Newspaper Page Text
First to Last?the Troth: Newa?Edi? torial??Advertisement? of tii* Audit Bureau of Circulation? SATURDAY, SEPTEaMBER 25, 1920 ?jmS jKibliah?! dully hr New Tor* Tribun? tee., a Sew York Corporation. Ofden Beta, rrtst <l?nt; O. Varnor Rogsn. VUe-Prastdtft: Belan Boaer? ||M, Sacntary : R. K. Mazfleld, TraMurar. Aid-*?. Tribun? Building. ?4 Nassau Str??. N?? Tork. Taiapbaeoa, Be?k_an SMS. ?tTBSCRrPnON PATKB-By ?all. taciadlM ?<?Ui?. IN THE UNITED STATUS. STset et MlitsUstnpt Rittsr: One Six On? By Mall. Tost pa M. Tear. Months. Month. Dally and Sunday.I12.M $A.M ILM On? weak. Sie. Daily only . 1? 8* I.M M On? w??fc. ?9?. Sunday only . 4.?0 S.?5 .49 Sunday ealy. Canada. ?00 S.23 M FOREIGN RATES r>?Uy -me Sunday.*S?.M ?13.8* fit? hally only . IT.?? I.Tt 1.48 Suaday ?wir . ?.ts l.ll .S< tha PctiolTSco at Ne* Tork Class Mall Matter. GUARANTY To? m? ?archas? rterohen?lj? a?vertlee? I? THK TRIBUNE with ak??|iT.? ??ffHy?t?r If ?teaatttfac ft?? rMult? I? any cas? THE TRIBUNE ?uarantM? t? say year money back unen request. N? red tas?. N? ?ulkbll??. W? aak? wod ?rewgtly it the a*???rtlier dee? net. MXMBKB Or TBS 4MOCUTSD FRISS Tb? Associated Press is exduslrcly entitled to in? ??? for republicano? of all new? dispatch?* <tredlt?d (a it or not othemuw credited in this D*P?r, and also the local news of spontaneous origin published h?r?tn. AU right? of repuhllcaUon ?f all ether mattet h?r?ln also ar? rosorrsd. Falling Prices About the latest report? of a fall in prices is a definiteness which in? dicates that at last the peak has been reached and that for some time the price movement will be down? ward. For five years sellers have had their way. To grow rich all that was needed was tor a merchant or manufacturer to stock up and wait for the market to reach a level agreeable to him. Sellers having had a good time so long, it is only fair that buyers should now have a little opportunity to enjoy life. But in many ways it is easier to go up than to go down. The new condition will contain as many ele? ments of demoralization as the old. It is not improbable there will be an increase of industrial disturb? ance. Labor, both organized and unorganized, will fight to preserve its new wage scales. It will regard lack of continuity of employment as less of an evil than to work for less per day or hour. Men of business may expect to be harassed by new difficulties. A sufficient demonstration having been given that good will and mu? tual forbearance are the only way to soften the bumps and shocks that come from doing business with a dollar of fluctuating value, it is to be hoped that the journey down will be marked by greater harmony than marked the journey up. You can contribute to the general welfare by avoiding too hasty angry judgments based on beliefs that you are espe? cially a victim. How far will the decline go? Probably about half way to the pre? war price levels. This was what fol? lowed the Napoleonic wars and what happened in this country after the Civil War. We shall not have the 50-cent dollar nor the 100-cent dollar, but probably a 75-cent dollar. New Chiefs in France The election of a new President and the choice of a new Premier re? flect a stabilization of political con? ditions in France. Millerand, after a brilliant service at the head of the Cabinet, has been chosen Presi? dent almost without opposition. He stood for a policy in foreign rela? tions which consolidated the parties in the Chamber and had the strong? est support from the public. Most Frenchmen view the post-war Euro? pean problem from the same angle. Unity of attitude has been achieved under tha pressure of national neces? sity?the necessity of preserving for France the full guaranties of the j peace treaty. Before the war French parties di? vided acrimoniously on many do? mestic issues. There were numer? ous groups in the Chamber, and all of them emphasized their antago? nisms rather than their agreement?. An American or Englishman, accus? tomed to the two-party system, was often puzzled by the great variety of factions in Parts, distinguished from one another by names which carried little real significance. There were Radicals, Radical-Socialists, Unified Socialists, Independent So? cialists and Progressists?all be? longing to the dominant Left. There were, besides, Conservatives, Repub? licans of the Left and Nationalists. The war compelled a coalition?the so-called Union-Sacr?e. It also en? forced the lessons of patriotic soli? darity and nationalism. The new Chamber?elected in 1919?was, in fact, predominantly national in feel? ing. The voters nearly eliminated the old Caillaux-Malvy group of troublemakers and defeatists and turned full control of the govern? ment over to the moderate, patriotic groups. Millerand represents the new re? gime, which is striving to build up F?nce ?and to liquidate war bur? dens. The new Premier, Georges Leyg_w, is a leader in the Republi? can group, a moderate and an intel? lectual. He has sat in the Chamber since 1885 and has been a member of six or snore Cabinets. Most of his Cabinet service has been in the Department of Public Instruction. H? If an authority on educational matters and a prolific writer on edu? cation and other public questions. He la more moderate in his political affiliation? titan Millerand? since the lai*** we* or?* inajly a Socialist and ?w O? ?sit Socialist to accept a therefore, stands for a continuation of the war tendency toward unified national action. All factions must drop their old artificial animosities and get together in order to tide France over the peace crisis. Unity is as much needed in solving internal economic problems as it is in gather? ing the fruits of the victory over Germany. France saved herself by enormous sacrifices from her most dangerous external enemy. But it will take her many years of patient effort to consolidate her moral and military success. ? Cox Runs; You Pay! The Cabinet members will soon be on the stump speaking for Mr. Cox. Who is going to pay their ex? penses? You will find the answer in the news. Assistant attorneys general and others went to the Democratic convention in San Francisco. The San Francisco convention was not public business. They did not transact public business when they were there. But they charged their expenses up to the government, and the people paid the bill. Is it to be supposed for one minute that the Cabinet members, soon to use their positions and their influ? ence?if they have any?in Mr. Cox's behalf, will pay their own ex? penses? It is not. Unless the exposure of the San Francisco expense accounts stops them, Uncle Sam will do the paying. Even if they pay their expenses or pay them out of Mr. Cox's twelve hundred thousand dollar campaign fund they will be using government time for their stumping tours, for it is not to be believed that they will refuse to take their*?pay while they are working for Mr. Cox. And there is no moral difference between working for a candidate while paid by the people and going a little further and charging up rail? road fares," meals and au,tomobiles, as well as salary, to the p?fple. So far as Mr. Harding*s interests are concerned, there should be no objection to the Cabinet members speaking. Mr. ?Daniels in Maine proved to be an excellent campaign? er?for Harding. We can well believe that Mr. Burleson and Mr. Colby and the others would do equally well?for Harding. But asking the people to pay cam? paign bills for Mr. Cox and the sala? ries of Cox orators is something Mr. Harding would not do?even though it would materially help his cause. The place for Cabinet members and government officials in a cam? paign is on their jobs?not on the stump. The day is past when government employees can be turned out to boost ior a party without creating a pub? lic scandal. Once More Above the Law The President on June 5 signed the merchant marine act, passed by both branches of Congress without partisan division. That act, among other provisions, directed the Presi? dent to serve notice within ninety days from its enactment upon na? tions with which we have treaty agreements restricting our right to impose discretionary duties and ton? nage dues. The notice was to an? nounce our purpose to terminate so much of the treaties as bars us from discriminating in favor of our own shipping. Ninety days and nearly a score j more have elapsed, and now the President announces that he will not j serve the notice; that he will ignore the will of Congress. He has ignored his own pledge, given in signing the act. The treaties involved are clearly terminable. They contain pro? visions specifying the length of the period of notice required before ter? mination becomes effective. They are subject to change. They were changed to give effect to the terms of the seamen's act of 1915. And the change in that case was effected by notice given by President Wilson through the Secretary of State. A precisely similar proceeding is all that is necessary in the present case. Preferential treatment for Ameri? can shipping is the backbone of the merchant marine act. Built, manned and operated at higher cost than the vessels of other nations, and re? ceiving no more for the freight they carry, our ships must be protected from the competition of cheap alien tonnage seeking the bulk of our car? rying trade. That protection can be given with the removal of the re? strictive treaty provisions. Opposition to the enforcement of the terms of the merchant marine act seems to come from two sources ?from our foreign competitors, whose attitude is understandable, and from tha Democratic Admin? istration, which, seemingly, is of one mind with the alien critics of the bill. The Shipping Board stands for the application of the act, but it seems to stand alone among govern? ment agencies. The language of the merchant ma? rine act is clear. The duty of the Executive is plain. The President is not above the law. The Noise Problem The number o? our correspondents who writ* in serloua complaint of miaa is prcof that condition? ara b* cannot be run for the hyper-sensi? tive, the neurotic. But the noises of to-day seem to have passed this point. Judging by the complaints of our readers, New York is to-day a spot where the normal human is con? tinually jarred by sounds, to the detriment of his mental poiae and health. Every one has a pet abhorrence in the noise line that seems to go to the heart of his being, whereas other noiaes roll oft* his soul unnoticed. For one person it is an old-fashioned truck clattering over cobblestones, for another the pneumatic riveter, for another the squawking motor horn. New York is full of all of thejn, and it is hard to eee how any can be eliminated. Our correspondent who advocates sleigh bells for automo? biles to replace horns is looking forward to a far ampler Utopia than this-crowded town can ever be again. The automobile's sudden warning is necessary for the sake of the pedes? trian quite as much as for the driver. But if our town cannot be made sleepy and empty of noise, it might at least be made less raucous than at present. Effort by the authori? ties would surely result in noise re? duction. Voluntary effort by organi? zations might do even more. Auto? mobile manufacturers and clubs could maintain an active campaign against noise. The muffler cut-out has gone. A new standard of effec? tiveness in,mufflers could be estab? lished. The most raucous horns could be tempered. A scientific effort to achieve a signal capable of grada? tions and distinctly agreeable in its normal, minimum warning could be begun. Most of all, drivers could be urged to use their warning signals sparingly. Unnecessary tooting is the worst offender among auto noises. The noise problem in our tightly packed city has become a grave one, deserving of active interest by every cue "and careful^consideration by public officials and private or? ganizations alike. Dividing the Dollar An old established firm in New York, the Rogers Peet Company, which manufactures men's clothing and wholesales and retails its prod? uct, is sending to its customers i. de? tailed statement which, it is said, ".shows precisely how much we got out of the six months' actual busi? ness ended March 1, 1920." This is done because, latterly, in the eyes of many, all merchants are under sus? picion of making extortionate profits. The figures show what has be? come of each dollar that customers have paid for clothing. Hero is the statement, "based on six months' actual experience": Material? Coat, loss cash discount.$0.2661 Labor?-AVage:. for making ami Mal?rica for Belling.4562 Ren' .07-0 Tu-iiS?Federal and ?tate.036* Miscellaiipous: "Moneyback" .$0.0073 Delivery und freight.0?!72 Postage, carfare, etc.0060 Containern, twine, etc... .0053 Printing and stationery.. .0050 Fixture depreciation.0029 Building repaire.001? Insurance .0016 Bad debt?.0012 Telephono .0003 - .0391 Advertising .01 S3 Profit of manufacturing, whole? saling and retailing combined? all that's left to pny dividends and accumul?t?? a surplus to in? sure our business future.0S21 $1.00 Labor and material absorb slightly more than 75 per cent of each dollar of the customer. As j the cut in the prices of woolens had j not occurred in the six months cov- j ered by this statement possibly labor costs to-day consume a larger percentage of the dollar. Under the head of profits is included "all that's left to pay dividends and accumu? late a surplus to insure our future business." This profit is set down at about eight cents out of each dol? lar paid by customers. It would appear, therefore, that out of $50 paid for suit or overcoat during the six months labor received $24.31 and the material cost just about $13.31, while a fraction more than $4.10 went for profit and sur-1 plus. It should be noticed that Fed? eral and state taxes ate up $1.81. In the present time of general sus? picion it might be educational for other manufacturers and merchants to tell what becomes of each dollar they take in. The big packers did this the other day when Thomas E. Wilson, one of their number, Bhowed that they retained less thun one cent out of each dollar handled. "Fooling the Irish" Senator Harding's frank and politically courageous statement con? cerning the relations of America to the Irish question will increase fur? ther his reputo for character?a repute which has been steadily growing since his nomination. His words are not those of a politician angling for support. He has the candor to speak openly. He neither makes nor implies promises which he is aware will not be re? deemed. He would not fool any one by raising baseless hopes. All this he leaves to his opponents. Individuals in America, according to Mr. Harding, may freely express their sympathies and deeires. They are not adjured to be neutral in thought as well as in act. Follow? ing a long line of precedents, Con gress may indicate the friendliness of its members toward Irish au? tonomy. But the Harding adminis? tration will not maddls In the in tsn?l affairs of,other nation?. At* wa ?mma? tfes *i?fct t? sttaad to our own affairs, we must concede an equivalent right to others. Senator Harding thus compli? ments American citizens of Irish birth cr descent who would have Great Britain and Ireland separate nations. He assumes that as Ameri? cans they would not embroil this country in war with the British Empire. He also assumes that they have little respect for those who would filch political success by in? sincere and hypocritical preelection appeals. But whether he pleases or displeases, Senator Harding pro? poses to speak the truth ?rid not compete with' Governor Cdx in a rivalry of buncombe. American sympathizers with Irish independence, as persona of intelli? gence, know what chance there is of this country trying to coerce Great Britain into adopting the De Valera program. They are not de? ceived by Governor Cox?and not taken* in when he puts his hand on bis heart and shouts that its every throb beats for Ireland. Let him think up a new trick. The business of fooling the Irish has long been a political industry in this country. Men have reached high office by engaging in it. But the game is played out. It has be? come disgusting. "If you don't in? tend really to 'do* something for Ireland," exclaimed a former Irish? man at a recent Cox meeting, "pray have respect enough for her woes to keep silent about her." A few professionals will doubtless endeavor to make capital out of Sen? ator Harding's honesty, but the great mass of the so-called Irish vote will esteem him the more for not pretending. Calvin Coolidge Says' (From his address to the Roxbury Historical Society, Bunker Hill Day, June 17, 1918.) Reverence is the measure not of others but of ourselves. Thia assem? blage on the 143d anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill tells not only of the spirit of that day but of the spirit of to-day. What men worship that will they become. The heroes and holidays of a people which fascinate their soul reveal what they hold are the realities of life and mark out a line beyond which they will not retreat, but at \ which they will stand to overcome or die. They who reverence Bunker Hill \ will fight there. Your true patriot sees home and hearthstone in the welfare of his country. "As Dead -as Slavery" The Dubious Meaning of Governor Cox's Remark on Prohibition To the Editor of The Trvbune. Sir: Governor Oox's pronouncement that the issue of prohibition is as dead as slavery suggests a rather unhappy! comparison. The issues growing out? of the Civil War clearly disprove the; wisdom of relying upon the finality of constitutional amendments. It required ' constant vigilance and exertion on I the part of the government to make the Thirteenth Amendment effective : long after its adoption. The enact- j ment of the black laws, with a clear j intendment of negativing thia amend-1 ment, furnishes a motive for the recon? struction program. The leading aim ! of the 8tatesmanship4 of that period was to make this amendment effective. I Assurance that the mere passage ofi the constitutional amendments will settfc vexatious issues is plainly con? tradicted by our national experience. An issue like slavery or prohibition, involving vast property interests as well as human appetites and passion,: can never be settled by governmental fiat unless persistently followed up by: the mtyral and political energy of those in charge of the government. Politi? cal and moral questions cannot be treated like a mathematical problem whose sure solution follows the appli? cation of fixed laws and principles, with utter disregard of the feelings or predilections of the manipulator. No great public issue ever has been or is likoly to be settled effectually unless it evokes a friendly attitude and hearty indorsement of the administra? tion charged with its enforcement. The issue of prohibition will never be satisfactorily settled by an adminis? tration 'which, with moral indifference' to its merit, relies upon the passivity of legal enforcement. Governor Cox also declares that if elected President he will enforce all the laws. This declaration is indeed j reassuring. Should he be successful in the coming election ha is thereby bound to the absolute enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend? ments. These are as much a part of the Constitution of the United States and tha fundamental laws of the land as the Eighteenth Amendment, which evoked this universal committal on his part. Mr. Cox, if successful, will be bound by his own declaration not only to enforce the Eighteenth Amend? ment against the opposition of his party friends and advocates in Illinois, i Ohio, New York and New Jersey, but; also to enforce the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments against the avowed opposition of his influential political supporters in the South. It must, of course, be taken for granted that Governor Cox's attitude on the Nineteenth Amendment is the same as that on the Eighteenth. The same insistence upon the adequacy of the enforcement of the amendment to assure prohibition will, of course, ay ply fo the Nineteenth, guaranteeing political equality to women. Is the Governor ready to assure us that tha question of woman suffrage, includ? ing the negro women in the South, is assured beyond the possibility of an? nulment by the last amendment to the Federal Constitution? KELLY MILLER. Howard University, Washington, p.c* s???, ai, im. The Conning Tower TO ANNA, A NEW HANDMAID "Stay, lady, stay, for mercy's sake," (Amelia Opie wrote that line) Thou wilt not have to brew nor bake, And every evening shall be thine. Cook but the bacon crisp and black; Tuck but the sheets in straight and tight, And thou mayst have a wad of jack And hound the movies every night. Give me my beefsteak rare and red; Don't move the papers in my room; See that I am but fairly fed; Use now and then the mop and broom. Imponderable my demands; But leave me, and my heart will break. On bended knees, with folded hands: Stay, lady, stay, for mercy's sake. Manufacturera of high priced cars, honking in the dark to keep their courage up, aay that they will not re dace the cost to the consumer; down? town restaurant proprietors say that they are unperturbed hy the Carry Your-Lunch movement. "Men come in for lunch," the manager of Stanley's restaurant said, "and talk over their business. They could talk in their offices, but they like to come in here and kill two birds with one stone." What, we wonder, is the bill-oMare name for the stone? The assistant managing editor, whom it Irks to see a paragraph beginning with the definite article, saya he bought an evening shirt yesterday for $16. "The piqu? of high prices, I call it," he madwagged. Hahn told him the "deal" to "throw" the series had been arranged.?eve? ning Telegram. "? Why, paper coating what It coats, the quotes? The Diary of Our Own Samuel Pepys September 22?Early to the office, and finished my stint, and so with Mr. Kane to the courts, and he beat me, and to B. Pemberton's for dinner, of steak and apple pie, and with A. Samuels to see Miss Alice Brady, a good actress, act in a fustian play, "Anna Ascends," in which she and Mr. G. Rolland did j finely, but the play without merit so | ever, methought. Met Mistress Beatrice I Kaufman, and drove her home in my ! petrol-waggon, and we had "each a j beaker of frosted chocolat?.-, and I left her, and went to a shop and had a turkey sandwich, and so home, but my wife would not let me read, because? of the light, so ? went to the library and read there a chapter-of "Caliban.", 23?With G. Parsons to the courts, and bent him, but at some pains to do it; and so to the office where all day at my stint. To the doctor's to call fot my wife, and so to Douglaston, to Mistress Elda's, and had the best dinner I have had in a month, in espc ciall a lemon meringue pie, which I was holpen twice to. So home with my wife, and read her a tayle of Hugh Wiley's, full of comickall dialogue. ! 24?Met with Will Campbell the bar- j rister, and drove him to the city with me. T'o the office where 'iard at work all day, despite the tayle current that our building was to bo blown up. But ! I took my obituary from the morgue, ] and gave it to the city editor, that he might be prepared. R. Hayes and L. Ayers come to luncheon, end then I back to my desk, and in the evening to dinner with H. Canby and L. Dodd. You can't accuse Governor Cox's Dayton News of suppressing anything. Last Wednesday it printed a picture of Terence MacSwiney, who "is' dead in London as the result of his long, self imposed fast." In Pittsburgh, we learn from the worshiped Globe, the Fair Prico Com? mittee's threat has forced reduction in food prices of from 25 to 100 per cent. Looks like a return to the free lunch. None of the brave songs? of the '90s sent in to us is unfamiliar. Apparent? ly we spent all our adolescence listen? ing to the sad banalities of twenty-five years ago. But L. L. C. submits "Bright Eyed Laughing Little Nell" (circa 1&87), and our tears spatter the copy: f had a dear companion, But she's not with me now, The lilies of the valley Are blooming o'er her brow. And I am sad and lonely And weary all ??he day, For bright eyed, laughing little Nell Of the Narragansett Bay. CHORUS Toll, toll the bell, At early dawn of day, For rosy Nell so quickly passed awayl Toll, toll the bell, A sad and mournful lay, For bright eye, laughing little Nell Of the Narrow-Gansetf-Bay. The esteemed Satevepost's editorial on The Bum Sports Club doesn't even in? clude the line, "an someparagrapher has j called it." What Says Ex-PvtTzebnlon Zzisko? I Sir: I wish to enter a protest about | this here cash bonus for soldiers. If there Isn't enough money to go around why can't they pay ua off alphabetically, like they did in the army? A. AARON'S, Ex-Corporal, A. E. F. "Irresponsible humorists" is how Mr. Frederick J. Haakin characterizes Heywood Broun, H. Li Mencken, Abe Martin, and Ring W. Lardner. Non? sense! Add George Ada and Bert Les ton Taylor to the list, and you have the nation's half donen moat responsible humorists. "We have had a prohibition amend? ment for almost ? year," said Com? missioner Bird S. Coler, "and it is being generally ignored, due to the failure of officials to enforce its pro? visions." We have had the tSth Amend? ment for fifty years and-?? Southern paper? pleatfr sopy. ',".-; - ' uff**. IF DAVID COULD DO IT WITH A SLING. WHY NOT HENRY WITHAFLIV? . ?Copyright. Its?. N?w Tork Tribu??* ?nc > Gioliiti and the "Liberals" B\) Frank H. Simonds JLs the "reformer" in international politics condemned to the samo mis? fortunes and the samo misapprehen? sions as his fellow amender in the Seid of domestic politics? The ques? tion must naturally come to many lips, a3 it is perceived that "liberals" for whom The New Republic is a spokes? man in this country and The Manches? ter Guardian an organ in Grgat Brit? ain, are acclaiming the Italian Premier Giolitti as a convert to their own gospel, which has as its cardinal doc? trines the recognition of Red Russia and the forgiveness in the pecuniary a? well as the other senses of the impenitent German. This praise must amuse when it does not embarrass the craftiest of Italian statesmen, who is one of the ablest of all machine politicians on this planet. Charles F. Murphy, of New York, and Thomas Taggart, of Indiana, have been equally gladdened and troubled by the plaudits of "reformers" in their time notably when they gnve their enthusi? astic support to Mr. Wilson, following but not preceding hin nomination. The Transparent Truth The truth about Giolitti is too trans parent,-however, to permit even th< "liberals," however deceived them? selves, to mislead their fellow man In 1915 Giolitti guessed wrong abou the wishes of his Italian fellow coun trymen, and his mistake nearly cos hiin his life and did cost him his po litical power for the time being. H worked to prevent Italy from enterin? the war. Hi? reasons may have beei patriotic or personal, influenced by far seeing glimpaea of the perils the strug gle had for Italy or dominated b; German considerations. He may hav used German aid in Italy to preven his country from entering a war whic he believed would be disastrous to i or he may have been a German agen as some of his enemies outside of It.al; even more than within,-openly charg?e To-day this circumstance is not in portan?. What counts is that, lik Caillaux in France, Giolitti guesse wrong and paid the price always e: acted of politicians for i.-istakea < judgment in important public quei tions. There w*b nothing left for Gi? litti but to go home and wait, bu being a very experienced politician, 1 could conclude that, although he wi an old man, he could expect to have h revenge. The Fiume Failure As soon as Italy entered the atrugg and it began to be .undeniable that tl war would be long, not short, si Italy's expense at least in proporti? to any possible reward, Giolitti's sto began to rise. "He might have k? us out of war," said the Italian publ paraphrasing a famous campaign ci The longer the war th? wiser Gioli began to appear, whatever had be his reason's for advising against ?ti ian participation. i When Italy mnde her bargain wi her French and British allies at Lc don her statesmen, the successor? Giolitti, failed to obtain a promise Fiume. This was a second blund To be sure, Giolitti was willing In \ spring of 1615 to have Italy stay n< tral without Trieste, but that was i elent history by S?l8,? Sonniq? ? Orlando wer? eof&n?U?? to a?*,l .??stlona, 'mr to m tfeis.-?MU?-<S litti, like all Italians, was asking "Why not Fium-i?" Now, few liberals will disagree that the President's stand in the matter of Dalmatia, if not of Fiume, was right? that even in the case of Fiume there was much to be said for his position. Italian ambitions in the Adriatic can? not appeal to the liberals, who criticise the treaties of the Paris Conference for their failure to conform to the fourteen p?^ nt3. Yet the whole Italian course at Paris was more or less de? termined by the Giolitti criticism. Or? lando and Sonnino were afraid to come borne with a treaty which did not in? clude Fiume. So they finally failed and quit. Giolitti Gains But France had been the stumbling block for the Italians at Paris. If Clemenceau had supported Orlando in the Adriatic Orlando would have stood with Clemenceau on the Rhine?Latin against Anglo-Saxon. Since Franc? refused, Itslinn policy, always directed at getting Fiume and keeping Dalma? tia, sought to weaken French policy a1 every point, and naturally fell in witfc every British move. The thing has happened often enough in machine politics that the party out of power makes a bid for "reform' support by adopting the most extrem? moral program. Since all the suc? cessors of Giolitti from 1914 onwan failed to get Fiume outright, Giolitti'i position grew stronger and stronger a home; Meantime Italian opposition tc France became more and more emba? rassing to the French. When Franc occupied Frankfort Italian statesmei joined the British in expressions o horror, although Italy was contem plating permanent occupation of Jugo Slav territory and the French stay ii Frmkfort was bound to be short. A Practical Man Finally Giolitti came into power anc being a practical man, went to confei ence with Millerand, and out of th conference emerges i ot a declaratio that Giolitti bas persuaded Milleran of the moral duty of France to conseT to the modification and revision of th Treaty of Versailles. Nothing of tn sort. A statement that France reeog nizes Italy's right to settle her Adriat problems with Jugo-Siavla direct, pretty euphemism for saying Fran? will mind her own business in ti Adriatic and look the other way, necessary. At the same time the off cial report speaks of a Franeo-Italii alliance, of Italian recognition of tt Treaty of Versailles a? Immutable, ai it may be safely deduced that if Fran? g$ti_i across the Rhine again I tali? eyea will be fixed in the opposite c rection and thero will be cotton Italian ears. As for Giolitti, he has got Fiume, will have it shortly, and he is goii to keep Dalmatia, as the Treaty London promised, although the pop Itttion of th? northern half of Palmal is far more Slav than that *f Lend i* British. A* for the Qritith at tude, already the Italian papera ha announced that Lloyd George mat felted great sympathy with the Hall point ?of view whan ha talked wi Giolitti and that h* ?bowed ev greater sympathy when he talked wl Nitti?how great may be gathered frc the fact that Nitti supported George ?11 test questions with France. With? suggesting that anything wan put writing? it may fee ?induced thai G?ei *?* NlfrU jwdetvtapa 4M lite ?ouni ir?ll'*t**irw var w *w? art* , of Fiume or open the way for Jugo? slav troops in Dalrnatia. Now, the worst of all this otherwise normal diplomatic bargain is the fact that from the Baris conference onward there was no reason why any one should misunderstand Italian policy. Italy knew what she wanted; she found that she covld not get it im? mediately, because both Great Britain and France were under American in? fluence. What Italy wanted was what Orlando demanded at Paris, namely Fiume, and Orlando wanted Fiume mostly because not to get it was to restore Giolitti to power. Thus Gio? litti made Italian policy when he was out of power, and gave it a similar direction when he came back. All of this is fair diplomacy and better politics, but it is a long way from the Liberalism which journals like The New Republic profess and eeek to promote. A politician like Giolitti is not a liberal or a reaction? ary; he is a politician, trained to take advantage of any principle or an? policy, but necessarily too cspt-rienccil to permit himself to be the victim of. the principle or lose any practical benefit by any too lor.;; devotion to any principle. Sometime- it may be uhe ful to have the support of a profes? sional politician for a reform cause. Usually It is possible when the poli? tician is trying to get back into power. But always it is dangerous to rely upon the politician, and a littlo hazard? ous to see in the politician's cham? pionship of a moral issue a transfor? mation from a boss to an apostle. Game Played Out Giolitti has gbt Fiumo for Italy without paying for it in Dalrnatia. He has imposed upon his political oppo? nents a policy which drove them to ac? cept "the cue of the Briiish Liberals and belabor tho French. In his own good time he came back to power, and at Aix-Ies-Bains the French have seen the light. Giolitti will continue to ad? vocate peace with Russia because his domestic situation leaves him no choice, but it Is utterly unlikely that we shall hear from him any new de? mand for a revision of the Treaty of Versailles. Italy never ?objected to French policy on the Rhine; what she protested and fought again i.'. was French effort to establish \merican, not Italian, will in the Adriatic by supporting Wilson against Orlando. This little game has been played out, but certain awkward explanations mtf presently be due from the "liberals when Giolitti proceeds to take "his" la northern Dalrnatia. (Copyright, 19?0, MeClur? Newipaper 8yS4 dicate) Let Them Build Their Own To the Editor of The Tribune. Sir: It is reasonable to assume thai among the thousands who are suffer? ing from the housing shortage are such paople aa concrete worker, structural steel workers, bricklayer?? - carpenters, masopa, cabinet maker?? plumbers, roofers and the like. As construction contractor? declare ths? the main reason for the dietrenini standstill of building is the enorm??? wage? demandad by theae worker?, *W would it not be a good Idea for the?? to combina and build dwelling? *?* themselves, thus relieving the situ?* : tjon by just that many horn?? The dealers In building material?. whose extortions ara included to jM j Indictroant, could ba. taken into ?h? < combination and, >y logical sequ???*? I tho workers nsceiaary to produce ??? material, vsnd'thar? you are. i>in<*( * they would all ba paying them??-*?? they could maka all prices and ****' just as high ?? they pl?a??d? evlrybady would b? happy. C. #. DENSI .rets,'