New-York tribune. [volume], July 15, 1920, Page 10, Image 10

About New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
Wem ftotk tffnlntt?
Fir.t to Last?the Truth: New??Edi?
toriais?Advertisements
Member of the Audit Bureau of ?nrcuUUoM
THURSDAY, JULY 15, 1920.
Owned and published dally by New York Trlbnn*
Jmc. a New York Corporation. Orlen Bald, Preai
der.t: O. Vernor Rogers Vice-President; Helen Bonn
Reld. Secretary; R. R. Max?old. Treasurer. Ad
drew. Tribune Butldlng. 154 Nassau Street, New
York. Telephone. Be*kn>*n SOCO.
fltTBSCRIPTtON RATES-~Uy mall, including
P?state. IN THE ITNITKD STATES.
East of Mississippi River: On? ?Sir On*
By Mail. Postpaid. Year. Month?. Month.
Dally and Sunday.?12.00 ??.00 ?1.00
One *?k, S5c
Daily only . 10.00 5 00 .81
On? ??eck. So?. s
Sunday only. 4 00 S.aS .40
Sunday only. Canada. e.oo 8.25 .13
FOREIGN RATK8
Daily and Sunday.?25 00 $13.58 11.40
Ball? only.... 17.40 8.70 l.*5
tunday only. ?.?5 5.1? .88
entered at the Ptistoffie* at New Y*ork as ?Second
Class Mail Matter
GUARANTY
You can purckat* merchandlt? advertised le THE
TRIBUNE with absolut? sattty?fer If dlmthfaa
tlon result* In any ease THE TRIBUNE gu?rannos
to pay your money back upon rmuest. No rod tap*.
Ne ?ulbbllng. Wo make flood promptly If the
advertisn do** not.
MEMBER OF TUE ASSOCIATED PRESS
The Associated Pros? Is cjccUisiteij entitled to ?he
B?e for ?-?publication of all news dispatch? credited
to It or not otherw.se credited in this paper, snd
siso tho local news of spontaneous origin published
he~(n.
Ail rights of repnbllcatlon of all other matter
herein also are reserved.
The German Fact
One day the issue concerns the
tracing of boundaries; another day,
the payment for war damage wan?
tonly done, or disarmament, or coal
or something else. '
Germany has signed agreements
which explicitly define her obliga?
tions. But she repudiates her
pledges in spirit and goes as far as
she dares in ignoring them in acts.
The attention of all persons is
challenged by a momentous Fact.
This Fact is Germany. What she
has been she remains?a continuous
menace to the peace and order of
the world.
It is useless to say conditions both
within Germany and beyond her
borders ar^ not as they should be.
Conditions within Germany are not
subject to outside control, and her
conditions bring coosequences and
reactions everywhere. Individual
nations discuss peace as something
they can always have if they wish
it. They can't. A camel cannot
have quiet unless willing to be a
tiger's food.
Before the war Germany deceived
the remainder of* the world, or a
large part of it. It was said she
would never do that which she did.
Those who penetrated the German
design were prophets with little
honor in their own countries. They
were denounced as war inciters.
And again, despite the warnings
given by countless graves, those who
do not wish another war deluge and
who realize that the way to prevent
it is to convince Germany she can?
not win are denounced by pretend?
ed liberals. ?
Germany willed the war. She can
will another. She is certain to will
another if persuaded she may expect
a different outcome. Peace depends
not on the wishes of those who
stopped her last foray, but on Ger?
many's estimate of her chances.
This is not to say Germany is in?
capable of fundamental reform. It
merely ret^ognizes the outstanding
fact that she has not reformed and
shows no desire to reform. Slip the
bonds by which she is restrained, and
the ultimate result is not doubtful.
Germany snarls and bites, and
then whines to be free. Who pos?
sessing sanity and good intent would
turn her loose? Who would assume
responsibility for the flowing of new
rivers of blood?
The President's fatal policy pre?
vented the creation of general bul?
warks for peace. So the business of
common protection is laid on France,
Great Britain and Italy. We may
well rejoice that they do not avoid
their high and honorable task.
These powers of western Europe
protect us quite as much as we pro?
tect the republics south of the Rio
Grande. And as it is the habit of
South America to sneer at our mo?
tives, so we have a school of opinion
that sneers at the motives of our
European guardians.
Flat or With Reservations
Oyi November 19 last, the day rati?
fication of the treaty was defeated
in response to instructions from the
White House, Senator Harding spoke
as follows to the Senate:
"In the Senate there are four dis?
tinct schools of thought in dealing
with this treaty. One is the uncon?
ditional ratification school?those
who, either through their own con?
scientious convictions or the lash of
the Executive?choose as you will?
want this treaty ratified without a
single modification or ratification.
That is Group No. 1. In direct op?
position is the so-called irrecon?
cilable group?those who are unalter?
ably opposed to any ratification.
That is Group 2. The third is the
group to which I choose to belong, if
I may, who are agreed to bring about
the ratification of this treaty if they
are convinced that the reservations
which have been adopted are suf?
ficient to safeguard the interests of
the United States of America. There
still remains another group, or, rather,
a group within a group, popularly
known as the 'mild reservationists'?
those who are anxious to ratify, who
aro anxiou? to safeguard the inter?
ests of this Republic, but at the same
time desire to make ?Vhe reservations
?s little offensive as possible to those
who assumed to negotiate the treaty
j in contempt of the Senate."
In his response to the challenge
?of Mr. Cox to make the League of
Nations project tho paramount issue
of the campaign Senator Harding in
no degree contradicts the foregoing.
He has voted twice for ratification,
and may be counted on to forward
ratification when the Senate again,
assembles, unless it should appear
wiser, after consultation with our
war associates, to draft a new and
better instrument.
The issue narrows to the question
of whether there, is to be flat rati?
fication, as the President has insisted
on, or ratification with reservations
protective of American liberty of ac?
tion and notice that our Constitution
is binding on all serving under it.
As to this, the San Francisco plat?
form, through the addition of the
Walsh amendment, practically con?
cedes the validity of the Republican
position. Mr. Cox will not find it
easy to assail reservations and avoid
collision with his platform.
In various utterances the Presi?
dent ihas sought to draw the issue in
this wise, "Do you favor a League
of Nations to preserve peace, and
America's entry therein?" But the
fraud of a submission along these
lines has been exposed. If President
Wilson has not been able to befuddle
the public it is not likejy Candidate
Cox will be able to do So.
The Adullamites
Robert M. La Follette, catching a
prevailing disease, insists on writing
the platform if he is to run. His dic?
tation seems to have been accepted.
At last accounts a committee of the
Forty-eighters was feverishly at
work on a document guaranteed to
please. Platforms made while you
wait; principles altered on an hour's
notice.
The gentlemen in concourse at
Chicago are happily not bothered
with a rank and file in their paper
organizations. They are all colonels
and generals. For them to march
first one way and then another re?
quires no argument with masses of
men. When the convention, whose
delegates are self-appointed, is ad?
journed the party ceases to exist. It
hopes to gain a following, but it ad?
mits that it has none yet. Its voice
sounds in a wilderness, and the only
response so far is the echo of its
own moonings.
The organization of third and
fourth and fifth parties is a regular
industry every fourth July. They
sprout and flower like buckwheat.
But the frost of September is chill?
ing, and by Octob?jp only a few
blackened leaves remain. A new
party sometimes has power to pry
a man loose from an old association,
but is seldom able to attract him to
itself.
The Progressive party of 1912 is
often mentioned as an exception and
is referred to as furnishing evidence i
of what can be achieved. But the
Progressive secession was orthodox
even from a two-party standpoint, l
Its genesis was the belief of the |
Roosevelt delegates, a belief shared
by the Roosevelt voters in the pri?
maries, that the nomination had been
stolen. Thus there was a split rath?
er than a deliberate establishment
of a new organization. Colonel
Roosevelt would not have considered
leading the new venture except for
his conviction that the expressed
will of the party had been grossly
overriden.
Nothing in the Chicago proceed?
ings is calculated to make either of
the old parties shiver with a great
fear or tremble with a great dread.
It is ?not conceivable that any con?
siderable number of Americans have
any desire to intrust the Republic to
the management of the soreheads,
calamity howlers and professional
faultfinders who like to see their
names in print and who have discov?
ered that the easiest way to attain
this glory is to have a nice little pri?
vate party of your own.
A Joint Enterprise
The ability of Senator Harding
that strikes us as his most essential
qualification for the Presidency is his
readiness to work with other men.
It is this quality which will most
appeal to American voters; and this
attitude of the voters is a just one,
for it is this ability which will in?
sure from him if elected a sound and
able administration.
It is because President Wilson has
so glaringly exhibited th? weakness
of the leader who cannot cooperate
or consult that the mind of the coun?
try so ?insistently demands a Presi?
dent of another type. But the issue
is not a personal orte. The truth
existed before the Wilson terms of
office and will exist after the next
Administration, whatever its charac?
ter. It is a homely fact of American
political life, of American business
life, of everyday common sense.
The American nation is a joint
enterprise. Its affairs are too big
to be contained in any one head or
expressed on any one typewriter.
The whole tradition and practice of
the Presidency have been those of
! common counsel and joint direction.
j Colonel Roosevelt carried the devel
: opment of Presidential leadership
; far; but he never lost his ability for
i taking infinite advice. His was
j never a one-man government in the
| sense that he was aloof from con?
sultation or impervious to the opin?
ions of others.
The example of Lincoln is, of
course, the supreme example of co?
operation under the most trying con?
ditions. It is an example which no
American can ever forget and which
comes recurringly to mind when the
undoubted ability of President Wil?
son is praised beyond its deserts.
There is not only Senator Hard
ing's declared policy in favor of
cooperation ? with Vice-President,
with Cabinet, with Congress. There
in his record in the Senate, which
those who have worked with him and
who speak with impartiality confirm.
Such a progressive and independent
mind as Senator Cummings's, for
example, considered Senator Hard
ing's capacities ideally fitted for the
Presidency. The gift of working,
smoothly and efficiently with one's
fellows is not a common ability. It
is the first essential of a good execu?
tive, and good executives are more
rare in politics than they are in
business. It is from a man's busi?
ness associates that one looks for
first hand opinions of his ability to
cooperate; and the testimony of Mr.
Harding's fellow Senators is the best
of evidence on this point.
We think that Mr. Harding's con?
duct of his own campaign reinforces
this conclusion. He has taken coun?
sel with a wide variety of minds,
Mr. Hoover and General Wood
among the- rest. There is promise
that he purposes to conduct his
whole campaign upon the theory that
common counsel is best.
The Republican party unquestion?
ably possesses the personal material
for a supremely able Administration.
That Mr. Harding, through disposi?
tion and attainments, will be able
to use this material to complete ad?
vantage is, in our opinion, the su?
preme reason for his support and
election.
To the Better Boat
There is much to make to-day's
cup race glorious and thrilling. No
other international sporting trophy
has an equal age. This is a post?
poned contest, restrained by five
years of war, that is unleashed off
Sandy Hook. Seldom have two
yachts bearing the hopes of nations
been so equally matched and maneu?
vered for a start with their compara?
tive merits so completely veiled in
doubt. '
A few minutes may serve to-day
to indicate what the final result will
be. But more likely the contest will
be closely fought and the time allow?
ance will declare the victor. This
matter of many minutes that the
challenger must give the Resolute is
an unfortunate complication in what
should preferably be a straight boat
for-boat contest. The present rule,
however, was drafted in a sound
cause. If plain water line length is
taken as a basis for a boat-for-boat
race the tendency to develop freak
models of extreme type is constant
and unavoidable. The racing for?
mula under which Resolute and
Shamrock IV were built is a well
meant effort to penalize freak pro?
portions and encourage a sound,
weatherly craft.
The only criticism that can be
made of the rule is the fact that it
fails to prescribe any standard of
structural strength. Resolute is
frankly a racing machine, built to
the limit of lightness, and there are
those who doubt her stanchness and
question her ability to hold together
in a real blow and through heavy
seas. Shamrock IV is of sturdier
build, but her huge rig may bring
her in equal peril if a gale unex?
pectedly turns up. It is the hope
of many yachtsmen that ultimately
a stancher, more seaworthy type of
cup contender may be evolved. But,
if so, an even more complicated rac?
ing rule must be evolved, and the
present intricate formula certainly
seems to give designers and meas?
urers enough of a puzzle.
The present series of races may
yield much light on these points.
They will be watched with eager
interest by every lover of sport. ?_y
a fortunate stroke of fate an ama?
teur is at the helm of each yacht.
There is a certainty of a rare duel
of skill and of the utmost of fair
play, good will and courtesy. A
good breeze and a fair test are the
wish of every one; and may the
better boat win ! ,
The Aland Problem
Compared to the controversies
raging about Fiume and Teschen the
question of the Aland Islands seems
secondary and remote. Yet it has
its undeniable importance in the fact
that it is probably the only issue
from which a permanent danger for
the peace of northern Europe, other?
wise well insured by the Scandina?
vian entente cordiale, may grow.
Roughly speaking, Sweden claims
the islands on the ground of selt
determination and of strategic neces?
sity. Finland pleads historic right
and geographical as well as naval
considerations. It is true that the
Aland Islands formed part of Fin?
land when that country was united
to Sweden, but the separate entity
of the group was emphasized by
state documents which always spoke
of "Finland with the Aland Isl?
ands." When Sweden, in 1809, ceded
Finland to Russia the islands were
handed over, too. Ever since their
Russian ownership constituted one
of Sweden's most burning problems,
for the islands control the entrance
of Stockholm's harbor, and if occu?
pied by an enemy power render the
defense of the Swedish coast practi?
cally futile. The group has been de?
scribed as a sword pointed at Swe?
den's heart.
Great was, therefore, the rejoic?
ing in Sweden when, after the
break-up of Russia, the islanders,
Swedish in race and language,
unanimously declared for Swedish
sovereignty. But the Finnish gov
ernment, which is now in possession,
proposes to disregard the sentiment
of the population. Besides assert?
ing historic right (which, hcwever,
as was seen, ?b a two-edged argu?
ment in this case) the Finns demand
the islands on the ground that they
guard the entrance to the Gulf of
Bothnia, and thus Finland's commu?
nications with the outside world.
They assert, moreover, that, while
the deep channel separating the
islands from Sweden never freezes,
the sea between the group and the
Finnish mainland is covered in win?
ter with thick ice. This argument,
again, might well be put forward by
the Swedes, seeing that a strip of
free water affords better contact
than ice.
Finland has been called the fourth
Scandinavian nation, and, politically
and culturally, Sweden may be re?
garded as her mother country. It
would be regrettable, both from the
Scandinavian and the general point
of view, if the relations of the two
states should be allowed to suffer on
account of the Aland dispute, which,
after all, presents no difficulty in?
soluble by peaceful argument.
A Call for Cabinets
if Announced, Voters Could Better
Make Up Their Minds
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: May I make a suggestion that,
If put into effect, will be a great help
to the independent voter in making his
decision as to tho proper candidate to
support next November?
Would it not be possible for the
various candidates to name their cabi?
nets before election instead of after?
The voter in casting his vote helps to
put in office more than a President and
Vice-President?he elects the adminis?
trative side of tho government, and
much of the strength or weakness of
that government depends upon the
character of men selected by the Presi?
dent for Cabinet positions.
Neither of the candidates of the two
great parties can be considered big
men nationally, and their capacity to
handle the job well is an unknown
quantity. Those who perhaps have been
disposed to vote the Republican ticket
do not feel certain just what kind of
men will surround Mr. Harding should
he be elected. If they are going to be
tho men who were moat influential in
bringing about his nomination, then
many of us will not want to see him
elected. On the o,ther hand, if he se?
lects men like Root, Hughes, Taft,
Hoover, Wood, Schwab, Vanderlip and
others of the same caliber as his ad?
visers, many independents will feel
safe in voting for him.
The same holds true of the other can?
didate. There is little to choose be?
tween the heads of the two tickets?
there may be a decided choice if#the
Cabinet members are known before elec?
tion. There are two major objections
to the plan?first, the candidate's time
will be too much occupied with cam?
paigning for him to give the choice
of Cabinet members consideration;
second, damaging political enmities
may be created by choosing a Cabinet
before election. Neither of theso ob?
jections can really weigh against the
good that can come to the elector by
a knowledge of just what kind of gov?
ernment he is trying to put in power
when he casts his ballot.
H. C. GILLESPIE.
Suff.em, N. Y., July 12, 1920.
Watch It Fail!
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Has it occurred to your corre?
spondents that perhaps their discussion
of "Why the Chsftches Fail" is funny?
Take a Bingle denomination?the
Methodist, for instance?and watch it
fail. Its tithers (Methodists who give a
tenth of their income to the church)
number only 210,000. Its recent evan?
gelistic campaign failed to 'the extent
of yielding something like 850,000 new
Methodists. And what does its much
vaunted centenary fund amount to?
Small change! Chicken feed! To be
specific, the sum of $115,000,000.
There's failure for you! There's
fizzle! At this rate Methodism will soon
be as extinct as the saloons it killed.
Quite clearly it is no longer a power,
though wo should not be surprised at
that, for to-day there are barely 4,500,
000 Methodists left alive.
ROLLIN LYNDE HARTT.
New York, July 13, 1920.
The Greatest Gift
To the Tribune Fresh Air Fund.
May I take the liberty of con?
gratulating you upon the noble
work you are doing for those who
are soon to be the backbone of our
community, giving them a chance to
know that there is something in this
life besides industrial unrest, politi?
cal agitation and economic distur?
bances?
Your unselfish and altruistic ?work
is but another instance, another bit
of evidence, establishing not Merely
the possibility of performing invalu?
able services to our community, but
also the need of our community for
such great factors as The Tribune.
I cheerfully inclose my little bit, in
memory of mv beloved wife, Rose
Cohn Hyman, by whom children were
held to be God's greatest gift to
humanity. WILLIAM A. HYMAN,
New York, July 10, 1920.
A War of Words
(From The Los Angeles Times)
It is mainly a matter of verbiage.
The Republicans want the league with
their reservations and interpretations.
The Democrats say they have no objec?
tions to reservations and interpreta?
tions, but they must not amount to
desecration or nullification. The Re?
publicans retort that they aim not at
nullification, but insist on justification.
They ought to be able to get together.
What they both want is a League of Na?
tions on probation with interpretation
of relations. Elihu Root could fix that
up in twenty minutes.
The Conning Tower
First Linen In Pleasant Places
rB- O W. out of' Bartlett's Familiar
1 ' Quotation*.]
Charming he ?aw hor,
Cheek upon her hand;
Chief among the blessed three,
Childlike and bland.
Chill November's surly blast,
Cold as any stone;
Coward? die many times,
Die all alone.
Dream of heaven she did, but
Early to bed;
Emeli? up rose,
Eyelids heavy and red.
Faith unfaithful kept him
Fallen on evil days;
Ferdinand Mentez Pinto
Hath divers ways. |
Friendship is but a name,
Frost, a killing frogt;
Hoist with his own petar,
Honour is lost.
Hope bade the world farewell,
Kings would not pity;
Let not the heavens hear
Llewellyn's layi
Locked up from mortal eye,
Love taught him shame;
Love waters cannot quench,
Love's holy flame.
Marriage is a desperate thing;
Means to do ill deeds.
Meddling every fool will be
Mock the meat it feeds.
Here a line and there a line,
I and sorrows sit,
Hio jaeet, these two narrow words,
A very palpable hitl
Read, mark and inwardly digest,
Then welcome each rebuff;
Roundelay, my merry, merry,
Skimble-skamble stuff.
Some day we may become a Presi?
dential candidate, so we risk no
charges of anti-Americanism. We here?
by go on record as hoping that Sham?
rock IV loses and Resoluto wins to?
day.
King Christian of Denmark hurt his
leg yesterday while mounting a horse.
The stirrup Btrap broke, the inference
being that it was, as Shakespeare im?
plied, rotten.
The Truth About the Cox Porch
Sir: My bitterest enemy smiling?
ly has called my attention to your
rash columnar conclusion drawn
from the published photographs of
Governor Cox's home that it is
"porchless." I have the authority
of the architect* for stating that it
has three of these useful orna?
ments?whose assumed absence
forms the basis of your feeble joke.
I say "useful ornaments" advisedly,
for they are made to be screened in
Summer and enclosed with glass in
Winter without giving the house the
appearance of a sanatorium. Have
you ever sat on the White House
porch amusing yourself swatting
flies and mosquitoes?
?Oswald C. Hering.
But the architect is in error about
tho White House porch. It's a portico.
In dramatic experience, Miss John
stone is well qualified for her new
work. She was a member of the
Follies of 1915 and 1916 and has had
many important r?les in stage pro?
ductions?with the Castles in "Watch
Your Step"; with Gaby Deslys in
"Stop! Look! Listen!"; with Ray?
mond Hitchcock in "Oh, Boy"; with
Ed. Wynn in '?Over the Top," and so
on through a list of real triumphs.?
From a Realart advertisement.
What do you mean, "dramatic"?
The Bonaparte Unselfishness
[From th? Evening Post]
Napoleon loved her, and immediate?
ly after the restoration of the empire,
he declared on January 22, 1853, his
intention of marrying her to the Sen?
ate, the Legislative Assembly and the
highest officials of the government in
the throne room of the Tuileries.
Despite the Times's championing of
Governor Cox, it prints a picture of
the Dayton News building, "which he
bought," the caption says, "when in a
moribund condition."
The Diary of Our Own Samuel Pepys
July 13~Early up, and breakfast at
L. Fishel'8, very good, too; and drove
W. Botsford' to the city, and so to my
office, slaving there till near 2 o'clock;
and so with Mistress Hilda Jackson to
Woodmere, and W. Botsford trounced
me terribly, but Mr. E. Conlin did um?
pire the match, and that was a perfect
thing. Back to the city late, and had
no dinner at all, and to the office, and
so home at 11, and to bed.
14?Up betimes, and to the office;
and Mrs. Mabel Hill to see me, whom
I have not Been in more than a year,
and she prettier than ?v?r she was. To
get a new tennis racquet and met Mr.
Curtis, a fair spoken gentleman; and so
to Woodmere again in my petrol-waggon
and home again, late.
-, #
And yesterday evening a young wom?
an said she really believed it wasn't
as hot as she thought it was.
Will the class in journalism as?
semble, please? Now then, what do i
they hope ? to do to a strike or a |
famine? Avert. And what do tennis
opponents do? Clash. The class is
dismissed.
The Socialist party will see the cup
races frem their communistic craft,
the Proletariyacht.
Doubtless the fireflies are plentiful
at Flasher, N. Dak.
And, as G. A. H. suggests, most of
'em suffer from Bright's disease.
Well, well, it's St. Swith,n*s Day.
Probably showers,
F. P. A.
O, DRY THOSE TEARS
(Copyright, mo. New York Tribune Iao.)
T. R. on Prohibition
Favored the 18th Amendment, It Is
Asserted
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: In July, 1918, Theodore Roose?
velt by appointment gave an interview
to the writer in company with H. C.
Scotford, of New York City. So much
has been said about the attitude of
Colonel Roosevelt toward prohibition
and other issues that it seems perfectly
clear that the mind of the great states?
man, who was always progressive in
thought, absorbed though he was with
the prosecution of the great war of
humanity, was at the same time con?
sidering in a secondary way some of
the other questions that were before
the American public. Casual conversa?
tions may place an emphasis upon first
one phase of a question and then an?
other, which could give the appearance
of conflicting views. When, however,
the Colonel wrote about his conclusion
upon a subject, or declared for action
upon it, there was no difficulty of un?
derstanding his final analysis of it.
I read the conversation with Roose?
velt which John J. Leary jr. reported
in "McOlure's" for November, 1918.
The opening statement of Mr. Leary
is that "Colonel Roosevelt was not one
of those who favored the Eighteenth
Amendment." He does not say the Colonel
thus declared himself. The closing
statement is that Roosevelt said he
would take no part in the contest one
way or the other: "I shall not allow
it or anything else to swerve me from
the (war) work we are now in." The
former statement we think is incorrect.?
as far as it relates to Roosevelt's
final decision. The latter statement
we know represents his attitude. Mr.
Roosevelt did not desire to turn from
what he considered the main issue, and
while he had the desire to let nothing
else important employ his time, he
recognized the merits of both the
suffrage and prohibition campaigns
and said to Hon. Wayne B. Wheeler, of
Washington, and Colonel L. B. Mus
grove, of Alabama, that he had to
break that rule once in order to help
the suffrage fight, and if it became
necessary he would do it again in order
to help prohibition. In my interview,
which was with reference to prohibition |
and the Republican party in New York j
and the nation, in speaking of the prog- !
ress of prohibition and its ultimate
achievement by ratification he said, "I
will do everything I can to make it pos?
sible."
Shortly after this I wrote to Sena?
tor Frederick Davenport regarding the
matter, inclosing a Roosevelt letter,
and Mr. Davenport replied, "I thank
you very much for sending me the !
copy of letter of Colonel Roosevelt to j
Dr. Iglehart. Coupled with the testi
mony of Mr. Wayne Wheeler of Mr.
Roosevelt's conversation with him, it
makes no doubt of the position of Mr.
Roosevelt. I had a conversation months
ago with him ahout the matter, and :
there isn't the slightest question about
what he thought. No man in America j
could read the signs of the times more
clearly than he."
If, in tho conversation with Mr.
Leary, there seemed: to be any sugges?
tion from Colonel Roosevelt that it
might be wise to make a trial of the
beer and wine program, it must be re?
membered that this was one of the
stages of thought which practically all
public men reached at one time or an?
other, which was abandoned for the
complete program, notwithstanding
that the earlier notion may have been
alluded to at times as a plausible so?
lution of the drink problem. Inadver
tently, Mr. Leary, in contending that
Roosevelt did not favor the amendment,
but was willing to promote continuance
of beer and wine, makes admission that
the amendment to all intents and pur?
poses does prohibit beer and wine.
If, in conversation with Mr. Leary,
there cropped out any feeling of uncer?
tainty over what would take the place
of the saloon, or any sympathy over
the prospective lot of some saloon?
keepers whom Roosevelt knew person?
ally to be keepers of orderly houseB,
and even though there were some
Rooseveltian emphasis and vigor tin?
gling throughout such an observation on
his part, the speculation is altogether
overcome in his final conclusions on
the subject, which are not set forth in
Mr. Leary's article. That article dealt
with phases of the problem, and not
with the facts of ratification.
Mr. Roosevelt's assertion that he
would help secure ratification of the !
amendment if it became necessary has
its antecedent in a letter which was
written right after Congress submitted
the national prohibition amendment,
December 17, 1917:
"Dr. Ferdinand C. Iglehart, care of
'Christian Herald,' Bible House,
New York.
"My Dear Dr. Iglehart: I thank you
for your book and appreciate your send?
ing it to me and I wish to congratulate
you on what has happened in Congress
and the success that is crowning your
long fight against alcoholism. The
American saloon has been on? of the
most mischievous elements in American
social, political and industrial life. No
man has warred more valiantly against
it than you have, and I am glad that
it has been my privilege to stand with
you in the contest.
"Faithfully yours,
"THEODORE ROOSEVELT."
Many a man has had a certain sym?
pathy for saloonkeepers personally
known to him, but that has not de?
barred him from* welcoming the prohi?
bition of the liquor traffic. When Colo?
nel Roosevelt wrote the congratulatory
message upon the submission of the
national amendment he knew it was
an amendment which prohibited beer
and wine. There were many men who
had an opinion that beer and wine were
not very harmful, but decided that the
brewers of whom the Colonel wrote
"They paid money to the German
American Alliance" had sinned away
their day of grace and that the whole
business had to go.
ANDREW B. WOOD,
Assistant State Superintendent Anti
Saloon League.
Brooklyn, July 11, .1920.
Woven Silence
(From The Pagan)
?HPHIS silence has a music;
It is the blood of me that hears it,
Almost the fingers, too.
Had this hand of you,
Flower-curved under your sleeping eyes,
A voice to murmur repose,
And had this hair of you,
Soft-seeking to your sleeping cheeks,
The humming of its slow, bewildered
curve,
I should have entering music for the ear;
I should be started on a woven song
Of the hushed weavers of silence.
EDWARD SAPIR.
The Gathering of the Clans
(From The Buffalo Express)
Now is the time for all medium good
men to come to the aid of the party
by attaching themselves to the cam?
paign payroll as sentiment-feelers,
prestige-givers, all-around mixers and
windjammers.
David and Jonathan
The Amiable Cynic Applies flu
Min?? to Politics
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Now that David and Jonathan
have so touchingly kissed each other
in public, little "pep" is left in the cam?
paign and email cause for anxiety u
to the result.
The brightest thing said of Hughes
in 1916 was that if he had not been
running he would have voted for Wil?
son. Be that as it may, there ii no
leason to doubt that Harding will vote
for Oox, and certainly none can doubt
that Cox will vote for Harding. So
why bother to go to the poll? not
November? Could there be mtw?
nearly two peas from the same pod'
The only probable difference in vie?
between two such dear friends is that
Harding thinks Harding should be
elected, and Cox thinks Cox should he
\ elected. Together they should stut?!
the country arm in arm, alternating at
i each stopping of their joint train.
i Practically each could make the same
speech, explaining that each platform
was constructed solely on the principie
of catching all votes and repelling none.
On the liquor question each hold*
sacred to the utmost th? enforcement
of the law, and each should be able tc
make it perfectly clear to all voten
that, wet or dry, they have the ?nth*
sympathy of each. And what more eu
any proper-minded voter want?
As to the League of Nations, both
candidates are in complete accord. Such
a league is highly favored as is en?
tirely constitutional and does not Mn?>
the United States to anything s ma?
jority of its voters does not v/ant B
held for. Probably during the cam?
paign Harding will pledge himself, i?
elected, to appoint Cox Secretary of
State. Whereupon Cox will reciprocate
by pledging Harding's appointment ??
Secretary of State, if he, Cox, is elected
President.
As neither candidate is first, seeouA
or even third choice of the majority of
the voters of his party, and can he
voted for only as a bitter pill, ?W
should not the high contracting partie?
to the nomination get to a conference
and make a sure thing of it for them?
selves in any event? One represent?
tive of sinister Republicanism and on?
representative of sinister Democracy
would be ample.
Get together, Messrs. Penrose *??
Murphy, and fix things so that ye?
forces will win, no matter which ??
your candidates loses.
J. H. HARVET.
Montclair, N. J., July 10, 1920.
Motor Noises
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: It is my desire to expresa ?P"
preciation for an article protesting
against noise in city streets hi
drivers of automobiles, trucks ?P?
motorcycles. I refer to an article s>
The Sunday Tribune on the autoiM
bile page. The offense is daily?
nightly, everywhere in the city, as?
gets worse instead of better. The
police could hardly engage in a me**
important campaign against wrosf
than that of suppreasing the viols?*
noises of automobiles. ANTI-NOISt
New York, July 12, 1920.
The Touch of Nature
(From The Louisville Courier-Joaraatl
A critic has discovered that neaifr
every orator at San Francisco has Q?*
his infinitives. If that's so, how ?*?
the grand old intensely human D?V*
eratic party fail to get the symp***
and the votes of the majority?