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Is the World to See a Revival of the Arabian Empire? The Kingdoms of Hedjaz and Syria May Serve as Nucleus for New Mahometan Power By Eugene S. Bagger IS OUR age going to witness the revival of an Arab empire? There are sigs pointing in that direction. After living for centuries under the Turkish yoke to? day the Arabs of Arabia proper have achieved, with the aid of Britain, in? dependent statehood in the Kingdom of the Hedjaz, Which comprises the two principal holy cities of Islam? Mecca and Medina. And with independent Hedjaz as ? strategic base, the Arab masses of all Western Asia are forging ahead on the road of national, or rather nationalistic, regeneration. An all-important landmark was reached the other day when the in? dependent Kingdom of Syria was proclaimed at Damascus and Beirut, with the Emir Feisal, son of Hus? sein, King of the Hedjaz, as ruler. Moreover, this Syrian upheaval seems to spread toward the East to Mesopotamia, where popular sentiment is said to exist for uniting with the two already independent Arab kingdoms and thus restoring the old Arab Empire of Western Asia under the dynasty of Hedjaz, whose king head, King Hussein, is the Grand Shereef of Mecca and a direct descendant of the Prophet Mahomet Lacks Nationalistic Ideal Yet there is a possibility of ex? aggerating the strength and depth of this Arab nationalism, of taking its manifestations at their face value. After all, the Arabs have lived too long in utter isolation from European life and streams of thought. Their external and mental habits, their mode of life, the economic* understructure of their ex? istence, are altogether different from those of Europe. Is it likely that they should now at a stroke assimi? late a political philosophy?that of nationalism?which in Europe was the outcome of centuries of develop? ment and the corollary of nineteenth century industrialism? According to the Latin adage, there is no jump in nature?a piece of wisdom that anticipated Darwin by two thousand years. Is there such a thing as a jump in history? One of the best American au? thorities on the Near and Middle East, Philip Marshall Brown, pro? fessor of international law in Princeton University, voices this at? titude of skepticism. Professor Brown has spent nearly seven years in the Near East; at one time he was charg? d'affah*es with tht United States Embassy at Constan tinople, and during the war, fron March, 1918, on, he spent sb months with the army of General? now Field Marshal?Lord Allenb*, in Palestine. He believes that measured by what in Europe is un deratood by the term, Arab nation alism is an artificial growth fos tered by the exigencies of the war However, he qualifies this by sug gcsting that this Arab nationalism which was originally one of th weapons employed by the British t crush the Turk, may now, that it ha served its purpose, get beyond th control of its originators. In othe words, the British may find, them ?fives in the position of the magi cian's apprentice who could no atop the spirits he had let loose. Thar? are five aspect? from whic the establishment of the new Syria state can be considered. They ar those of (I) Arab nationalism; (2 Franco-British relations; (3) Syria ) aspirations; (4) the American ir terest, and (5) the antagonism b< tween Arabs and Zionists. Hatea the Turk As regards the first of the? aspects, Professor Brown maintain that Arab nationalism is mainly negative idea?it is another wor tot the Arab's ineradicable hatre and contempt for the Turk. i "The Ax-ab national 'revival,' ^twfeasor Brown says, "may be d< fined, in a way, as the Arabs' dislik of the Turk organized by the Bril iah. This dislike, which throug eenturiM of contact?the contact o eonquerer and oppressed?grew int ?an irreconcilable antagonism, wa tht tever by which the British sue ??fatty ? ttaawtod to dislodge th Ottoman Turk from western Asia. "The Turk has always been re- j garded as a foreign intruder by the Arab; he has, moreover, never actu? ally conquered Arabia, only the sea coast and the important cities. Nor was his rule ever accepted unques tioningly; there was always some re? bellion or other going on in the in? terior. The Turk found Arabia a great burden rather than an asset; he stuck to it chiefly because of the prestige which the possession of the holy cities of Islam entailed; lately, also, because of the great strategic importance of the Hedjaz railroad connecting Medina with Damascus. "It would be more difficult to define the positive import of Arab national? ism. For one thing, that cohesive force which the idea of nationality has meant for the peoples of Europe religion supplied to an extent for the Arabs and the peoples of the East in general. But the Arab is an extreme individualist and constitutionally op? posed to the shackles of political centralization. The great Arab em? pire of Mahomet's successors was, politically speaking, an ephemeral creation; it began to disintegrate from the moment of its birth. Ever since the Arabs ,have been living without a strong central or national authority. They are the people of the desert, reckless and proud, averse to discipline, wanderers by age-long instinct; their entire mode of life makes distinctly against na? tionalism. "During the war, when the pros? pects of the Allies were none toe rosy, the British conceived the idea of defeating the Turk by way oi Arabia. It proved a sound sti'oke of statesmanship, and its militarj execution?the campaign of Allenb> ?is perhaps the most brilliant ex ploit of Allied arms in the Work War. Lord Allenby himself, I be lieve, is the greatest general pro duced by the war. "In order to secure Arab coopera tion the British had to promise them or rather their leaders, Hussein, th? Grand Shereef (warden) of Mecca and his son, Feisal, all kinds o things. They promised them Syrii with Damascus and Aleppo, part o Irak (Mesopotamia) and all Arabii proper; they promised practical!; the entire ancient realm of th Omayad caliphs. Arabs Well Paid "Beside promises, King Hussei; received more palpable encourage ment, too. He was heavily subsidize throughout the war, and his arm was paid by the British. And pai very well, too. The day's wages c the Arab soldier was one poun sterling. He insisted on getting in gold, and got it. For this purpof the British had to maintain coi tinuous gold transports from Cair Afterward the Arab soldier w? rather embarrassed by his accumi lated wealth of British sovereign: he practically did net know what ? do with them, and the British off cers bought back the gold at a hea\ discount. "Seeing that the restoration ? the Arab Empire with Damascus ; capital was promised the Arabs, t! proclamation of the Syrian Kingdo with King Feisal at its head is t: natural climax of the Arab reviv? But it is a climax which did n Y figure in the British and French ? calculations. It is an 'encere' notj printed on their program. "And here we arrive at the most serious aspect of the Syrian situa? tion?its bearing on British-French relations. The fact is that the Brit- ; ish, while on the one hand encour? aging Arab nationalism and even , imperialism, have at the same time agreed to cede to the French terri? tories claimed by the Arabs. To say , this implies no condemnation of British policy; it is difficult to see how they could have acted different? ly in the darkest period of the war, when the events on the Western front, and the successes of the Ger? man submarine campaign made it absolutely imperative that something of a balance should be restored by gains in the East. Those gains could be secured only with the help of the Arabs, and the. Arab leaders were none too slow in recognizing and ex? ploiting their opportunity." The Franco-British-Arab rela? tions, Professor Brown went on ex? plaining, are governed by four docu? ments. The first of these is the ' /?BO'i'E?The Temple of Omar at Jerusalem, one of the holy \ places of the Mahometan world and a powerful argument | of Islam in its contention that Jerusalem should remain under its control '? TJELOW, left to right?King Hussein, grand shereef of i Mecca, a direct descendant of the prophet; Emir Feisal, i his son, proclaimed King of Syria, and Mustafa Kemal Pasha, head of the Turkish nationalistic movement original British recognition, drafted by ?Sir Henry McMahon and dated ! October 24, 1915, of Arab inde-, pendence, on condition of the Arab revolt, south of the 37th degree of latitude, except in the Bag? dad-Basra region, which Britain re? served for herself, and except where ? Britain was "not free to act without detriment to the interest of France." This document was addressed to Hussein, then Grand Shereef of' Mecca. The second document is the so called Sykes-Picot agreement of ! May, 1916, concluded between the, British and French governments. This creates five zones: (a) Pales? tine, west of the Jordan, to the sea, to be internationalized; (2) the port of Haifa and Mesopotamia from Tekrit to the Persian Gulf to be British; (c) the Syrian coast to Alexandretta, Cilicia and most of southern Armenia (Diarbekr and Sivas) tobe French; (d) the interior of Syria (Aleppo, Damascus, Urfa, Deir, to Mosul) to be Arab, with two "zones of influence," one, north of the Haifa-Tekrit line, to be French, the other, south of the line, to be British. In each of these zones the t I British and French, respectively, ! would enjoy economic privileges and I furnish the Arabs with advisers; I both French.and British were to re j frajn from interfering with the zone ; assigned to the other. The third document is a British ? statement, framed by Sir Mark : Sykes, to seven Syrian leaders at ; Cairo. It is dated June 11, 1917. J This assures British support to the ? claims of the prewar Arab states and to those to be freed by the Arab , armies during the war. This docu I ment, assigning as it does the whole, of Syria to the Arabs, is in mani i fest conflict with the two foregoing. When the French, in 1918, learned . of its existence it took all the dip . lomatic ability of General Allenby , to allay their misgivings by saying ; that the pledge given to the Syrians ; referred only to a temporary ar ! rangement. The fourth document is an An ; glo-French declaration of November ; 9, 1918, by which the two powers \ agreed to encourage native Arab government in Syria and Mesopo | tamia and to assist these govern? ments in such a manner as to in > King Hussein, Grand Shereef of Mecca, Is a Direct Descendant of the Prophet sure their normal working. This declaration changes the "direct" British and French zones (clauses b and c of Document II) into spheres of influence. The declara? tion was authorized by Lord Robert Cecil in behalf of the British govern? ment. Aggravates the Friction The recent coup of Emir Feisal? the proclamation of the independent kingdom of Syria?thus tends to ag? gravate the friction of British and French interests in Syria, caused by the conflicting pledges given by the British, under the stress of military necessity, to their French and Arab allies respectively. The coup also cuts across the plan, advocated by the Emir Feisal himself during his visit to Paris last year, that France be given a mandate over Syria?a plan to which Britain assented. And here, according to Professoi Brown, we are confronted with tin third aspect of. the situation: the aspirations of Syrian nationalism. The Syrians, Professor Browr says, are a race of ancient Chris tian culture and considerable nativt ability. For centuries a strong sen timental tie, originating in th? period of the Crusades, linked then with France, the power recognize? by the Turks as the protector o: Syrian Christian?. There is to-da; a strong pro-French tendency h Syria, fostered chiefly by Syri?i priests, who received their educa tion in France and are thorough! French in their culture and outlool "Another bulwark of F.rench in fluencia in Syria," Professor Brow says, "are the Jesuits. It is a cur ous fact that the same French rt public which expelled the religiou orders from its own territory suf ports them actively in Syria, and in turn supported by them. "France?the government an public opinion alike?reckoned wit this sentimental connection of ai cient standing as a political realif; So it was a bitter disappointmei for the French when they had to r alize that what the Syrians want not a French protectorate, but fu independence. "Now there is a strong likeliho? that the Christian Syrians, who a endowed as a race with a keen p litical ability, are to-day using tl Mahometan Arabs?and the pledg given to the latter by the British as a weapon against French infl ence. The Syrians realize that the political game they outdistan the backward and administrativ? altogether incapable Arabs at th? pleasure. So they proclaim Feil King, and trust the rest to t natural development which w leave them, in the end, masters their own household. The Ara1 in this sense, are playing the Syri game without knowing it. At t same time diplomatic Syrians he to gain by the friction of the Bi ish and French, which is being ca talized by King Feisal in the purs of Arab ends. The Pan-Islamic Move "For the time being all this .trigue and counter intrigue rest in the refusal of both Britain i France to recognize the new Syr kincdom. But the Syrians are w ing to wait. ."An additional complication, h The Unbreakable Chain?By J. Bruno-Ruby Translated by William L. McPherson (Copyright, 7920, New York Tribune Inc.) Here is a vivid little stori/?a tabloidized tmijcdtj outlined in a few bold strokes, ft appeared in a recent i^suc of "/.<? Petit Parisien" MARTHE put down her work. Twilight had stolen on thrm, invading the room with its softness, covering, obscuring, obliterating all things. Only the fire burned a little more brightly, struggling against* the shadows. Bursts of song and j laughter penetrated from the neigh- : boring apartment. The. same joy-1 ous sounds mounted from the | street?. The new year seemed to be coming in on a wave of merriment. Marthe felt, all at once, sadder than ever. Her eyes fell on Jaques, seated before the fireplace. She watched his clean-cut silhouette, the delicate profile, which the rays of the fire outlined with a touch of gold. "Jacques," she said, timidly, "aren't you tired of sitting here? Don't you want to go out?" He gave a start and answered brusquely, without turning his head: "Why go out?" "I don't know. It's gayer out? side, perhaps." He shrugged his shoulders very ?lightly. That was all. She got up and approached him. He used to he io considerate, bo full of spirits, so good, so affectionate. And nowij There were other mutilated soldiers j who found consolation in the tender- J ness of those who loved them and were still happy. But he! Suffer? ing had mad? him so bitter that she had begun to despair of ever hu? manizing him agan. "Listen," she said; "everybody is happy to-day. Let us do as the others do. Let us go out." She patted his shoulder and stroked his head caressingly. But he drew away, showing, as he did so, his full face?one side rounded and beautiful, the other disfigured by a horrible wound. "Poor Marthe! And where do you want to go?" "To a tearoom or a motion picture show, where there will be light and music, and you can get a littlo out of yourself." He grinned. "You must be very much bored at home, if you can resign yourself tr go about exhibiting mich a monst'u as mol No; go out alone, if you an itching to go. But you shan't make1 a spectacle of me!" Tears came to Marthe's eyes. For two years he had tortured her with? out pity. Nothing oould quiet that| soul, made distrustful and rebellious by its own sensitive pride. He made it a sort of point of honor to doubt Marthe?to doubt her love. At first he bad not been so completely the dupe of his morbid vanity. He knew that his wife was absolutely devoted to him, that nothing in the world could alter her affection. But, little by little, Die evil demon had stifled even the voice of reason. The false j idea ha?l become an obsession. Nev? ertheless Marthe refused to despair, ? The remembrance of her past hap? piness still sustained her. She pro 1 tested ardently: "Oh, Jacques, why do you say things which you don't believe! You know that 1 am prouder of you to? day than I have ever been. You know that 1 love you and that you will always be my Jacques 1" i She Bank to her knees and threw her arms about him. He seemed to I hesitate an instant. Then his fea- j tures were convulsed anew. "Why do you lie to me?" he growled. "I don't want your pity. I shall never want it. Let me alone." He thrust her away so brutally tiiat she lost her balance. She picked herself up in a flash. Indignation choked her. Then she mastered herself and decided to make one last effort. She knelt be? fore him, laid her little hand on his long, nervous hand and murmured: "Jacques, what can I do to restore your confidence in yourself and in both of us? Would you like it better if we two lived in the country some? where, all alone? Would you like to go on a long voyage? I will do any? thing you ask." He gazed at her coldly, with a sort of hatred. "Be silent," he said sharply. "You are talking foolishness. Let us stay as we are. You will always have a -,?,-1 grudge against me for being so hid? eous, and I shall have a grudge against you for being too beautiful. We shall drag our ball and chain with us?even till old age, even till death." I "I have a grudge against you? | You are mad. In the first place, you | aren't hideous. You can never be hideous to me." "No," he interrupted curtly, "you are making sport of me. Come, let us drop all that. Go out. Amuse I yourself and bring me more into de , rision than ever!" I The blood rose to Marthe's face. I A sudden gust of wrath overcame I her. He was too ungrateful, too cruel. She couldn't endure any more of it. She ran to her bedchamber, put on her hat and coat and got a little money. Her heart beat con? vulsively and the hot blood blurred her vision. , "I'm going to leave him," she re? peated to herself. "I'm going tc j leave him. He will never see mo | again. He will' ;ever be able to in suit me again. I'm going to leave him." As she crossed the antechamber she heard Jacques' bantering voie?'. Her husband appeared. "Where are you going?" "Tin going away." "Ah! Ah!" "I'm going away," she said again, approaching him as if she wore lift? ing a poniard to strike him. "I'm going away. And it's your fault." He looked at her with an exp e sion so contemptuous that she shud? dered. "With whom?" he hissed. She took a few steps, as if the words had failed to make any im? pression on her. Then she turned about and faced him with unutter? able astonishment. ]\<r whole bodj trembled. She had to lean on one ol the door posts for support. He con tinned t<> glare at her in the sum. atrocious fashion. Very siowly she bowed her head closed the door and re?nter?d th< house of suffering. Joyous shouts still penetrate? from the neighboring apartment land arose from the streets am squares below. The new yea seemed to be coming in on a wave o | merriment. ever, exists in the spread of the pan. Islamic movement fostered by th? Turkish nationalists under their?? ! ceptionally capable leader, Mustafa Kemal Pasha. The aim of the lat? ter is to get Turks and Arabs to. gether on a platform of Moslem anti-European solidarity. Such a junction, if effected, may cut arrosa both Anglo-French and Svrian cal. dilations. "There is one all-important factor which must not he disregards*] jq judging the situ ie Ka-t, That factor is Asiatic solidarity, Christian Sj ria , tha Arabs are perfectly wil ng, nay eager, to combim "a -mi ?g h ropeans, and even .'? and Turk, secular enemies th iu jh they, arts, may before Ions throw th? ir mutual dislike overboard ai ?1 unite on a platform of 'Asia for ,;: ? \4::\tics.' "Now." Prof? Bor Brown con?? ; tinues. "where does the interest <4 , America come in? ? one thin,?, American influenc? ii akingoj modern Syria cannoi be <? veres i, mated. This influence, though i much more recent origin than y French, to-day almo the hu ter and is the cause of much hear** ?burning and jealousy. Syria ij < dette?! with American schools ai.d hospitals, and many, if not most, of the young Syrian leaders ai.d intellectuals have rec< tved an Amen ican education. "An interesting example of th< French attitude is their protract? opposition to giving the Amerwai .medical college at Beirut the sami ?privileges as those p ssessed i; ?jjhemselves. Thus th? proteste against holding th i itions o graduates on the spot - - is ?lonn i the French college of sen?; ir.'- the candidates up I i Constant] nople. ? Want American Mandate "The demand f<<r an America mandate has been .. is vei strong among educated Svrian They feel thai '? power to w hich t h? y intrust their d< stiny. : it ly, as the situ?t ?on ceptance by the United States of ?Syrian mandate seems te be an '? ter impoBsibil ; j. ! h q non (>f Ai lerica taking -"?-h mandate would b? I by Britain and !?>. i ter torial claims. Bef? . -I thi of considering the pi would have to I British, 'Get out "I : me tearing i p i he ?3ecrei n mid to-day we an n position '?? ei I i could have done so b? I conference ? onven? effect \ ely I.? fore we ei It war, as a condil ion of 1 day it'.-? too lat? pt mandate in Syi ia m? a buffer between ? BHti Arab and Syi ? ? heavens, no! "There reraaii p of the Syrian sil i Brown said. 'Thai *at of Zionist asp rati* "" conflict with 1 \ majority of Pa I "it cannot b ? stroi gly ?? i suggested : mi equal interest - ?? :* ing Palestin? -'r elves mucl ? : w? havje pa*? ed thi i it "The .lews are ? medial race. ne, o? the world, w the ideal ph ? :?? tha t! eir . Notl i S3 ? !?? \ ent t he re? i pressed ?Tew fro to the land of th? I co; S*?nt to equal footing v. ill tants. "But the of Zionist leadei inimical to gn al majoi ity ol * \\ ho are not ?lew it is a fa? ' o\ ? ?nance all faci ?ona ?' a ii4pit. "B'< th fr? m thepulil ; on the prii i and' from thi P Pah stine is the Holy 1 of .fe\VS but Of ' lems as well, and I ?" solution would be I t rights and pi i\ I in the ,;?'*.? "You may ti ? ? xv internat ?oi ?' -'c; 'remedy. But it" thi the World where ?t oi out as a solution it is Pa Palestine un der h tei nat world insure r i i lib litl development for Moslem, Jew Christian ?nhab ?'? rame time rcspi ct the 'claims of Christianity, I Judaism alike."