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THURSDAY, SEPTE.MBER 16. 1920.
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The State Tickets
Tuesday's primaries, on both sides,
resulted, as anticipated, in easy vic?
tories for both sets of candidates
?who had organization indorsement.
An increase in the number of pri?
mary participants is observable, but
the direct primary, although gain?
ing, is not yet the assemblage of the
rank and file of parties.
The disciplined battalions, those
accustomed to work together, are
still in practically undisputed con?
trol of both parties. But there is no
reason for those who favor greater
popular control to be discouraged.
Year by year come signs of slow re?
covery from the interr.nl inertness
that gives the machines their ruler
ship. The problem of campaign ex?
penses has not been solved, and at?
tractive possible candidates are
averse to plunging into contests en?
ergized by bought-and-paid-for hul?
labaloos. Nevertheless, we may con?
tinue to cherish the dream that some
day the voters, each acting accord?
ing to his personal volition and judg?
ment, will do the selecting of candi?
dates without costly shepherding
and without compelling aspirants to
appear as lusty self-seekers.
The two tickets, especially as re?
lates to their heads, seem of more
than ordinary merit. In Nathan L.
Miller the Republicans have as a
candidate for Governor a man of in?
telligence, of character and experi?
ence. In Governor Smith the Demo?
crats have a strong candidate de?
spite his Fourteenth Street affilia?
tions. The gubernatorial contest,
it may be predicted, will be con?
ducted without personal belittle
tlement. The argument will be chiefly
as to which party is the more to be
trusted. As to this Mr. Miller seems
in the better position. Not only
must Governor Smith largely func?
tion through Tammany down state,
but up state through a decadent or?
ganization which has become a Tam?
many annex. Moreover, Republican
control of the Legislature being a
certainty, it is desirable to have
unity at ?Albany.
The Packers' Margin
Figures submitted to the Institute
of American Meat Packers, in ses
sion at Atlantic City, show that the
total sales of eighty-one large cor?
porations of all kinds in 1919 aggre?
gated $9,250,000,000. The capital
engaged was nearly $6,000,000,000,
and the total profits were $600,
000,000.
Of this business the five principal
packers did about one-third, but
their profits in 1919 were but $34,
000,000. No one of them, said
Thomas A. Wilson, their spokes?
man, retains as much as a cent and
a half out of each dollar of sales.
The average of ?the five was less than
one cent. The profits of the packers
are thus, he pointed out, exception?
ally small.
As there is no reason to doubt
these figures, it is time for the gov?
ernment to meet squarely the issue
they raise. So far the government's
accountants, although they have al?
most worn out the books of the pack?
ers by repeated examinations, have
k notoriously not shown the inaccuracy
I of similar computations.
The consuming public is not pri?
marily interested in the dividend
rate of business corporations. What
concerns it is the margin be?
tween what an industry pays for its
supplies and its labor and what it
?ells its product for. It is doubtful
if there is in the world any business
other than packing which operates
on a margin as little as one cent to
the dollar. On the record the pack?
ers aro cheapeners of foods, for it
Is conceded that the cent they cling
to comes from the economics of com?
plete utilization of by-products which
are commonly wasted.
It is time for the government to
prove its charges or to drop them.
Anthracite Coal
Reports'from the anthracite re?
gions, encouraging one day, are dis?
couraging the next. The officers of
the United ?Mine Workers of America
have again ordered the "vacation?
ists" to return to work, with the un?
derstanding that after the mines are
fully in operation another effort will
be made to persuad?: the President
to reopen negotiations. The matter
Is likely to be settled one way or the
?other in a few days.
Thirty to forty million Americans '
depend upon hard coal, but not all of
them realize that the anthracite
fields constitute one of nature's ex?
clusive and restricted monopolies?
practically all comes from a little,
stretch of territory approximately
150 miles in length and littla more
than 60 in breadth. To shut off
our supplies of bituminous coal is
difficult, but far different is the
situation in regard to anthracite.
From the lawless days of the Molly
Maguires, half a century ago, down
to the "Great Strike" of 1902, the
anthracite fields from time to time
have been scenes of tumult, from
which the public suffered more than
the striking mine workers.
In 1902 President Roosevelt ended
what he termed "an intolerable situa?
tion" by calling representatives of
miners and leading coal operators
to the White House, there practical?
ly compelling them to reach a settle- j
ment. His terms brought peace to j
the coal regions and sufficient fuel to
the homes of American citizens. This
happy condition lasted throughout j
President Taft's term. What has
happened since?the scarcity of an
thracite, its mounting costs, the
strikes and the threats of a fuel fa?
mine almost every winter?is known
to all. j
That the American people will !
consent to be subjected over and I
over again to this anxiety, this diffi-:
culty in obtaining hard coal, or that ?
they will forever put up with con- ?
stantly increasing prices is most un
likely. If nature had deposited, say,
in the small section of Michigan all
the available supply of salt or sugar,
the public would insist on enjoying
access to it. The condition in re?
gard to anthracite is not far dif?
ferent. Too many miners and opera- j
tors alike seem to think their busi- j
ness is wholly their own affair. It !
is nothing of the kind.
Those engaged in mining, trans
porting and selling anthracite must i
show more competence in conduct
ing a business which is vital to the
lives 'and health and activities of
many millions. If present conditions |
are not remedied it is not- impossi- j
ble that the Federal government it- !
self may have to step in. The pub?
lic will not stand much more trifling
with a necessary of life.
Cox Gaining
Other Democrats found it neces?
sary to swallow hard after the
Maine election and pause for
thought. Not Governor Cox. With?
out a second's hesitation he raised
the Republican slush fund from ?
$15,000,000 to $30,000,000, snatching j
victory from defeat, as it were, and i
proving once more that a good ward
politician is mightier than any facts.
The agile Governor, whose mathe- |
matical specialty is adding, as befits
a citizen of a city where the cash
registers come from, is thus gaining,
and gaining rapidly. But we hope
he will not stop with any such paltry
sum as $30,000,000. As we pointed
out before the Maine election, Gov?
ernor Cox will need not millions but j
billions, of wicked Republican dol
lars on the day after election. We !
suggested that he raise his accusa
tion to fifteen billions. In view of '
the Maine avalanche thirty billions
is not a cent too much. Avalanches '
cost money when they have to be j
purchased, cash down, so much a
ballot, as Mr. Cox charges.
It is a whale of an alibi that the
boys will want from their candidate
on the 3d of November, and Gov- !
ernor Cox is doing his darnedest to
oblige.
Prudent Mr. Cummings
The announcement that Homer S. j
Cummings will not be a candidate
for Senator in Connecticut comes on j
the day following the Maine elec
tion. It will be difficult to dissociate
the two events. It had been ac- ;
cepted as a certainty that Mr. Cum
mings would welcome the opportu?
nity to run against Senator Bran
degee, just renominated by the Re?
publican State Convention. He was
the logical Democratic choice, ac- j
cording to the Wilson-Cox school of
Democratic logicians, for he repre?
sents more than any other Demo?
crat in the state?more than any !
1
other active Democratic politician in
the nation, perhaps?the "bitter- i
ender" Wilson covenanter view,
while Mr. Brandegee is an equally
pronounced anti-league and anti
covenant "bitter-ender."
Mr. Cummings was a tactfully re-.
ceptive candidate at San Francisco |
for the Democratic Presidential j
nomination. Now he says that his:
physical condition will not allow ;
him to make a six or seven weeks'
state campaign. Yet the result in
Maine could hardly have failed to
strengthen his desire to spare him?
self. The Evening Post candidly \
admitted yesterday: "Maine is em?
phatically anti-league." What is,
true of Maine is true of the other
New England states. And from the
Democratic point of view the most
alarming feature of the situation is
the opposition to the Wilson league
which exists inside the Democratic'
party.
The Wilson covenant could hardly
win an indorsement in a Democratic
referendum held in Massachusetts,
Connecticut or Rhode Island. The
delegation^from these states to the
national convention didn't indorse it.
And one important factor in the
Maine result was undoubtedly the
defection of many anti-league Demo?
cratic voters in the normally Derno- j
cratic towns and cities.
Democratic rainbow chasers have
been talking about tbe easy time
they were going to have defeating
Mr. Brandegee. But they have
ignored local obstacles. They failed
to sense the powerful tide which
has been running against Wil
sonism in general and against Mr.
Wilson's peace policies in particular.
Mr. Cummings couldn't make the
race except on his extremist pro
Wilson record. He shows prudence
in electing to send a substitute into
a dubious fight.
Fiume Arrives Home
The acceptance of the Italian con?
tentions in the Fiume controversy?
for the agreement reached at Aix
les-Bains by Premiers Giolitti and
Millerand amounts to no less?is, of
course, gratifying to those Ameri?
cans who have deplored President
Wilson's refusal to recognize the
right of the people of Fiume to self
determination. The President's
strange course, his unaccountable
vendetta against Italy, has been the
source of much inter-Allied diffi?
culty. It has not tended to make
?Americans popular in Europe, which
assumes that?a nation's Chief Exec?
utive mirrors the views of the na?
tion's majority.
Italy now realizes .that Mr. Wil?
son's personal views were not the
sentiments of America at large, and
that our people recognize that Fiume
is, as it always has been, an Italian
city. It is true the Pact of L?ondon
did not include Fiume in the Italian
territory to be reunited to Italy, but
the complete collapse of Austro
Hungary was not foreseen. But
neither was it foreseen that it would
be feasible to return Posen to Po?
land, nor that Turkey could be dis?
membered, ncr a dozen other things
that canje to pass.
Italy will now deal directly with
Jugo-Slavia concerning the use of
the port. All intelligent Italians
will urge a policy of equity. The
special interests of Fiume, no less
than the broader interests of Italy,
demand this. No Italian who is sane
can want a hostile neighbor?no res?
ident of Fiume can wish for grass
grown streets. Now that Italy's
just national claims are recognized,
the way is open to give the hinter?
land the freest possible access to the
sea. One may salute a Fiume destined
to be the Antwerp of the Adriatic,
receiving through her gates the com?
merce of Jugo-Slavia even as the
Belgian port does that of Rhenish
Germany.
The Hat Smashers
It is always a depressing season
of the year when the varied and in?
dividual and distinctive straw gives
place to the hard, tight little derby
that knows neither comfort nor
grace. Perhaps some consolation
might be found in the increasing
vogue of the soft hat, the softer and
more irregular the better. But we
prefer to be solemn and gloomy over
the recklessness with which the hat
smashers have celebrated September
15?despite the best that protecting
magistrates could do.
Hat smashing has always enjoyed
a certain intermittent vogue at ball
games, especially abound pennant
time and world series. It has never
been so gayly undertaken as a light
and miscellaneous adventure as this
year. Straw hats were whirled
away to the junkman quite as cus?
tard pies are wasted by the great
Mr. Chaplin. "What is a straw hat
to anybody?" seemed to be the
theory. Was there once a dull, ab?
stemious and parsimonious era when
miserly folk maintained a straw hat
from one year to another? Throw
them out, toss their hats into the
river. Such skinflints have no place
in this happy era of many dollars
and highest prices.
From which it may be seen by any
pessimist that once again the cele?
brated shooting of a certain crown
prince in the year 1914 arises to an?
nihilate and confuse, this time, straw
hats. Just why war antl high prices
should inspire to wastefulness, we
shall not attempt to define. But ap?
parently they do. A sort of drunk?
enness seems to seize the reckless
souls. Perhaps it is the high wages
of their particular jobs. But we
suspect it is something more general
and a question of herd psychology,
and every one shares it in his or her
own particular field of recklessness.
The world may pine for normalcy.
But it is still a long way from prac?
ticing it.
With Dubious Voice
The case of the girl of fifteen who,
after living ten years with her aunt,
won't return to her mother is not so
curious as it may seem to many.
The idea that separation can make
no difference to mother and child,
that the tie between the two is
drawn so tightly by nature that
r?othing can unloose it, savors of
melodrama rather than of life. It
is an engaging theory that a .
mother would know her child any?
where, that "something would tell
her." But in fact the voice of kin?
ship does not speak so plainly.
In this case, the mother left the
child with her aunt because she was
unable to take care of her. Now
that the years of poverty are over
she would have the child, fast grow?
ing into Womanhood, back again. If
her own affection is unchanged, as
presumably it is, the present situa?
tion is painful. Yet the attitude of
the ?laughter argues no unnatural
hardness of heart. Her mother, see?
ing her seldom, has become a shad
owy figure. The psychical influence,
so to say, is stronger than the physi?
cal.
The court, to which the mother
appealed for a compuls'ory return of
her child, gave a decision which
seems to serve the ends of justice.
The mother has thirty days in
which to gain the affection she
seeks. This is a brief opportunity
for uprooting the results of time
and use. It may suffice; the rela?
tion so long sundered may be re?
stored. Yet, if it is not, compulsion
would miss it3 object. Love may be
led, but it cannot be driven. And
ten years is longer in a child's life
than in an adult's. It might suffice
to make strangers even of those
who had been passionately attached
to each other.
Calvin Coolidge Says
(From his address to the Brockton
Chamber of Commerce, April 11,
1916)
Men struggle for material success
because that is the path, the process,
to the development of character. We
ought to demand economic justice, but
most of all because it is justic*. We
must forever realize that material re?
wards are limited and in a sense they
are only incidental, but the develop?
ment of character is unlimited and is
the only essential. The measure of
success is not the quantity of merchan?
dise, but the quality of manhood which
is produced.
These, then, are the justifying con?
ceptions of the spirit of our age; that
commerce is the foundation of human
progress and prosperity and the great
artisan of human character. Let us
dismiss the general indictment that has
all too long hung over business enter?
prise. While we continue to condemn
unsparingly selfishness and greed and
all trafficking in the natural rights of
man, let us not forget to respect thrift
and industry and enterprise. Let us
look to the service rather than to the
reward. Then shall wo see in our in?
dustrial army, from the most exalted
captain to the humblest soldier in the
ranks, a purpose worthy to minister to
the highest needs of man and to fullfil
the hope of a fairer day.
The Tammany Candidate
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I wish to register a protest
against the use of valuable space in
the New York papers for the purpose of
describing the self-inflicted sufferings
of a few Irish fanatics while items of
real interest and problems which re?
quire the widest publicity as a help
toward their successful solution are
relegated to the back pages.
I would also like to impress upon
some of our political candidates that
this country is not inhabited exclu?
sively by the Irish, although from a
perusal of their speeches , one would
be led to think so. A number of women
friends and myself are looking for?
ward to casting our first vote for
President this fall, and although we are
all firm believers in the League of Na?
tions, we don't propose to vote for a
league with Mr. Cox, the Tammany can?
didate, attached. In the event of an?
other Sinn Fein election in Ireland, it
might be advisable for Mr, Cox, Sec?
retary Colby, Representative Mason
and a few others to present them?
selves as candidates for the office of
"President of the Irish Republic."
They seem to be much more interested
in the affairs of that country than in
those of the United States of America.
WOMAN' VOTER.
South Norwalk, Conn., Sept. 14, 1020.
Omitted Leagues
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The New York Times is dread?
fully worried because the Republican
national campaign textbook omits the
coyenant of the League of Nations. It
thinks every Republican will run to
get the Democratic textbook In order
to read over the precious document that
gives Great Britain six votes to our
one, damns the Monroe Doctrine with
faint praise, condones and confirms the
stealing of Shantung from China and
binds America to undertake to pre?
serve the boundary lines of every coun?
try on the globe.
The Republican national campaign
textbook loaves out a lot of leagues.
It leaves out the Achaean League and
the Hanseatic League, and the Solemn
Longue and Covenant of the Scotch,
and the Anti-Corn Longue, nnd the
Primrose Leagu?, and the Wilson
League of Nations, and all for the same
reason. ALVIN M. HIGGINS.
Croton-on-Hudson, N. Y., Sept. 14, 1020.
Best Republican Campaigner
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Some part of that fifteen mil?
lion or billion, or whatever it is, should
be sent to Mr. Cox "for services ren?
dered." As ono who is "on the road"
twelve months in the year, I can safely
say that no former candidate has
turned so many good Democrats into
potential Republicans as has he. Every- i
where one is made to realize what a
sad and shamefnl example a man ill j
Mr. Cox's exalted position is making
by his "ward heeler" methods. It is
some years since Coxey led an army into |
Washington, and I make the prediction
now that if the present Mr. Cox wishes
to do the same thing he will have Ho
resort to a more dignified program to
raise a Cox's army large enough to
take him out of Ohio. "For Harding
and dignified.statesmanship,"
P. S. DICKSON.
Rochester, N. Y., Sept. 11, 1920.
The Negro and the League
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I see in the papers where Mr.
Cox has said that he would be willing, if
elected President, to take the Irish
?jucstioti to tho League of Nutions. If
so, could we as a nation object to Eng?
land taking the npgro and the Jap
question to the league?
W. M. RIEKE.
Paducah, Ky., Sept. 13, 1920.
TheConningTower
Wherein the Quarry Wins
Where do you get that stuff, dear
friend?
"The quarry's nothing but the end
Of the most interesting chase"?
Have you been hunting for a place
To put your little Home, Sweet
Home?
Have you gone forth at morn, to '
roam
Until the close of eventide,
To chase a spot wherein to bide?
Don't tell me that the chase is best.
A house my quarry!
Darn the rest!
Ma.
A diverting play. "$1,200 a Year," by
E. F. and Flaccus?or, as they are
known by their non-column names,
Edna Ferbor and Newman Levy?is
issued in book form. But we quarrel
with the authors. The hero, Paul Stod
dard, resigns his professorship?prob?
ably it was only an instructorship- ?
at $1,200 a year and goes to work at
$30 a day in a factory. "You're al?
ways making those terrible speeches,"
Frances says to him, "You haven't
been off the front page for months."
With the exception of a Presidential
candidate during a campaign, and per?
haps Nan Patterson and Evelyn Nesbit
Thaw, we doubt whether any individu?
al has held the front pago for
"months." Certainly no university
professor who made anti-capitalistic
spee'ehes could hold the front page for j
months, not even of The Call.
In his all-America team of writers
Prof. Heywood Broun should give posi?
tions to William Allen White, Harry !
Leon Wilson, Kin Ilubbard, and Hoy- |
wood Broun. ,
Speaking of Prof. Iiroun's perplexi?
ties about moving his furniture, he is !
trying, he says,* to enlist the services J
of Mrs. Leslie Carter and Miss Mabel j
Carrier.
*IIe never said anything of the kind,
but when a wheeze is unusually poor
it is wise to credit it to somebody.
OlJ"R OWN' TRAVELOGUES
From my seat in the comfortable Northern
Hotel dining room in this enterprising and j
attractive city I can read this sign across
the street:
MIDLAND MAXlTACTI'RlKa CO.
I'honographs and Caskets
My friend Mathias, from Philadelphia,
claims the scheme ii to play 'em to death,
then bury 'em.
I hold, on the conti*ary, the sign indi?
cates simply a frank, wholesome Western
appreciation of the age-old truth embodied
in the jinKle:
"Ashes to ashes
And dust to dust;
If our Phonographs don't get you
Our Caskets mt..sl."
Billings, Mont. Howard D. Hapley.
Slyly edited is the esteemed Eve?
ning Mail, which, under the generic
head "Oddities in the Day's News/" ?
lists the paragraph headed "Cheaper
Clothing Coming."
I
Concerning Fame sind it.-s evanescence, |
"I bought the first tickets over the
Intramural Railway at the Chicago j
World's Fair," writes Kalona's Father,
"and look at mo now."
Radicals' Plea for Control of Indus- j
try Declared To Be Too Premature.?
Tribune headline.
How premature, asks Verda Stolo,
would it have to be to bo just pre?
mature enough ?
How They Order These Tilings in Taris
[From tli- circular of (J ], Manuel Frisos, i
advertising Imposition Yes Artistes '
Am?ricain*]
We have collected :? selection of recent
work? of painters, gravors anil sculptors born '
in U. S. A., and asking to Parisian life the
consecration of their art yet appreciated.
One will find some talents already favoured
by public estimation and some new others j
which merit it eiiually and will draw it too.
This little exhibition gives only but a small
lookround of the brilliant production of 1
nmerienn artists residing; In Paris, ant is
sufficient to prove that the actual general ion
?8 the real undercoming of the precedent one.
illustrated by the groat nsimi'S of Whistler, '
Mary Carsatt and John Sargent.
"I have met him places," writes Sun
shine to Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, ,
writer of "Heart and Home Problems"
in Tho Altoona (Pa.) Times-Tribune.
"If ho loved you," Mrs. Thompson an?
swers, "he would . . . lake you I
places. Never go places to meet a I
man." The chief objection to meet-1
ing a man places, we guess, is that
certain parties might pass remarks.
Foresighted copyreaders are calcu?
lating that, for Election Night extras,
it will be possible to use much larger '
type with "COX LOSES" than with
"HARDING WINS." ,
A N T I E T A 1.1
[September Hi, 1862)
Here, where the armies fought in days
?rone by.
Columbia's children, lo her honor true.
Beneath her flair, clad in her sacred blue,
With noble valor and with courage high
Proved to the world they wire content to die
To give the land they loved a birthright new. '
And now beneath the soil where ?e.ts the
dew.
In perfect peace the faithful martyrs lie.
And keeping guard, his musket in his hands.
At dawn of day. or when !)!?? daylight dim,
As if awaiting sorn.' great chief's commands,
Or for the time when all these dead shall
rise,
Right on the battlefield the sentry stands
Pore vu r looking south with atoijy ??>.?*.
Jot? S I'J. Nc Hl KOSH.
Neis beat out an infidel hit which ;
Lavan could not handle, (?lobe.
Meaning, Algy assumes, Uiat no one
believed ho could do it.
If Sordello had his way that League j
of Nations building would be named
George's Court.. _
Among the casos cited by The New j
York Law Journal is that of Paul v.
Virginia, 8 Wall 1C.R.
"It is a common misunderstanding,"
Astronomer Gurrett P. Serviss ex?
plains, "that tho earth is a perpetual
motion machine." What tho planet
generates is perpetua!, commotion.
F. P. A.
England and the Soviets
Bu William English Walling
For several months the Soviet prob?
lem has overshadowed all other in
Great Britain, and the frequent changes
of the situation in eastern Europe have
caused Lloyd George to issue a new
note or to make s new speech in Par?
liament every few days. The British
policy is also subtle and has a number
of angles. But it is imperativethat this
policy be understood. Not only does
the future of Bolshevism in Russia
and throughout the world depend upon
it, but the sudden claim of the domi?
nant factions of European labor to the
control of international relations, re?
gardless of the position of govern?
ments?no matter how democratic?has
created a new problem as grave as
that of Bolshevism itself. The Council
of Action sot up by British labor finds
its counterpart in several other coun?
tries. But the center of this movement
is England.
An Open Door?
Lloyd George has declared that labos
was "battering at an open door," Brit?
ish opinion being firmly opposed to
military intervention in Russia. There
is a tendency in America to accept this
view, and so to wave aside and get
rid of this new and painful situation ?
a powerful revolutionary body chal?
lenging the government in what has
hitherto been the most conservative
of all nations. Lloyd George's remark
nu rely evaded the issue Labor's
Council of ?action is based upon three
resolutions of the labor forces. It is
? m powered to act not only (1) agains*
niilitary intervention, but also to force
(2) recognition of tho Soviet govern?
ment and (Ji) the raising of the block
ss?Ie. Moreover, it means?, according tc
one of the more conservative leaders
J. It. Thomas, "a fight against the con?
stitution of our country,'' i. c., against
British democracy. This fight is
not against "war," but against war
with tin? Soviets, which the Hrit
ish labor delegation recently in
Russia admitted were an anti-demo?
cratic government. In si war betweer
this "government" and the presen'
Polish r?gime, which British labo
does not deny is supported by the peas
ant majority, and even by a large par
of the Socialists, it insists upon re
garding the Poles as the sole aggies
sors, in spite of the fact that Her
tj-and Russell and most of the laboi
delegation reported the Soviets as por
rr.anently aggressive in their foreigi
policy and aiming to set up soviets ?i
other countries.
So far British policy has been in
crcasingly friendly to the Soviets
with the exception of a few days I Au
gust 23 to 20). This friendliness ha
obviously greatly encouraged ant
strengthened the Bolshoviki as well a
pro-Soviet labor throughout the world
It was inevitable that Trotzky and tlv
Soviet press should boast that the con
rinucd presence of the Bolshevist dele
station in London meant that the So
viets were gradually and steadily fore
:ng the world to recognize and com
promise with them. Tisis is the onl;
s essible way the Sovictists and pro
Sovietists could interpret these negotia
tions.
British Policy
What is the British policy? It i
based on the assumption that by mean
of negotiation the Soviets can be per
suaded first, to moderation, and seconc
to good faith. But what possible guai
unties could be riven of either? Cleai
ly, promises are of no value if tli
record is one unbroken story of im
moderate, extreme and aggressive actio
and bad faith. The British public au
government were gradually won overt
she belief in the possibilities of neg<
liations, not by anything in the recor
but by the very, continuation of th
negotiations and tho presence of th
negotiators in London. And here o<
curred the national psychosis that
sibsolutely incomprehensible to othc
democratic nations. Having becon
wedded to the idea of taming tl
anarchist Huns by compromise, Gre;
Britain began unconsciously the fabr
cation of fictions to support the neg?
tintions.
Lloyd George took the position o
August 10 that "Poland was a defeat?
nation" and must not refuse any tern
which "in ths circumstances are as goc
as ?she has a right to expect," provide
they are based *n the "guaranties
exacted from a defeated nation against
a repetition of the act of aggression."
The British press comments of all
shades of opinion approved. Poland was
the aggressor, Poland had been decisive?
ly and finally beaten. Poland must
henceforth remain defenseless against
Soviet threats or attacks, except for
such support as she couLd rely on from
the great powers! But what was that
support? British opinion backed Lloyd
George again when he said that all
practicable support would be given if
the independence of Poland were "seri?
ously menaced"- thu3 a^uming that
neither the existence of Soviet Russia
as a neighbor nor the presence of her
victorious armies in defeated Poland
was a serious menace to Polish inde?
pendence. Finally, when the Soviet
armistice terms were published, demand?
ing that Poland be reduced to military
impotence in the face of the Bolshevist
peril, British opinion still held that
Polish independence was not seriously
menaced and that the terms were rea?
sonable! Why? Because Poland could
rely absolutely upon British and other
protection only in case her independence
were seriously menaced!
Soviet Faith
Since British opinion and govern?
mental policy crystallized in this form,
two events have happened. British
opinion, with practical unanimity?
even The London Times and Post
agreeing?held that the Minsk negotia?
tions were to be the test of Bolshevist
good faith. Warsaw being on the verg*
of capture, the Soviets added a clause
to their armistice terms, which they
hoped would Sovietize Poland, by de?
manding a militia composed exclusive?
ly of workingmen. This, then, was
apparently the final blow needed to
destroy British belief in Bolshevist
good faith. Not at all. British opinion
again supported Lloyd George in de?
claring that if this c?ause were not
withdrawn the Bolshevists would be
convicted of bad faith. Later, when
Warsaw was saved and the Soviet ar?
mies defeated, the Soviets withdrew
this new clause. Now, as Lloyd
George's own organ. The Chronicle,
admits, "it is one thing to act in good
faith and another to act in bad faith
and then abandon the attempt under
pressure. The Soviets did far worse
than that. If they are to be success?
fully negotiated with, it must be pos?
sible to bank not only on their good
faith, but also on their moderation.
Hut when, under defeat, they repeated
the armistice terms of conquerors,
withdrawing only the one new clause
and leaving some fifteen others, they
wore really t-iking a much more ag?
gressive position."
With th'S foundation for British
policy and opinion, are we to wonder
at the continued arrogance and ag?
gressiveness either of the Russian So?
viets or of tho British Council of Ac?
tion? Lloyd George does n^t miscon?
ceive the nature of the Soviet r?gime
in Russia and he realizes tho impor
tance of "its threat to bring the world
to destruction" but either the Bolshe?
vist threat to the British empire in the
East, their monopoly of Russia's grains
and raw materials or a mixture of
those and similar factors have led
him to the view that Great Britain
is forced to compromise. This is un?
doubtedly the feeling of the British
public?aside from the Council of Ac?
tion.
Fatuity of England
But Sovietists and pro-Sovietists
alike feel that if they can force one
concession they can force another.
And here is the fatuity of tho British
policy. They think they can com?
promise with Bolshevism and yet de?
ceive it into thinking they are not
yielding to its power, but are merely
adopting a humane and intelligent
method to induce moderation and good
faith. On the contrary, the interna?
tional prestige and power of the So?
viets are based in large part precisely
on the steady retreat of the British
diplomat?.
To understand the present British
Bolshevist policy is to be on guard
against it. But let us not underesti?
mate its powers for evil. It constitutes
the main support, and the only im?
portant support, of the pro-Bolshevist
pzopaganda in America to-day.
Who Is the Scab>
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The letter in The Tribune of
m
September in, 1920, signed Alexander
McXicholl, suggesting for Americans
to form an association to free us from
our present or future nuisances, against
any association of person who impairs
the rights or privileges of the people.
I for one heartily agree with, as these
strikes are becoming a menace to the
people of our city and country at large,
and it does not seem to mo possible
that there can be a man-who has a
spark of real true Americanism in him
who would do, act or utter the things
which have been heard in pussing
groups of strikers.
When tho^e men apply for jobs
they know what the conditions are
when they start. If they don't like
tho jobs let them quit, but they have no
right to try to prevent another man
'rom working. To use their own pet
name for the man who works, "scab,"
I would like to know who is the worse
scab, the man who strikes and makes
trouble for the public and brings pri?
vation on his family, or tho man who
sticks on the job. It would he better
if they took the stand {he women of
the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company
take.
If only these men would use a little
of their own brain power and not be
made puppets of the loaders of these
so-called unions, whose only job seems
to be to go about from place to place
stirring up strife! Their sa'.siry goes
on just the same, but where is yours?
Wake up, Americans, and think fol
yourselves and look out for the Bol?
shevists in our midst and stamp them
out.
One of the common people also.
R. R. M.
Brooklyn, Sept. 14, 1920.
First, Last and All the Time
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Oliver W. Holmes said: "If
you are pleased with anything a writer
ssiys and doubt whether to tell him of
it, do not hesitate; a word of appreci?
ation is cordial to any one." Hence, as
one of the appreciative 27,000,000 en?
franchised women of America, I write
Bravo bravissimo, dear Tribune, for
the splendid support you have always
given womanhood suffrage. Our debt
of gratitude to you for your fearless
and unequivocal editorials and your
masterly aid and encouragement can?
not be properly expressed in mere
words. You have been for etjual
suffrage I true democracy) first, last
and ail the tune, to your credit be it
said, especially now when most of the
newspapers are "suffragists from
birth."
Too bad those runaway Tennessee
legislators did not hide themselves
permanently; also men of the "Consti?
tutional i ?) League" typi , who sire try?
ing so desperately to destroy the Nine?
teenth Amendment. Are these men
also the foes of the Eighteenth Amend?
ment? Are they afraid the women's
vote will give us a dry Congress?
What has become of the chivalry o?
these American men that they are not
willing to share their ballots with theii
mothers, wives and sisters? A sorry
spectacle they present to the world
.thus engaged. If the order wore re?
versed how would it appear if the wom?
en were trying to exclude their fath
ers, husbands and son:? from sharinf
'ho electorate? It is a tragedy thai
these antis should even attempt to de
feat democracy, but the comedy comei
in making them tho laughing stock o
the world. FREEDOM FOR ALL.
Now York, Sept. 10, 1920.
The Wilson-Cox Prden??
Self'Determination As It .Wj\
Applied in the Tjpol
To the Editor of The Tr?b?ns^ *
Sir: May a few remarks be p*n?Htai^
on Governor Cox's speech the othar da*
at Butte, Mont.? His listeners could M
help admiring the well-balancad ?m.
tences, tft? plenitude of platitanL.
Since then there was time to thijik tbn
over, to weigh. Time to analyu *^
verbose expositions, compare them ?{?a
actualities emerging to common ksovL
edge.
Some of his hearers were to find
comfort in the assurance "the Iw?w
question, under existing condition!
could not be presented to the bar .<
public opinion; under the League (-?
Nations? it can." Accepting that vtis
diet for what it is worth, public opinfo,
is far from unanimous, nor would th*
league be likely to solve it. For out.
Archbishop Mannix took occasion nj
emphatically to express his opinion,
"they have given us a league of vindio.
tive victors."
Governor Cox reminds us that Hw*
took up arms to end the rule of might*
The present conditions abroad fonn a
sad commentary. L'nruly might is ]*i
loose. Demagogism, anarchy, Bo.shCT.
ism run amuck. One must sigh for tht
promised improvement.
He continues: "We wore championi of
the rights of small peoples." Not U
mention many instances where right?
lack clear definition, overlap, encroach,
the fate of Tyrol is worthy of serions
consideration. Here is a small people
the census of 1910- gives a little ?en
than 900,000. Inhabiting the eastern
main stock of the Alps; hardy, hard?
working, frugal; loving their huobli
homes in the mountains, bravely main?
taining their independence for nigh i
thousand years. Politically an entity,
though in race divided. Some 60 pej
cent claim Teuton origin and apea?
German. About 300,000 occupy the vs..
leys north of the Brenner Pass, ani
215,935 of Gorman speech dwell to tlu
south of it, living in close sympath]
with 19,100 Loidins of Rhaeto-Roroan
ish descent. Thus we have nearly i
quarter million souls inhabiting Tyrol's
central districts, nearly all Teuton dt
scendants. From the village of Saluri
southward we enter the Trentino, witl
363,942 mouths using the Italian tan
guage, a clearly defined ethnographi
division.
?although no Italian soldier had w
foot on German Tyrolese soil, the Tyn
landsturm, boys of sixteen to men (
seventy years of age, stood on guar
The armistice decreed Italian occupatio
up to the Brenner. Not the Trent?
only, but the central part of Tyro!, wil
its quarter of a million of Teuton il
habitants, all we~e to be Italianized :
the new province of Alto-Adigc. Italy
aspirations thirsted for the Trentia
The conqueror, aided by France, Gre
Britain, supported by the United Stat,
stretched hin hand beyond. The pea
treaty of St. Germain confirmed t
grab. President Wilson, though witho
authority from Congress, sanctioned
Where is justice, where justification f
so high-handed robbery?
Wilson's famous Fourteen Poir
once figured as the sine '?iin non t
armistice terms as weil as for pea
negotiations following. Mero acaden
ebullition, indigestible to European di
lomacy, quickly scrapped and burii
His rule of self-determination, his re?
nition of nationality are echoed in Co
utterances, but wofully lack of appli
tion in Tyrol.
RICHARD LINDNER
Allendale, N. J., Sept. 14, 1920.
Bubbles
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Dr. Holmes never uttered
saner deduction from human nat'
than when he remarked to the efl
that every man has his off days?wl
his mind is not at its best, when il
gestion, a querulous w;fe, a !ame bt
and what not, leave his t}?:r-sing pi
ers not at their keenest or his dispi
tion to take up prejudice., unduly
aggerated and too easily venial.
Dr. Holmes may have ?? vjressed
idea conversely ? that every mBn
his exceptionally good days?and
may not have expressed 'iji uf the pi
phrase here given, but he left it
and a lot more, fjiirly deducible f?
his leading thought.
He had plenty of history to st
on. The Tower of Babel was a bul
?it stands throughout history as
most monumental blunder Napo]
was a bubble. The recent Kaiser
nothing but a bubble. Even the
Chinese dynasty, in all of its antiqt
was a bubble, and some da. the Ch!
will see through a millstone n
there is a hole in it. They are <
now trying to <!o this.
Is there any known reason, ex
the silliest of all insanities, vai
why tho Sunday school statesman
of a league of nations should eal
our substance and moral ??irility
reduce this people to a perms'
paucity of horse sense in order
some old ladies should thisik this w
is already heaven so Ions as it fl
is not ?
When a man, or a clique, will ?
the length of challenging this cou
to "keen faith" with Europe and
to disappoint its dear hopes, fou:
on the promises of a President who
iso more authority to make the pron
than he had to go and live in Eu
while he was President, that man
that bunch of politicians are no
ter than Cicero's "corruptcrs of
youth" if they corrupt any of us
are oidor that is our fault. Keep:
with the devil! Let us make our
promises before we are asked to
faith with either fool side of
Atlantic Ocean.
ALFRED C. COURS*
Huntington, N. Y?, Sept. 10, 1920
The Fifth Commandment
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: While "Roscommon Catholltr
may be a member of the Loyal Coalitio?
ho is not a Roman Catholic. H* rep??tt
as the Fifth Commandment what ?"
Roman Catholics call tho fourth, and ??
gives himself away.
WILLIAM COTTEB.
Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 14, I920L,