what
an international point of view is? The
ominous tone of the utterance would
indicate that it is something, as the
phrase goes, no better than it should
be. And certainly if we are to cast
ardent ballots for General Wood?who,
I infer, has no international point of
view?it is only fitting that we be fur?
ther agreeably enlightened as to what
precisely constitutes Mr. Hoover's
peculiar, acquired state of vision that
so separates him from certain of his
fellows.
I have a somewhat vague, perhaps a
not wholly coherent, notion of what the
national point of view does or, better,
does not compass. The international,
as hinted in the Wood committee's es?
timate of Mr. Hoover's ill advised
range of comprehension, seems to offer
entertaining fields for further infor?
mation. May we not have the humble
satisfaction of their exposition?
I had thought, I see now mistakenly,
that any point of view of a gentleman
engaged in so high and significant a
calling as that which a Presidential
nominee would seem to connote was,
in these troublous times, an interna?
tional one. I had even thought that
the mind which, ostensibly as leader
mind of this nation, should contem?
plate the rich, unassimilated mixture
of races which form the bulk of these
United States would of necessity have
to take on at least a tinge of inter?
national interpretation. Apparently
this is not the case.
The inference is, I take it, that Gen?
eral Wood, however admirably out?
fitted, has no such mental baggage as
this. What is it that Mr. Hoover has
in poignant, contrast to him that, wor?
thy man as we conceive him to be,
should lead ua to eye his "point of
view" with suspicion ? Come, out with '
it, gentlemen! What is it? Let us know i
the worst. What dovil has taken Mr.
Hoover into an exceeding high moun?
tain and shown him all the kingdoms ;
of the earth? EMERY POTTLE.
New York. March 24, 1920.
The Conviction of Newberry
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: To the thoughtful and unpar
tisan citizen the testimony adduced on
the Newberry trial, extending over many
weeks, showing a vast outlay of money, i
all the way from subsidizing the press to
giving gasoline unasked to ministers of
rural churches, is enough to bring the
blush of shame.
To say that Henry Ford had used'
the same tactics during the Senatorial ?
campaign is no justification. In fact, i
'that plea doubles the offense against1
: the corrupt practice act as well as pub
lie decency.
To make the affair even more sinis
; ter is the public statement of New
berry's manager (jointly convicted), in
] which he defies the judge and public
; prosecutor and flouts the law of the
United States.
Have Goldman, Bcrkman or other de
; ported "Reds" ever made any more an?
archistic utterance or done anything
? more calculated to bring the adminis?
tration of justice into contempt?
W.
j Princeton, N. J., March 23, 1920.
The Professional Smuthounds
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Because I am one of those
who care deeply about American art
and letters I write you a note of pro?
test concerning the recent suppres?
sions by the Society for the Suppres?
sion of Vice and the vice department of
the city police of two beautiful ex?
amples of our native letters, Cabell's
"J?rgen" and Hutchins Hapgood's
?"The, Story of a Lover."
The history of American literature
has been a record of tortures, debase?
ments and pitfalls. Commercialism
? and British colonialism of attitude and
: mind have not been the least of these,
but by far the most detrimental influ
: ence has been the stranglehold exerted
on the printed expression of the artist
by Anthony Comstock and his follow?
ing That hold, so pernicious to the
free development of art, seemed to be
slackening not long ago and we seemed
to be coming out into the sunlight. .Rut
j if the Cabell and Hapgood cases mc-ari
?anything, they mean that the profes
j sional "smuthounds" are tightening
I their grip again.
GORITAM B. MUNSON.
New York, March 24, 5*20.
True Heroism
i From The Cincinnati Enquirer)
Major Schroedcr, the m:m who re?
cently penetrated the heavens to n
height of seven miles, accomplished a
feat requiring superlative courage. But
We've got to hand it to Secretary of
Agriculture Meredith as being a bravei
man. He has demanded that the tim*
honored graft of distribution of free
seeds to their constituents by membera
of Congress shall cease. Bring on a
bunch of Distinguished Service Medals.
The Conning Tower
Ingratitude ,
[Two year? ae- thia morning Big. Bertha
awoke u? Parisians ; and while thirty years
from now we may boast of our courage on
tha,t occasion, candor compela the admission
that wc were a trifle frightened. And bo
was Lee Wilson Dodd. And ao was th.
barbcr at the Palais Royal, as he overper
fiimed Mr. Dodd's and our tresses. -THE
TOWER. 1
Dear F. P. A.--Who held your mit
When Oothaa raided Ray Paree T
Did I, or did I not, air, ait
Near you, exuding sympathy?
Who atrolled with you 'mid falling ahells,
Lest ?wit and wisdom be divided ?
Who packed your kit almont aa well's
Your wife could? Answer Echo!? "I did I"
Who all of ten or fifteen bob
Lost to you Bhootinpr crap?, to calm you 7
Who never sobbed a single Bob
When you eang comic ballads, dalm you!
O Justice! Whither art thou fled?
0 Truth ! O Error ! (Truth's relation !)
1 say it now, I've always said :
Who saved tho Tower that saved the. Nation?I
Leb Wilson Dodd.
The 25% increase in rent seems fair
enough to those of us who are paying
100'/o increases; but in the course of
years, as any geometrical progression
hound can tell you, it amounts up. I
jyou arc paying $100 a month this year,
frinst, and your landlord tilts you 25%
next year, and so on, you will be paying
at the end of the seventh year (assuming
that 1-a (a+ 1) n~l)a trifle of $381.47
a month.
Despite the vernal beauty of yester?
day, we could not lay down "The
Castle of Many Mirrors," by Ella H.
Dunn, just received from Mr. George
Barr McCutcheon. To say that we en?
joyed it something elegant would not
bo to overstate. "Trusting the fair
reader," says the authoress, in hor
preface, "will be charitable in her
diagnosis of pi y fiiast story, will say
that it is a ?outhern story of a beau
! tiful fiend and her machinations, that
caused the imparallcled suffering of her
benefactress and daughter."
Miss Dunn's gift for characterization
is no ordinary endowment. "She was
a typical southern girl," she says:
"passion and demonstration were a
large part of her individuality."
But Vice, as in life, triumphs only
temporarily. "Mrs. St. Clair," the
book ends, "years afterwards, when she
| was the happy and proud grandmother
i of three little Beaucampts, heard that
Mrs. (?raves was running a laundry in
New York City."
When Doctors Disagree
Sir: Dr. Bacr seems to have a clear
case against Dr. Rutherford. Dr. Bacr
proves daily that life's happiest day
falls about the third day after death.
Dr. Rutherford presenta Biblical
proof that thousands of us now living
in this city, too, will never die. Could
any attempt to ruin a good business be
more direct? If the test comes, I will
till a scat in the courthouse in behalf
of Dr. Bacr. From tho sinbolism of
Thcda's B a rabie 1 have deduced that
this business of living on and on is
such au annoyance to all our friends
that, despite Maeterlinck and Lodge
and Little Eva, Dr. Bacr is right and
Dr. Rutherford must be wrong. And
yet I would like to hear tho two Docs
debate about, it. The Hippodrome
would be large enough, 1 think.
AL.
According to Mr. John A. Harrias, in
charge of traffic problems, a taxicab
can now g-o from the Plaza to the Wal?
dorf in less than seven minutes. That
is about a mile and a quarter, or trav?
eling at ?the rate of about eleien miles
an hour.
There were more subway cars?100.
we believe?in service yesterday, and
we should like to report that we got
a seat yesterday morning. Therefore,
as we did get a seat, we report it.
It is reported that the Kaiser is
broke, that he actually owes for his
castle rent. Any nominations for a
benefit bill? Besides, of course, Jack
Dcmpsey.
Efficiency
Sir: I have just discovered a way
to get the operator ami thus run the
chance of getting the number that you
want. When I arrive at the office in
i the morning, immediately, even before
opening my desk, I lift up the receiver.
By the timo the operator answers I
am sure to want one or two numbers,
j and I find this a great time saver.
A. K.
It is pleasant to be ok! enough to
; answer young Mr. Charles Pike.
Sawyer, who asks, in tiie Evening Post,
| whether anybody remembers "The Fly?
ing Trapeze." Some of it?there were
many verses -went like this:
| Once I was happy, but now I'm forlorn,
: Like an old coat that is tattered and torn.
Left in this wide world to fret and to mourn,
?trayed by* a, maid in hor teens;
?i.e Kir! that I loved, she was handsome,
; 1 tried all I knew her to please,
; Hut 1 could not please her one-ciuarter so
j well
? Like that man upon the trapere.
CHORUS
j He'd fly through the air with the great_3t
of case,
! A daring young man on the flying trapeze,
: His movements were graceful, all girls he
could please,
?\nd my love he purloined away.
The causes were not martial, but
martial.two words which, because of
their resemblance in more ways than
one, sometimes are canfounded.?Nev?
ar:-: News.
i We .have a terrible time with them;
we never know when "martial" is
i meant, and when "martial."
_
j The condition of Riverside Drive
north of 135th Street and of the roads
in Central Park looks to us like aero?
plane propaganda.
"We refer to archie, the cockroach "
Miaba Everybody's, about Old Don
Marquis. Why not refer to archy the
, cockroach ?
i Shakespeare on tho landlord-tenant
'argument (Sonnet 125):*
, Paying too much rent
; For compound sweet forgoing simple
savor.
' r. P. A.
Socialists in the Assembly
A Review by Louis Marshall, of the New
York Bar> ?f ihe Precedents for Parly Protests
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Let me premise that nothing
can be more ?ypP08^ to my economic
and political views than the doctrines
of socialism or the theories of the paci?
fists. None the less I regard it as essen?
tial to the preservation of represent?
ative government that those chosen by
duly constituted electorates to occupy
seats in a legislative body shall not be
precluded from carrying out their man?
dates because the political party to
which they belong advocates policies
abhorrent to the majority and by the
latter regarded as subversive of existing
government, especially where constitu?
tional methods are not departed from
in the effort to establish such policies.
The fact that a political party is in
active opposition to the policies of the
majority party, even in time of war,
has never been considered disloyalty,
much less treason, in American politi?
cal life. The War of 1812 was occa?
sioned by the aggression of Great
Britain, which led it to seize and search
American vessels on the high seas and
to impress into the British maritime
service American sailors. In spite of
that fact the Federalist party not only
opposed the declaration of war, but,
after war had been declared and the
United States was at grips with the foe,
; that party continued its opposition to
i the war.
In Chapter I of the fourth volume of
l Bcveridge's admirable "Life of John
Marshall" there is collated a series of
utterances by leading American states?
men expressive of their hostility to the
government, compared with which the
i recent utterances of the Socialist party
which have been read into the record
| of the trial now in progress in Albany
| partake of the mildness of a zephyr.
! War was formally declared on June 18,
i 1812. The Federalists voted against it
! practically as a unit. On July 12, 1812,
j Pickering, the leading Federalist of New
England, wrote: "Let the Union be
severed. Such severance presents no
terrors to me." On July 15, 1812, Stod
dert said: "Success in this war would
', most probably be the worst kind of
i ruin." The Massachusetts House of
! Representatives issued an address to the
| people urging the organization of a
' peace party, adjuring loud and deep
disapprobation of the war, and demand
j ing that nobody enlist in the army.
j John Lowell, of Boston, wrote a pam
i phlet, entitled "Mr. Madison's War," in
, which he justified British impressment
as in pursuance of a sound policy and
? regarded as unassailable the British
; doctrine once a subject always a sub?
ject. He also urged: "In war, offensive
; and unjust, the citizens are not only
obliged not to take part, but by the laws
of Cod and of civil society, they are
1 bound to abstain." It was also pro?
claimed that it was the right of citizens
to oppose the war by tongue and pen if
they thought the war to be wrong, and
to refuse to serve if called contrary to
the Constitution. Throughout New
England the men of wealth declined to
subscribe to the government loans. The
Books
"Your troubles are just beginning,"
writes M. ??. "II. :;d knew he was a
bad boy when he broke that lamp.
He has simply been testing your moral
sense, which for some months he has
suspected of being inadequate. I fore?
see that you will be a great disap?
pointment to him as time goes on. In
twelve years or so he will find your
political views unsound and your lit?
erary tastes (iecadent. I doubt whether
he will approve of the way you spend
Sunday.
"You may think you can retain his
affection, if not his respect, by keep?
ing clear of the arbitrary methods of
a bygone generation. Alas! I don't
think there is even that hope for the
radical parent of a conservative child.
By the time I?. 3d has grown to ado?
lescence he will feel that dogmatism
is a sine qua non of parenthood, and
he will wish that he had had a real
father. He may even resolve to have
military discipline in his home.
"I am sorry. You give me so much
daily pleasure in the pages of The
Tribune that I wish 1 could see bright?
er things for you in the days to come.
Please forgive the impertinence of
this prophecy. It has been wrung from
the experience of one who has been
condemned out of the mouth of four?
teen as a socialist, a pacifist and (if he
had known the word) a pagan."
We have feared as much. Already
we have found that we do not know
the child. A week ago we were de?
lighted when he picked up a pocketbook
and, with a scornful exclamation of
"Money!" threw it far across the room.
"He will bo an artist," we said, but
last Saturday morning he came charg?
ing down upon the crap game loudly
shouting, "I want n dollar!" lie had
to be forcibly restrained from gather?
ing up the entire stake?it was two
dollars and not one---which lay upon
the floor. We were so disconcerted by
[the revelation of' his spirit that we
?threw twelve twice and failed on an
: eifht. Of course, that is not the thing
! which disturbs us. We fear that H.
3d will grow up to be a business man.
As such, of course, he may become
: the support of our old age, but we
i shall consider support more than
j earned if it. entails our receiving with
'our allowance a monthly homily on
the reason and cure for unrest.
Michael Arlen, the Anglo-Armenian
author of "The London Venturo" ;Dot?d
Mead), reminds the reader of George
Moore. But he is younger and his
discussions of indiscretions have a
somewhat !ess academic air. His is
a bright and well written little book
from which we would like to quota
Governors of the New England state?
refused to aid the national government
with the militia. In fact, the militia of
Massachusetts, enrolled to the extent of
70,000, well drilled and well equipped,
was definitely withdrawn from the serv?
ice of the United States in September,
1814, and Connecticut followed the ex?
ample. John Marshall himself indicated
a readiness to become a candidate for
the Presidency as against Madison, on
a peace platform. De Witt Clinton, a
peace Democrat, was indorsed by the
, Federalists as the anti-war candidate.
?The right to secede from the Union was
j avowed by men high in authority. The
?student of history will not forget the
Hartford Convention, which was only
prevented from proclaiming secession by
tho good sense of a few of its members.
In advocating the secession and the
! destruction of the Union the Federal
I ists only followed the precedents for
; which Jefferson was responsible, evi
| denced by the famous Kentucky reso
1 lutions of 1797 and the Virginia reso
I lutions of 1799.
It is common knowledge that in 1832
South Carolina adopted an ordinance
I which declared that the tariff acj? of
j 1828 and 1832 passed by Congress were
I "null, void and no law," and directed
J the Legislature to take measures to
i prevent the enforcement of those acts
j within South Carolina, forbade appeal
I to the Supreme Court of the United
States from South Carolina courts in
1 any case where the South Carolina law
j was involved, and required all state
- officers, civil and military, to take oath
. to "obey, execute and enforce this or
; dinancc and such act or acts of the
\ Legislature as may be passed in pur
! suance thereof." Calhoun, the great
! apostle of nullification, continued to
exert his potent influence in the United
1 States Senate, and although Jackson
; issued his proclamation insisting upon
| the enforcement of the law Governor
i Hayne replied in a counter-proclama
j tion, in which he quoted Jefferson as
I the author of the principle that "nulli
! fication of unconstitutional acts of
! Congress was the rightful remedy of
I the states." Nobody was punished,
: nobody was expelled from Congress.
?Jackson himself parleyed and com
j promised.
The Mexican War was strongly op?
posed by one of the political parties
, while it was in progress, and in 1864
another great political party went to
the people on the issue that the Civil
War was a failure.
Considering these precedents, Is it
; not extraordinary that more than a
] year after the armistice live constitu?
encies have been deprived of repre?
sentation in our Assembly, merely be?
cause those whom they have elected
; arc charged with belonging to a polit?
ical party advocating the adoption by
I constitutional means of doctrines far
less hostile to the perpetuation of the
Union than those frequently pro?
pounded by various political parties
ever since its establishment?
LOUIS MARSHALL.
New York, March 22, 1920.
Heywoed Broun
the preface, ".apologia pro ?Nomine
Meo":
"Out of consideration tin part) to
such readers as may read this book
I have assumed a name by which they
may refer to me (if he or she may wish
to do so kindly) in the same manner
at least twice running?a feat of pro
| nunciation which few of my English
| acquaintances have performed with my
: natal name. But there is also another
j reason considerate of the author. I hav<
j been told that there are writers whose
| works would have been famous if only
I their names could have been familiar
' ly pronounced?Polish and Russian
? writers for the most part, I gather.
Since I had already taken every other
j pi*ecaution but this to deserve their
\ more fortunate fate, in changing my
name I have, I hope, robbed my readers
of their last excuse for my obscurity. -
Dikran Kouyoumdjian?'Michael Ar
| len.' "
In looking over reviews and notes
about books we were distressed to find
that in the light of cold, sober, second
thought they often seem violent. We
are constantly coming across some
ting or other which we have called the
best book of the month or the year or
the generation. Sometimes we fear
?that this has bee,n an overstatement.
I And yet every critic feels that his one
\ chance of fame is to discover a neg
( lev?ted genius. We all hope to be able
I to say of a reigning favorite some years
j hence, "I praised his first book when
| he was living in a garret." Perhaps,
?we are inclined to praise ten second
j rate men rather than let one high
talent escape. And since the book re
; viewer must compete with the fires,
!the flood? and divorces of the day,
often his praise teems somewhat shrill
and ill-modulated. At such times we
comfort ourselves by remembering the
mule driver whom we met in France.
He was driving a four mule team
?hitched to a ration wagon and, as he
jtold the story, he. iost his way in
?the night and mist and drove right
through the American trench line,
which was not continuous at that
point, and started rumbling along an
old road which led across No Man's
Land. He had gone a few rods when a
?doughboy jumped up out of a listen?
ing post and began to signal to him
with both hands.
'What's the matter?" shoutad the
: driver.
"Hush!" said the doughboy in a low
jand agonized whisper. "You're headed
?straight toward the German line?. For
j God's sake turn around and don't
j speak above a whisper."
' "Whisper, hell!" boomed the driver.
I "I've got to turn four mulee around."
Disappearing Game
Why New York~Law? Art
Destroying Wild Life
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I noticed in "The Rural X
?Yorker" an article by Henry M. Bri"
i ham advocating the passage of a ]??
/enabling the farmer to protect hi.
land from being overrun by so-called
| sportsmen hunting for game. Such
j ?nw would, in my opinion, not only be"
j just but would result in a large I?
j crease in the amount of game. <tt
| seems to be the policy of Mr. pw?
I the present head of the conservation
: commission, to deprive farmers ar,S
; land owners of the right to protect the?
j lands against depredation and to tmt?n
?what game there may be on them f?,
{ themselves.
Under the present complicated 1?,
j it is impracticable to keep the pabj*
! from overruning other people's land
j in pursuit of game. They destroy
'fences. Their dogs run sheep. The'
kill chickens and songbirds, and ?,
' all sorts of things that are injnnW
Laws, but \o (Jame
Under our constitution and ?awj the
?owner of land is entitled to its ...
| elusive use and to every benefit aris*n
.from such ownership. The policyV
?the present conservation commission
is to make the rights of the owner?
subservient to the use of the public to
open all private lands to the use* of
| the public for the purpose of ahootin?
thereon. The result of this policy ?8 not
i only injurious to the owners but tends
j to defeat one of the very purposes for
which the conservation commission
j was created; viz., to increase the pro
: duction and supply of game and in
i crease the food supply.
The Commissioner is apparently im.
.pressed with the idea that a great
, voluminous and complicated system of
?laws, minutely regulating the killing
and possession of game, is what ?j
most necessary.
The commission is endeavoring to
protect? and preserve something that
: hardly exists any more. It attempt;
: to protect and preserve and persists
; in a system which will absolutely de
! Stroy that which it desires to pre
I serve. It destroys with one hand that
j which it attempts to preserve with
' the other hand, ar.d the destructive
i hand is much more effective than the
! protective hand.
The commission refuses to rccop
| nize and profil by the experience of
' all the cliler count! ?< ; whose polity
; has resulted in an abundar.ee of gam*
! both for food and sport, neither wii!
I it profit by the experience of our own
country. Experience has demonstrate!;
? it as a fact that in order to have an
' abundance of game the land owner
' must be given an absolute right to
> propagate, preserve and protect it on
his own land This Mr. Pratt, the
i Conservation Commissioner, refuses to
; do or to try to do.
Free Trespassing
Land owners will not propagate and
preserve g me upon their lands simply
for the purpose or* attracting the rabble
to kill it and at the .-ame time commit
depredations. My own'experiences are
in point. I undertook to form a refuge
j for pheasants upon a tract of land
' particularly adapted for the purpose.
| I posted the land under the presen'
j law at considerable expense. I raised
; and released about seventy-five pheas?
ants upon it, which I did not in
; tend to shoot, in the hope that they
\vould remain th. re, breed and spread
'over the adjoining country. Two men.
one colored and one white, were found
?shooting these birds; when ordered
off they refused to go, stating tlat
the land was not properly posted am;
that they were Habit only to the sun:
of six cents for trespass and that the
?sport tht*>- were having was worth
! more. They continued to shoot many
; of these birds and drove the rest
i away. Subsequent examination dis
: closed that they were right. Many of
i the notices had been torn down ?.per?
haps the trespassers themselves had
; torn them downs but this was, o:
course, impossible for me to prove.
// Laws Protected Land
If it is the claim of the conserva?
tion commission that these farms er'
maintained for the propagation of
pheasants, the claim is absolutely re?
futed by the provisions of the law it?
self, which has the approval of th*
: commission. The law provides tb?
the birds shall be distributed free **
' those who apply for them. But shook
such applicant turn them loose upon
his own land such land, by that set
cannot be protected. It becomes open
' to the publie. A person accepting
these birds simply opens hi-s lands to
public depradati? n. < an s more tool
' ish state policy be imagii d?
If the law provided that no person
should shoot upon another persona
land without written permission, !t
; would be but a short time before ?*
? farmers and land owners would ^tl
?protect and propagate game In cause
?game adds greatly to the value o.
the land and is profitable. Many P??^
pie, living on farms, would doubtlei?
! raise pheasants if for no other pw*
1 pose than seeing them about, weW
not that raising such game wou.t
simply entica trespassers.
EDWARD G. WHITAKEB.
New York, March 20, 1920.
Home Spinning
; To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Referring to the letter in ??
i day's Tribune by William Jay "? '
? inson on the subject of "Home SpW
| ning," if a class is formed to t*n*j
i home spinning I would be very g* ?
i indeed, to join it. I am learning '
weave and am thoroughly enjoyas '
I If Mr. Robinson's suggestion brW
: fruit 1 trust The Tributs. wUl pu??
i the fact, so that I may know ?JfJJw
' apply for lessons. BROOKLYNIT*.
? New York, March 24, 19-0.
? An Endless Supply
I From The Wichita Beaton)
' They are drilling for nature fc?
eight miles from the national cap???
Washington. There ought to be a spl? ?
did vein of it there,
i