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$ert> $?Tfe ?fritante First to Last?the Truth: News?Edi? torials?Advertisemrnts #r of th. Audit Bureau of Circulations THURSDAY, SEPTE.MBER 16. 1920. Oirnert ?nil published dally by New York Tribun. Ino.. a New York Corporation. ligJen field, rrtal dent: O. Vernor Kofer?. Vlce-Preetdent; Hele? Bofir? Rclil, rSevTctary. H. K Maatleld, Tr??uur?r, Addfeea, Tribune li'illill-g. IM \utiu flu??? New Vo'k. Telephon?, Itecli?lan SOOf?. Rl'BSCBirTION BATES Bv mall, Including Postage, IN TUB l M1?II STATUS. East of MUsUslopt B.vers One HI? On? Bv Mail, IVsipald. Year. Month?. Month. Dally ami Sunday.Sis: uO $tj 00 $1.C0 ?lue week. Sic. Dally only . 10.M ? 5.00 .SS One week, 3tX. Rmulay only . 4 00 2.25 .?0 8und?y only. Canada. 6 00 S.?5 .55 rOBEION BATES Psilly and Sunday.IJfi.OO $1S.J0 $3.40 Dally oniy . 17.40 ?.TO 145 Suuday only . 0 75 6.12 .W Entered at the rosto?? at New Tortt at S#oond Clau Mall .Mailer. GUARANTY Voo can purchase merchandise advertised In THE TRIBUNE with absolute sattty?far If dissatisfac? tion results in any case THE TRIBUNE guarantees to pay your money Back upon request. No red tape. No quibbling. We make good promptly If th? advertiser docs not. MK.MT.flt OF TUB ASSOCIATED PBES3 Tue Associated rmw 15 exclusively entitled to the rw for,?publication of all nows dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited In 111 t? paper, and a'ao t!so K'cal news of spontaneous origin publlahed herein. All rights of ?publication of all other matter herein alai? are r?servai. The State Tickets Tuesday's primaries, on both sides, resulted, as anticipated, in easy vic? tories for both sets of candidates ?who had organization indorsement. An increase in the number of pri? mary participants is observable, but the direct primary, although gain? ing, is not yet the assemblage of the rank and file of parties. The disciplined battalions, those accustomed to work together, are still in practically undisputed con? trol of both parties. But there is no reason for those who favor greater popular control to be discouraged. Year by year come signs of slow re? covery from the interr.nl inertness that gives the machines their ruler ship. The problem of campaign ex? penses has not been solved, and at? tractive possible candidates are averse to plunging into contests en? ergized by bought-and-paid-for hul? labaloos. Nevertheless, we may con? tinue to cherish the dream that some day the voters, each acting accord? ing to his personal volition and judg? ment, will do the selecting of candi? dates without costly shepherding and without compelling aspirants to appear as lusty self-seekers. The two tickets, especially as re? lates to their heads, seem of more than ordinary merit. In Nathan L. Miller the Republicans have as a candidate for Governor a man of in? telligence, of character and experi? ence. In Governor Smith the Demo? crats have a strong candidate de? spite his Fourteenth Street affilia? tions. The gubernatorial contest, it may be predicted, will be con? ducted without personal belittle tlement. The argument will be chiefly as to which party is the more to be trusted. As to this Mr. Miller seems in the better position. Not only must Governor Smith largely func? tion through Tammany down state, but up state through a decadent or? ganization which has become a Tam? many annex. Moreover, Republican control of the Legislature being a certainty, it is desirable to have unity at ?Albany. The Packers' Margin Figures submitted to the Institute of American Meat Packers, in ses sion at Atlantic City, show that the total sales of eighty-one large cor? porations of all kinds in 1919 aggre? gated $9,250,000,000. The capital engaged was nearly $6,000,000,000, and the total profits were $600, 000,000. Of this business the five principal packers did about one-third, but their profits in 1919 were but $34, 000,000. No one of them, said Thomas A. Wilson, their spokes? man, retains as much as a cent and a half out of each dollar of sales. The average of ?the five was less than one cent. The profits of the packers are thus, he pointed out, exception? ally small. As there is no reason to doubt these figures, it is time for the gov? ernment to meet squarely the issue they raise. So far the government's accountants, although they have al? most worn out the books of the pack? ers by repeated examinations, have k notoriously not shown the inaccuracy I of similar computations. The consuming public is not pri? marily interested in the dividend rate of business corporations. What concerns it is the margin be? tween what an industry pays for its supplies and its labor and what it ?ells its product for. It is doubtful if there is in the world any business other than packing which operates on a margin as little as one cent to the dollar. On the record the pack? ers aro cheapeners of foods, for it Is conceded that the cent they cling to comes from the economics of com? plete utilization of by-products which are commonly wasted. It is time for the government to prove its charges or to drop them. Anthracite Coal Reports'from the anthracite re? gions, encouraging one day, are dis? couraging the next. The officers of the United ?Mine Workers of America have again ordered the "vacation? ists" to return to work, with the un? derstanding that after the mines are fully in operation another effort will be made to persuad?: the President to reopen negotiations. The matter Is likely to be settled one way or the ?other in a few days. Thirty to forty million Americans ' depend upon hard coal, but not all of them realize that the anthracite fields constitute one of nature's ex? clusive and restricted monopolies? practically all comes from a little, stretch of territory approximately 150 miles in length and littla more than 60 in breadth. To shut off our supplies of bituminous coal is difficult, but far different is the situation in regard to anthracite. From the lawless days of the Molly Maguires, half a century ago, down to the "Great Strike" of 1902, the anthracite fields from time to time have been scenes of tumult, from which the public suffered more than the striking mine workers. In 1902 President Roosevelt ended what he termed "an intolerable situa? tion" by calling representatives of miners and leading coal operators to the White House, there practical? ly compelling them to reach a settle- j ment. His terms brought peace to j the coal regions and sufficient fuel to the homes of American citizens. This happy condition lasted throughout j President Taft's term. What has happened since?the scarcity of an thracite, its mounting costs, the strikes and the threats of a fuel fa? mine almost every winter?is known to all. j That the American people will ! consent to be subjected over and I over again to this anxiety, this diffi-: culty in obtaining hard coal, or that ? they will forever put up with con- ? stantly increasing prices is most un likely. If nature had deposited, say, in the small section of Michigan all the available supply of salt or sugar, the public would insist on enjoying access to it. The condition in re? gard to anthracite is not far dif? ferent. Too many miners and opera- j tors alike seem to think their busi- j ness is wholly their own affair. It ! is nothing of the kind. Those engaged in mining, trans porting and selling anthracite must i show more competence in conduct ing a business which is vital to the lives 'and health and activities of many millions. If present conditions | are not remedied it is not- impossi- j ble that the Federal government it- ! self may have to step in. The pub? lic will not stand much more trifling with a necessary of life. Cox Gaining Other Democrats found it neces? sary to swallow hard after the Maine election and pause for thought. Not Governor Cox. With? out a second's hesitation he raised the Republican slush fund from ? $15,000,000 to $30,000,000, snatching j victory from defeat, as it were, and i proving once more that a good ward politician is mightier than any facts. The agile Governor, whose mathe- | matical specialty is adding, as befits a citizen of a city where the cash registers come from, is thus gaining, and gaining rapidly. But we hope he will not stop with any such paltry sum as $30,000,000. As we pointed out before the Maine election, Gov? ernor Cox will need not millions but j billions, of wicked Republican dol lars on the day after election. We ! suggested that he raise his accusa tion to fifteen billions. In view of ' the Maine avalanche thirty billions is not a cent too much. Avalanches ' cost money when they have to be j purchased, cash down, so much a ballot, as Mr. Cox charges. It is a whale of an alibi that the boys will want from their candidate on the 3d of November, and Gov- ! ernor Cox is doing his darnedest to oblige. Prudent Mr. Cummings The announcement that Homer S. j Cummings will not be a candidate for Senator in Connecticut comes on j the day following the Maine elec tion. It will be difficult to dissociate the two events. It had been ac- ; cepted as a certainty that Mr. Cum mings would welcome the opportu? nity to run against Senator Bran degee, just renominated by the Re? publican State Convention. He was the logical Democratic choice, ac- j cording to the Wilson-Cox school of Democratic logicians, for he repre? sents more than any other Demo? crat in the state?more than any ! 1 other active Democratic politician in the nation, perhaps?the "bitter- i ender" Wilson covenanter view, while Mr. Brandegee is an equally pronounced anti-league and anti covenant "bitter-ender." Mr. Cummings was a tactfully re-. ceptive candidate at San Francisco | for the Democratic Presidential j nomination. Now he says that his: physical condition will not allow ; him to make a six or seven weeks' state campaign. Yet the result in Maine could hardly have failed to strengthen his desire to spare him? self. The Evening Post candidly \ admitted yesterday: "Maine is em? phatically anti-league." What is, true of Maine is true of the other New England states. And from the Democratic point of view the most alarming feature of the situation is the opposition to the Wilson league which exists inside the Democratic' party. The Wilson covenant could hardly win an indorsement in a Democratic referendum held in Massachusetts, Connecticut or Rhode Island. The delegation^from these states to the national convention didn't indorse it. And one important factor in the Maine result was undoubtedly the defection of many anti-league Demo? cratic voters in the normally Derno- j cratic towns and cities. Democratic rainbow chasers have been talking about tbe easy time they were going to have defeating Mr. Brandegee. But they have ignored local obstacles. They failed to sense the powerful tide which has been running against Wil sonism in general and against Mr. Wilson's peace policies in particular. Mr. Cummings couldn't make the race except on his extremist pro Wilson record. He shows prudence in electing to send a substitute into a dubious fight. Fiume Arrives Home The acceptance of the Italian con? tentions in the Fiume controversy? for the agreement reached at Aix les-Bains by Premiers Giolitti and Millerand amounts to no less?is, of course, gratifying to those Ameri? cans who have deplored President Wilson's refusal to recognize the right of the people of Fiume to self determination. The President's strange course, his unaccountable vendetta against Italy, has been the source of much inter-Allied diffi? culty. It has not tended to make ?Americans popular in Europe, which assumes that?a nation's Chief Exec? utive mirrors the views of the na? tion's majority. Italy now realizes .that Mr. Wil? son's personal views were not the sentiments of America at large, and that our people recognize that Fiume is, as it always has been, an Italian city. It is true the Pact of L?ondon did not include Fiume in the Italian territory to be reunited to Italy, but the complete collapse of Austro Hungary was not foreseen. But neither was it foreseen that it would be feasible to return Posen to Po? land, nor that Turkey could be dis? membered, ncr a dozen other things that canje to pass. Italy will now deal directly with Jugo-Slavia concerning the use of the port. All intelligent Italians will urge a policy of equity. The special interests of Fiume, no less than the broader interests of Italy, demand this. No Italian who is sane can want a hostile neighbor?no res? ident of Fiume can wish for grass grown streets. Now that Italy's just national claims are recognized, the way is open to give the hinter? land the freest possible access to the sea. One may salute a Fiume destined to be the Antwerp of the Adriatic, receiving through her gates the com? merce of Jugo-Slavia even as the Belgian port does that of Rhenish Germany. The Hat Smashers It is always a depressing season of the year when the varied and in? dividual and distinctive straw gives place to the hard, tight little derby that knows neither comfort nor grace. Perhaps some consolation might be found in the increasing vogue of the soft hat, the softer and more irregular the better. But we prefer to be solemn and gloomy over the recklessness with which the hat smashers have celebrated September 15?despite the best that protecting magistrates could do. Hat smashing has always enjoyed a certain intermittent vogue at ball games, especially abound pennant time and world series. It has never been so gayly undertaken as a light and miscellaneous adventure as this year. Straw hats were whirled away to the junkman quite as cus? tard pies are wasted by the great Mr. Chaplin. "What is a straw hat to anybody?" seemed to be the theory. Was there once a dull, ab? stemious and parsimonious era when miserly folk maintained a straw hat from one year to another? Throw them out, toss their hats into the river. Such skinflints have no place in this happy era of many dollars and highest prices. From which it may be seen by any pessimist that once again the cele? brated shooting of a certain crown prince in the year 1914 arises to an? nihilate and confuse, this time, straw hats. Just why war antl high prices should inspire to wastefulness, we shall not attempt to define. But ap? parently they do. A sort of drunk? enness seems to seize the reckless souls. Perhaps it is the high wages of their particular jobs. But we suspect it is something more general and a question of herd psychology, and every one shares it in his or her own particular field of recklessness. The world may pine for normalcy. But it is still a long way from prac? ticing it. With Dubious Voice The case of the girl of fifteen who, after living ten years with her aunt, won't return to her mother is not so curious as it may seem to many. The idea that separation can make no difference to mother and child, that the tie between the two is drawn so tightly by nature that r?othing can unloose it, savors of melodrama rather than of life. It is an engaging theory that a . mother would know her child any? where, that "something would tell her." But in fact the voice of kin? ship does not speak so plainly. In this case, the mother left the child with her aunt because she was unable to take care of her. Now that the years of poverty are over she would have the child, fast grow? ing into Womanhood, back again. If her own affection is unchanged, as presumably it is, the present situa? tion is painful. Yet the attitude of the ?laughter argues no unnatural hardness of heart. Her mother, see? ing her seldom, has become a shad owy figure. The psychical influence, so to say, is stronger than the physi? cal. The court, to which the mother appealed for a compuls'ory return of her child, gave a decision which seems to serve the ends of justice. The mother has thirty days in which to gain the affection she seeks. This is a brief opportunity for uprooting the results of time and use. It may suffice; the rela? tion so long sundered may be re? stored. Yet, if it is not, compulsion would miss it3 object. Love may be led, but it cannot be driven. And ten years is longer in a child's life than in an adult's. It might suffice to make strangers even of those who had been passionately attached to each other. Calvin Coolidge Says (From his address to the Brockton Chamber of Commerce, April 11, 1916) Men struggle for material success because that is the path, the process, to the development of character. We ought to demand economic justice, but most of all because it is justic*. We must forever realize that material re? wards are limited and in a sense they are only incidental, but the develop? ment of character is unlimited and is the only essential. The measure of success is not the quantity of merchan? dise, but the quality of manhood which is produced. These, then, are the justifying con? ceptions of the spirit of our age; that commerce is the foundation of human progress and prosperity and the great artisan of human character. Let us dismiss the general indictment that has all too long hung over business enter? prise. While we continue to condemn unsparingly selfishness and greed and all trafficking in the natural rights of man, let us not forget to respect thrift and industry and enterprise. Let us look to the service rather than to the reward. Then shall wo see in our in? dustrial army, from the most exalted captain to the humblest soldier in the ranks, a purpose worthy to minister to the highest needs of man and to fullfil the hope of a fairer day. The Tammany Candidate To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: I wish to register a protest against the use of valuable space in the New York papers for the purpose of describing the self-inflicted sufferings of a few Irish fanatics while items of real interest and problems which re? quire the widest publicity as a help toward their successful solution are relegated to the back pages. I would also like to impress upon some of our political candidates that this country is not inhabited exclu? sively by the Irish, although from a perusal of their speeches , one would be led to think so. A number of women friends and myself are looking for? ward to casting our first vote for President this fall, and although we are all firm believers in the League of Na? tions, we don't propose to vote for a league with Mr. Cox, the Tammany can? didate, attached. In the event of an? other Sinn Fein election in Ireland, it might be advisable for Mr, Cox, Sec? retary Colby, Representative Mason and a few others to present them? selves as candidates for the office of "President of the Irish Republic." They seem to be much more interested in the affairs of that country than in those of the United States of America. WOMAN' VOTER. South Norwalk, Conn., Sept. 14, 1020. Omitted Leagues To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: The New York Times is dread? fully worried because the Republican national campaign textbook omits the coyenant of the League of Nations. It thinks every Republican will run to get the Democratic textbook In order to read over the precious document that gives Great Britain six votes to our one, damns the Monroe Doctrine with faint praise, condones and confirms the stealing of Shantung from China and binds America to undertake to pre? serve the boundary lines of every coun? try on the globe. The Republican national campaign textbook loaves out a lot of leagues. It leaves out the Achaean League and the Hanseatic League, and the Solemn Longue and Covenant of the Scotch, and the Anti-Corn Longue, nnd the Primrose Leagu?, and the Wilson League of Nations, and all for the same reason. ALVIN M. HIGGINS. Croton-on-Hudson, N. Y., Sept. 14, 1020. Best Republican Campaigner To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: Some part of that fifteen mil? lion or billion, or whatever it is, should be sent to Mr. Cox "for services ren? dered." As ono who is "on the road" twelve months in the year, I can safely say that no former candidate has turned so many good Democrats into potential Republicans as has he. Every- i where one is made to realize what a sad and shamefnl example a man ill j Mr. Cox's exalted position is making by his "ward heeler" methods. It is some years since Coxey led an army into | Washington, and I make the prediction now that if the present Mr. Cox wishes to do the same thing he will have Ho resort to a more dignified program to raise a Cox's army large enough to take him out of Ohio. "For Harding and dignified.statesmanship," P. S. DICKSON. Rochester, N. Y., Sept. 11, 1920. The Negro and the League To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: I see in the papers where Mr. Cox has said that he would be willing, if elected President, to take the Irish ?jucstioti to tho League of Nutions. If so, could we as a nation object to Eng? land taking the npgro and the Jap question to the league? W. M. RIEKE. Paducah, Ky., Sept. 13, 1920. TheConningTower Wherein the Quarry Wins Where do you get that stuff, dear friend? "The quarry's nothing but the end Of the most interesting chase"? Have you been hunting for a place To put your little Home, Sweet Home? Have you gone forth at morn, to ' roam Until the close of eventide, To chase a spot wherein to bide? Don't tell me that the chase is best. A house my quarry! Darn the rest! Ma. A diverting play. "$1,200 a Year," by E. F. and Flaccus?or, as they are known by their non-column names, Edna Ferbor and Newman Levy?is issued in book form. But we quarrel with the authors. The hero, Paul Stod dard, resigns his professorship?prob? ably it was only an instructorship- ? at $1,200 a year and goes to work at $30 a day in a factory. "You're al? ways making those terrible speeches," Frances says to him, "You haven't been off the front page for months." With the exception of a Presidential candidate during a campaign, and per? haps Nan Patterson and Evelyn Nesbit Thaw, we doubt whether any individu? al has held the front pago for "months." Certainly no university professor who made anti-capitalistic spee'ehes could hold the front page for j months, not even of The Call. In his all-America team of writers Prof. Heywood Broun should give posi? tions to William Allen White, Harry ! Leon Wilson, Kin Ilubbard, and Hoy- | wood Broun. , Speaking of Prof. Iiroun's perplexi? ties about moving his furniture, he is ! trying, he says,* to enlist the services J of Mrs. Leslie Carter and Miss Mabel j Carrier. *IIe never said anything of the kind, but when a wheeze is unusually poor it is wise to credit it to somebody. OlJ"R OWN' TRAVELOGUES From my seat in the comfortable Northern Hotel dining room in this enterprising and j attractive city I can read this sign across the street: MIDLAND MAXlTACTI'RlKa CO. I'honographs and Caskets My friend Mathias, from Philadelphia, claims the scheme ii to play 'em to death, then bury 'em. I hold, on the conti*ary, the sign indi? cates simply a frank, wholesome Western appreciation of the age-old truth embodied in the jinKle: "Ashes to ashes And dust to dust; If our Phonographs don't get you Our Caskets mt..sl." Billings, Mont. Howard D. Hapley. Slyly edited is the esteemed Eve? ning Mail, which, under the generic head "Oddities in the Day's News/" ? lists the paragraph headed "Cheaper Clothing Coming." I Concerning Fame sind it.-s evanescence, | "I bought the first tickets over the Intramural Railway at the Chicago j World's Fair," writes Kalona's Father, "and look at mo now." Radicals' Plea for Control of Indus- j try Declared To Be Too Premature.? Tribune headline. How premature, asks Verda Stolo, would it have to be to bo just pre? mature enough ? How They Order These Tilings in Taris [From tli- circular of (J ], Manuel Frisos, i advertising Imposition Yes Artistes ' Am?ricain*] We have collected :? selection of recent work? of painters, gravors anil sculptors born ' in U. S. A., and asking to Parisian life the consecration of their art yet appreciated. One will find some talents already favoured by public estimation and some new others j which merit it eiiually and will draw it too. This little exhibition gives only but a small lookround of the brilliant production of 1 nmerienn artists residing; In Paris, ant is sufficient to prove that the actual general ion ?8 the real undercoming of the precedent one. illustrated by the groat nsimi'S of Whistler, ' Mary Carsatt and John Sargent. "I have met him places," writes Sun shine to Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, , writer of "Heart and Home Problems" in Tho Altoona (Pa.) Times-Tribune. "If ho loved you," Mrs. Thompson an? swers, "he would . . . lake you I places. Never go places to meet a I man." The chief objection to meet-1 ing a man places, we guess, is that certain parties might pass remarks. Foresighted copyreaders are calcu? lating that, for Election Night extras, it will be possible to use much larger ' type with "COX LOSES" than with "HARDING WINS." , A N T I E T A 1.1 [September Hi, 1862) Here, where the armies fought in days ?rone by. Columbia's children, lo her honor true. Beneath her flair, clad in her sacred blue, With noble valor and with courage high Proved to the world they wire content to die To give the land they loved a birthright new. ' And now beneath the soil where ?e.ts the dew. In perfect peace the faithful martyrs lie. And keeping guard, his musket in his hands. At dawn of day. or when !)!?? daylight dim, As if awaiting sorn.' great chief's commands, Or for the time when all these dead shall rise, Right on the battlefield the sentry stands Pore vu r looking south with atoijy ??>.?*. Jot? S I'J. Nc Hl KOSH. Neis beat out an infidel hit which ; Lavan could not handle, (?lobe. Meaning, Algy assumes, Uiat no one believed ho could do it. If Sordello had his way that League j of Nations building would be named George's Court.. _ Among the casos cited by The New j York Law Journal is that of Paul v. Virginia, 8 Wall 1C.R. "It is a common misunderstanding," Astronomer Gurrett P. Serviss ex? plains, "that tho earth is a perpetual motion machine." What tho planet generates is perpetua!, commotion. F. P. A. England and the Soviets Bu William English Walling For several months the Soviet prob? lem has overshadowed all other in Great Britain, and the frequent changes of the situation in eastern Europe have caused Lloyd George to issue a new note or to make s new speech in Par? liament every few days. The British policy is also subtle and has a number of angles. But it is imperativethat this policy be understood. Not only does the future of Bolshevism in Russia and throughout the world depend upon it, but the sudden claim of the domi? nant factions of European labor to the control of international relations, re? gardless of the position of govern? ments?no matter how democratic?has created a new problem as grave as that of Bolshevism itself. The Council of Action sot up by British labor finds its counterpart in several other coun? tries. But the center of this movement is England. An Open Door? Lloyd George has declared that labos was "battering at an open door," Brit? ish opinion being firmly opposed to military intervention in Russia. There is a tendency in America to accept this view, and so to wave aside and get rid of this new and painful situation ? a powerful revolutionary body chal? lenging the government in what has hitherto been the most conservative of all nations. Lloyd George's remark nu rely evaded the issue Labor's Council of ?action is based upon three resolutions of the labor forces. It is ? m powered to act not only (1) agains* niilitary intervention, but also to force (2) recognition of tho Soviet govern? ment and (Ji) the raising of the block ss?Ie. Moreover, it means?, according tc one of the more conservative leaders J. It. Thomas, "a fight against the con? stitution of our country,'' i. c., against British democracy. This fight is not against "war," but against war with tin? Soviets, which the Hrit ish labor delegation recently in Russia admitted were an anti-demo? cratic government. In si war betweer this "government" and the presen' Polish r?gime, which British labo does not deny is supported by the peas ant majority, and even by a large par of the Socialists, it insists upon re garding the Poles as the sole aggies sors, in spite of the fact that Her tj-and Russell and most of the laboi delegation reported the Soviets as por rr.anently aggressive in their foreigi policy and aiming to set up soviets ?i other countries. So far British policy has been in crcasingly friendly to the Soviets with the exception of a few days I Au gust 23 to 20). This friendliness ha obviously greatly encouraged ant strengthened the Bolshoviki as well a pro-Soviet labor throughout the world It was inevitable that Trotzky and tlv Soviet press should boast that the con rinucd presence of the Bolshevist dele station in London meant that the So viets were gradually and steadily fore :ng the world to recognize and com promise with them. Tisis is the onl; s essible way the Sovictists and pro Sovietists could interpret these negotia tions. British Policy What is the British policy? It i based on the assumption that by mean of negotiation the Soviets can be per suaded first, to moderation, and seconc to good faith. But what possible guai unties could be riven of either? Cleai ly, promises are of no value if tli record is one unbroken story of im moderate, extreme and aggressive actio and bad faith. The British public au government were gradually won overt she belief in the possibilities of neg< liations, not by anything in the recor but by the very, continuation of th negotiations and tho presence of th negotiators in London. And here o< curred the national psychosis that sibsolutely incomprehensible to othc democratic nations. Having becon wedded to the idea of taming tl anarchist Huns by compromise, Gre; Britain began unconsciously the fabr cation of fictions to support the neg? tintions. Lloyd George took the position o August 10 that "Poland was a defeat? nation" and must not refuse any tern which "in ths circumstances are as goc as ?she has a right to expect," provide they are based *n the "guaranties exacted from a defeated nation against a repetition of the act of aggression." The British press comments of all shades of opinion approved. Poland was the aggressor, Poland had been decisive? ly and finally beaten. Poland must henceforth remain defenseless against Soviet threats or attacks, except for such support as she couLd rely on from the great powers! But what was that support? British opinion backed Lloyd George again when he said that all practicable support would be given if the independence of Poland were "seri? ously menaced"- thu3 a^uming that neither the existence of Soviet Russia as a neighbor nor the presence of her victorious armies in defeated Poland was a serious menace to Polish inde? pendence. Finally, when the Soviet armistice terms were published, demand? ing that Poland be reduced to military impotence in the face of the Bolshevist peril, British opinion still held that Polish independence was not seriously menaced and that the terms were rea? sonable! Why? Because Poland could rely absolutely upon British and other protection only in case her independence were seriously menaced! Soviet Faith Since British opinion and govern? mental policy crystallized in this form, two events have happened. British opinion, with practical unanimity? even The London Times and Post agreeing?held that the Minsk negotia? tions were to be the test of Bolshevist good faith. Warsaw being on the verg* of capture, the Soviets added a clause to their armistice terms, which they hoped would Sovietize Poland, by de? manding a militia composed exclusive? ly of workingmen. This, then, was apparently the final blow needed to destroy British belief in Bolshevist good faith. Not at all. British opinion again supported Lloyd George in de? claring that if this c?ause were not withdrawn the Bolshevists would be convicted of bad faith. Later, when Warsaw was saved and the Soviet ar? mies defeated, the Soviets withdrew this new clause. Now, as Lloyd George's own organ. The Chronicle, admits, "it is one thing to act in good faith and another to act in bad faith and then abandon the attempt under pressure. The Soviets did far worse than that. If they are to be success? fully negotiated with, it must be pos? sible to bank not only on their good faith, but also on their moderation. Hut when, under defeat, they repeated the armistice terms of conquerors, withdrawing only the one new clause and leaving some fifteen others, they wore really t-iking a much more ag? gressive position." With th'S foundation for British policy and opinion, are we to wonder at the continued arrogance and ag? gressiveness either of the Russian So? viets or of tho British Council of Ac? tion? Lloyd George does n^t miscon? ceive the nature of the Soviet r?gime in Russia and he realizes tho impor tance of "its threat to bring the world to destruction" but either the Bolshe? vist threat to the British empire in the East, their monopoly of Russia's grains and raw materials or a mixture of those and similar factors have led him to the view that Great Britain is forced to compromise. This is un? doubtedly the feeling of the British public?aside from the Council of Ac? tion. Fatuity of England But Sovietists and pro-Sovietists alike feel that if they can force one concession they can force another. And here is the fatuity of tho British policy. They think they can com? promise with Bolshevism and yet de? ceive it into thinking they are not yielding to its power, but are merely adopting a humane and intelligent method to induce moderation and good faith. On the contrary, the interna? tional prestige and power of the So? viets are based in large part precisely on the steady retreat of the British diplomat?. To understand the present British Bolshevist policy is to be on guard against it. But let us not underesti? mate its powers for evil. It constitutes the main support, and the only im? portant support, of the pro-Bolshevist pzopaganda in America to-day. Who Is the Scab> To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: The letter in The Tribune of m September in, 1920, signed Alexander McXicholl, suggesting for Americans to form an association to free us from our present or future nuisances, against any association of person who impairs the rights or privileges of the people. I for one heartily agree with, as these strikes are becoming a menace to the people of our city and country at large, and it does not seem to mo possible that there can be a man-who has a spark of real true Americanism in him who would do, act or utter the things which have been heard in pussing groups of strikers. When tho^e men apply for jobs they know what the conditions are when they start. If they don't like tho jobs let them quit, but they have no right to try to prevent another man 'rom working. To use their own pet name for the man who works, "scab," I would like to know who is the worse scab, the man who strikes and makes trouble for the public and brings pri? vation on his family, or tho man who sticks on the job. It would he better if they took the stand {he women of the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company take. If only these men would use a little of their own brain power and not be made puppets of the loaders of these so-called unions, whose only job seems to be to go about from place to place stirring up strife! Their sa'.siry goes on just the same, but where is yours? Wake up, Americans, and think fol yourselves and look out for the Bol? shevists in our midst and stamp them out. One of the common people also. R. R. M. Brooklyn, Sept. 14, 1920. First, Last and All the Time To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: Oliver W. Holmes said: "If you are pleased with anything a writer ssiys and doubt whether to tell him of it, do not hesitate; a word of appreci? ation is cordial to any one." Hence, as one of the appreciative 27,000,000 en? franchised women of America, I write Bravo bravissimo, dear Tribune, for the splendid support you have always given womanhood suffrage. Our debt of gratitude to you for your fearless and unequivocal editorials and your masterly aid and encouragement can? not be properly expressed in mere words. You have been for etjual suffrage I true democracy) first, last and ail the tune, to your credit be it said, especially now when most of the newspapers are "suffragists from birth." Too bad those runaway Tennessee legislators did not hide themselves permanently; also men of the "Consti? tutional i ?) League" typi , who sire try? ing so desperately to destroy the Nine? teenth Amendment. Are these men also the foes of the Eighteenth Amend? ment? Are they afraid the women's vote will give us a dry Congress? What has become of the chivalry o? these American men that they are not willing to share their ballots with theii mothers, wives and sisters? A sorry spectacle they present to the world .thus engaged. If the order wore re? versed how would it appear if the wom? en were trying to exclude their fath ers, husbands and son:? from sharinf 'ho electorate? It is a tragedy thai these antis should even attempt to de feat democracy, but the comedy comei in making them tho laughing stock o the world. FREEDOM FOR ALL. Now York, Sept. 10, 1920. The Wilson-Cox Prden?? Self'Determination As It .Wj\ Applied in the Tjpol To the Editor of The Tr?b?ns^ * Sir: May a few remarks be p*n?Htai^ on Governor Cox's speech the othar da* at Butte, Mont.? His listeners could M help admiring the well-balancad ?m. tences, tft? plenitude of platitanL. Since then there was time to thijik tbn over, to weigh. Time to analyu *^ verbose expositions, compare them ?{?a actualities emerging to common ksovL edge. Some of his hearers were to find comfort in the assurance "the Iw?w question, under existing condition! could not be presented to the bar .< public opinion; under the League (-? Nations? it can." Accepting that vtis diet for what it is worth, public opinfo, is far from unanimous, nor would th* league be likely to solve it. For out. Archbishop Mannix took occasion nj emphatically to express his opinion, "they have given us a league of vindio. tive victors." Governor Cox reminds us that Hw* took up arms to end the rule of might* The present conditions abroad fonn a sad commentary. L'nruly might is ]*i loose. Demagogism, anarchy, Bo.shCT. ism run amuck. One must sigh for tht promised improvement. He continues: "We wore championi of the rights of small peoples." Not U mention many instances where right? lack clear definition, overlap, encroach, the fate of Tyrol is worthy of serions consideration. Here is a small people the census of 1910- gives a little ?en than 900,000. Inhabiting the eastern main stock of the Alps; hardy, hard? working, frugal; loving their huobli homes in the mountains, bravely main? taining their independence for nigh i thousand years. Politically an entity, though in race divided. Some 60 pej cent claim Teuton origin and apea? German. About 300,000 occupy the vs.. leys north of the Brenner Pass, ani 215,935 of Gorman speech dwell to tlu south of it, living in close sympath] with 19,100 Loidins of Rhaeto-Roroan ish descent. Thus we have nearly i quarter million souls inhabiting Tyrol's central districts, nearly all Teuton dt scendants. From the village of Saluri southward we enter the Trentino, witl 363,942 mouths using the Italian tan guage, a clearly defined ethnographi division. ?although no Italian soldier had w foot on German Tyrolese soil, the Tyn landsturm, boys of sixteen to men ( seventy years of age, stood on guar The armistice decreed Italian occupatio up to the Brenner. Not the Trent? only, but the central part of Tyro!, wil its quarter of a million of Teuton il habitants, all we~e to be Italianized : the new province of Alto-Adigc. Italy aspirations thirsted for the Trentia The conqueror, aided by France, Gre Britain, supported by the United Stat, stretched hin hand beyond. The pea treaty of St. Germain confirmed t grab. President Wilson, though witho authority from Congress, sanctioned Where is justice, where justification f so high-handed robbery? Wilson's famous Fourteen Poir once figured as the sine '?iin non t armistice terms as weil as for pea negotiations following. Mero acaden ebullition, indigestible to European di lomacy, quickly scrapped and burii His rule of self-determination, his re? nition of nationality are echoed in Co utterances, but wofully lack of appli tion in Tyrol. RICHARD LINDNER Allendale, N. J., Sept. 14, 1920. Bubbles To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: Dr. Holmes never uttered saner deduction from human nat' than when he remarked to the efl that every man has his off days?wl his mind is not at its best, when il gestion, a querulous w;fe, a !ame bt and what not, leave his t}?:r-sing pi ers not at their keenest or his dispi tion to take up prejudice., unduly aggerated and too easily venial. Dr. Holmes may have ?? vjressed idea conversely ? that every mBn his exceptionally good days?and may not have expressed 'iji uf the pi phrase here given, but he left it and a lot more, fjiirly deducible f? his leading thought. He had plenty of history to st on. The Tower of Babel was a bul ?it stands throughout history as most monumental blunder Napo] was a bubble. The recent Kaiser nothing but a bubble. Even the Chinese dynasty, in all of its antiqt was a bubble, and some da. the Ch! will see through a millstone n there is a hole in it. They are < now trying to <!o this. Is there any known reason, ex the silliest of all insanities, vai why tho Sunday school statesman of a league of nations should eal our substance and moral ??irility reduce this people to a perms' paucity of horse sense in order some old ladies should thisik this w is already heaven so Ions as it fl is not ? When a man, or a clique, will ? the length of challenging this cou to "keen faith" with Europe and to disappoint its dear hopes, fou: on the promises of a President who iso more authority to make the pron than he had to go and live in Eu while he was President, that man that bunch of politicians are no ter than Cicero's "corruptcrs of youth" if they corrupt any of us are oidor that is our fault. Keep: with the devil! Let us make our promises before we are asked to faith with either fool side of Atlantic Ocean. ALFRED C. COURS* Huntington, N. Y?, Sept. 10, 1920 The Fifth Commandment To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: While "Roscommon Catholltr may be a member of the Loyal Coalitio? ho is not a Roman Catholic. H* rep??tt as the Fifth Commandment what ?" Roman Catholics call tho fourth, and ?? gives himself away. WILLIAM COTTEB. Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 14, I920L,