New-York tribune. [volume], September 27, 1920, Page 8, Image 8

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Mw H?R <Ert?nm?
?first to Last?the Truth: News?Edi- |
torials?Advertisements
IfmtxM of tbe Audit Bureau of Circulation!
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1920. I
OwijeU ar.d pi-liMtliod daily h? New York Tribuna
Inc.. a N>\<r York Corporation. Octian Ha Id. rroal- |
^?fct; G. farr.or Rt>g?r?. Vico-Pr?sident; Halan
Botera Rcid. Set-ret ary. R. K Mazno.l. Treaaurar.
Adl-eaa. Tribuna Building. IM Naaaau Stiea*. New
7*k. Telcohoae. Ueekman 300?.
** 'BFBsm?TlON RATES?By mall, ??aeiudln?
J*^ta*?. IN Tir. INITED STATE!'.
Kaa: of M?vevvr.pt Klior: One Six On*
Bv Mall, Paul paid. Year. Montlis. Month.
DaJ'.r ?id Sunday.112 0? ?800 $1.0? ?
?Ouo >%c?-k, S'.c
Tally o'Wy . 10 O? 6 00 .*?
On- we?*-.. 30e.
Pa: av ?ily . 4M ! 25 .48
/?juiday unly. Canada. 8.8? S.M .8?
foreign rates
htV.t ar.n Sunday.?2? 00 $13.S0 UM
Pkilf only . 17 48 8 T8 "L46 ,
Sunday only . ?75 6.ia ? .fc8
"?frutad at tu? Poatofnc* at V?w Tort aa Baoood
Clas* Mall Maltet.
? GUARANTV
,.* Tan /-as purchsw meixtiar.dlaa admrtiaed In THE
TRIBUNE ?1th ab-'lu'.e lafrty?far If dhaailffao- j
??la? reaut.t In any casa THE TRIBUNE guarantee?! |
U f*j WW mons) back unan rejiisst Na re? taw,
tin quibbling. Wo make |*ad pramatly If tha
?dvertiter doea rat.
MEMBER OF THE A*"*.'0<**IATED PRESS
Th? AaiKv-tat.Nl Pr-aa la exclusl7?ly entitled to th?
mo for rspubl'catloa of all news dljpatches credited
'to !t n? not ctberwlae credited In this paper, and
?lao tha local sorra of ?pontaneoua ortf'.n jmbliabed
"t-fri-o.
A I ...-Mj of republlcitfon of all aibar ?satter
fcaroia alao art nueer-T-ed.
??-?,?... n . , ? ?
Proionging a Calannty?
' In the spring of 1912 Colonel
?Henry Watterson said of Woodrow
'Wilson:
? "His nomination would be a catas?
trophe and his eviction a calamity."
?? The catastrophe happened, and
"*?he calamity continues. For eight
5-ears the general management of
the TJrited States has been dis
.Astrously incompetent.
The Administration has been
/Dt nocratic from top to bottom. Mr.
5 Wils on alone could not have accom-1
? pushed the demoralization thrt haa j
?J")een accomplished. To bring the
? country to its present p*iss he !
-ne<^ed the whole-hearted coopera-1
,?ti?A. of his paity, .nd his party ?
-Clever failed him.
,** Mr. Cox's campaign for thj Presi
:?duncy is a plea to be permitted to
?fcohtfn?e the calamity that Coton?*!
^Vatt^rfoii foresaw. Mr. Cox asks
'for porniis?ion to take up the work
<>f di?Oi^anization when Mr. Wilson
;?l.all lay it down. In not a singlo
'Speech has Mr. Cox advanced any
?plan for reo r?animation or recon?
struction. He answers proved
Charges of mismanagement by sug?
gesting further mismanagement of
1 he samt sort.
Baseless charges concerning cam
pai^T* fm.Is r.nd attacks on a non
'existent "Senate oligarchy" give no
?"?promise of getting the country out
-of the mess into which Mr. Wilson
und the Administration have
?landed It,'
The calamity that Colonel Watter
-son predicted will be prolonged by
??the election of Mr. Cox and the
*Kntinuation of the Wiison policies.
So the voters proposs to end it by
their baltoits. This is tho campaign
up to date.
Choosing an International Court
*.'??' The text o? the Root-Phillimore \
ptlan for a permanent court of inter?
national justice- shows what has been i
done to overcome the difficulty that
wrecked the attempt of the second ?
'ilague conference to establish a
".similar court.
The Hague plan provided that of ;
-*he fifteen judges rine were to come j
from nine great powers, with the 1
remaining six chosen by the smaller
States in /rotation. This arrange?
ment suited neither the large nor
?rhe small states, and the project was
dropped in spite of the efforts of
Senator Knox, when Secretary of
State, to revive it.
?*? Th? Root-Phillimore plan, as Fd
.?ward S. Corwin remarks in The
Weekly Review, meets the difficulty
+n a bold yet logical way?would
have the court be a bench of judges,
Bather than a congress of states. It
f? provided that tne court shall be
"^composed of a body of independent
???fudges, elected regardless of their
nationality, from among persons of
high moral character who possess
th? qualifications required in their
respective countries for appointment
to the highest judicial offices, or
are jurisconsults of recognized com
?petftnee in international law." The
United States could nominate such
men as Bourgeois, of France, or
Dra^o, of the Argentine, and France
?ould select Mr. Root.
Preceding the of.cial election the
"Various nations, by national groups,
are to nominate for consideration two
??persons of any nationality. The
whole list of names is then to be
submitted to the council and the as
l*^bly of the League of Nations,
??pparently asaembfad in joint ses
aion, and the choice of th?**? fifteen
shall be made, each judge being
jphos-m by a majority vote.
., This complicated election method
"seems calculated to k?eep national
pride within bounds. If the small
?aliona predominate in the Assembly
the large nations predominate in the
Council. One may suspect that Mr.
Root is the author of this part of
?the plan, for it suggests our Presi?
dential Electoral College, wherein
the large states have ele-ctors ?equal
to the number of their representa?
tives in the House of Repres?9nta
%e?, while the ??nail states are pro
t-d by giving all the states an
or for each Senator.
r..cidente!ly, Mr. Root and his co
*^<>rker? furnish another reason why
ttyt country should enter the
mtiife. ? His election pian depend?
?n the ?existence of a league and its
.*'?
council and -assembly. Moreover,
Mit bout a league in some form it will
perhaps be impossible to have a per?
manent court of international jus?
tice. The Hague experience shows
that with the nations acting singly
it is not easy to get them to agree j
concerning even the primary ques?
tion of how the court is to be con?
stituted.
Jacob H. Schiff
Jacob H. Schiff was a power in
finance, a leader in philanthropy
and perhaps the most influential
member of the Jewish community
in the United States. His activi?
ties as a banker brought him great
wealth and commanding position.
But his real character was better
expressed in his work for others
and his intense interest in the ad?
vancement of Jewish culture and
the Jewish race.
Mr. Schiff had a passionate de?
votion for his own people. But
there was no narrowness or exclu
siveness in his attitude toward the
rest of the world. He was a stanch
American and lived up to the full
demands of American citizenship.
He was a promoter of good causes
and a munificent giver to education
and to all undertakings for the re?
lief of suffering. He was highly
honored in Wall Street. But he was
also highly honored in the humble
homes of the poor and oppressed of
many races.
Though born and educated abroad,
he quickly absorbed the American
spirit and accepted the American
idea of the responsibilities attach?
ing to a large fortune. He never
worked for himself alone, but maJe
countless others sharers in his pros?
perity. He had a fine balance of
character and the unselfish impulse
which springs ?roir a truly demo?
cratic consideration for one's fellow
men. Ho gave without ostentation,
because giving wq-; a part of his
nature. He will be deeply mourned
by th.se who knew him and by mill?
ions to whom he wa3 only a blessed
name.
A Law Unto Himself
Th? President takes an oath to ex?
ecute the Ifiws. Congress passed a
shipping bill at the last session and
Mr. Wilson gave it his approval. !
His refusal now to execute it empha
sizes again the purely personal and I
arbitrary character of his concep?
tions of government.
The reasons given for this refusal
reveal an extraordinary capricious
ness of judgment. The section of
the shipping act directing the Pres?
ident to give notice of the termina?
tion of engagements with foreign
powers which interfere with the lay-1
ing of discriminatory duties on im?
ports followed closely the language .
of the section of the La Follette sea?
men's act which directed the Presi
dent to give notice of the termination I
of agreements inconsistent with its !
provisions. Mr. Wilson signed the
La Follette act and modified those
agreements, without, however, im-1
pairing the vnlidity of other por-1
tions of our treati.3 of commerce and
navigation. What he did then he de
clines to do now, on the ground, ap?
parently, that the Uniced States is
under a moral obligation to prolong
indefinitely its existing commercial
agreements with foreign powers.
The President also suggests that
the shipping act infringes hi3 consti?
tutional prerogatives. He vetoed the
Federal budget act of the last ses?
sion because of an alleged infringe?
ment, exceedingly trivial in its con?
sequences. But he refrained from
vetoing the shipping act, although a
protest against the section regarding
the ?""?rmination of certain parts of
ex i-, ; ing agreements with other coun?
tries was made at the time by Secre?
tary Colby.
As to the main question now raised
?the inviolability of trade and navi?
gation compacts?common sense and
practice are ail against the Presi?
dent's contention. Such treaties are
not intended to be perpetual. They
usually contain clauses providing for
termination. Twelve South Ameri?
can countries and one European
country have terminated such agree
| ments with the United States by giv
[ ing the stipulated one year's notice.
'?? It is incomprehensible that any
| breach of faith should be charged
against a nation wishing to with
| draw concespions which arc termi
] nable at the option of either party.
Our treaty of commerce with
; Great Britain, proclaimed in 1828,
contains an article providing for its
termination on one year's notice, at
; any time after 1838. Great Britain,
', however, subsequently accepted the
i reciprocity proposals contained in an
? act cf Congress passed in 1828, and
her shipping relations with us are
' determined by that act as well as by
the treaty. Yet C<>ngress can repeal
or modify the act of 1828. The ship
ping bill, in fact, constitutes an indi
, rect modification of it.
Secretary Colby's recent statement
| seems to be based en the contention
that the United States cannot abro?
gate part of a treaty without abro?
gating the whole of it. But this
argument is elusive. The Wilson Ad
! ministration did abrogate parts of
? treaties when it enforced the La Fol
? l'.tte seamen's act. And the Supremo
! Court has held that subsequent legis?
lation by Congress can affect a
; treaty so far as its execution within
the United States is concerned.
Mr. Wilson's refusal to apply Sec
[ tion 34 of the shipping act is no
doubt due at once to his contempt for
Congress and to his obsessions as an .
internationalist. He seems willing
to sacrifice the new merchant marine
as he has tried to sacrifice so many
other American interests, to his per?
sonal policies. Happily his term is
drawing to an end. After March 4
next there will be no obstacle to the
recovery by the United States of full
power to protect the new merchant
marine through the critical first
stages of its development.
The Bergdoll Movie Plot
Remarkable evidence as to the
ease with which the Bergdolls man?
aged for many months to escape
arrest is being brought out at the
trial in Philadelphia of their mother
and various "family friends" on the
charge of connivance in their eva?
sion of the draft Agents of the
Department of Justice were sup?
posed to be after them hot-foot, but
the Bergdolls might have been
spurlos versenkt, for all the traces
of them that were found. Rumors
said they had been smuggled into
Canada and that they had reached
Germany. All the time they were
within four hours of Philadelphia,
fishing, hunting and riding about the
country in automobiles.
The story reads like a movie plot.
Obliging go-betweens kept them sup?
plied with money. One of these, a
defendant in the present case, vis?
ited the Treasury Department, at
Washington, on two separate occa?
sions to exchange currency for gold,
to the amount first of $45,000 ar.d
second of $60,000, though at the
time th? payment of such large sums
was unusual, and the demand for
them from an intimate of the Berg?
doll family might well have bean re?
garded as suspicious. Whether this
money formed a part of the "pot of
gold" to find which Grover Berg?
doll was released by the order of
the undiscovered some one higher up
has not been disclosed. The keen
sleuths of Mr. Palmer's force either
knew nothing of the episode or
thought it of no conseque:*, ce.
Meanwhile the young men varied
the monotony of the simple country
life by visits to thei** home in Phila-i
delph?'a?visit-- not so surreptr ious I
but that ?hey Were seen by various!
persons?keeping up their reputation j
as reckless speeders. Grover was
finally found hiding in a window
seat, but while the Department of j
Justice agents wer<{ arresting him j
Erwin walked out through the back i
door. He took the road to Baltimore
with his ar. in which he slept all j
night. Apparently there was never i
any difficulty in supplying either of
them with a car, nor were they ever
held up by inquiring officials. T^eyl
went to hotels and stayed there I
openly, with no other precaution j
than the use of an assumed name.
It may be that the law will now j
requite ungratefully the devoted
help given to them by their relatives
and friends. Without anticipating
the issue of the trial, it may be said ?
that something at least very like a
conspiracy to defeat the ends of jus- !
tice has been disclosed. But justice '
seemed almost pathetically eager to
be defeated. And some kind heart'
in the War Department has nullified ?
the capture of Grover by permitting
him to begin the game of hide and
seek again.
The Case of Besssu-abi?
The bitter controversies arising
from Old World frontier settlements
come, most often, from a clash of
the principle of sel f-determ i nation
with consideration" of historic right
and economic-geographic necessity.
The Teschen district, for example,
is ethnically largely Polish, but the
Czechs claimed it on historic and
economic grounds.
No such complications exist in the
case of Bessarabia. That fertile
land between the Dniester and the
Danube delta is Rumanian by his?
toric right, by nationality and by
economic interest. From the earliest
times up to 1812 Bessarabia formed
part of the principality of Moldavia,
since 18t>9 united with Wallachia
into the modern Rumanian kingdom.
The separate position of Bessarabia
was recognized by the czars, who
left Rumanian civil law in force.
Even czaristic statistics, notorious
for their bias, admitted the Ru?
manians formed almost one-half
(47.6 per cent, to be exact) of the
population, while the number of
Great Russians was put at a modest
8.2 per cent.
As a matter of fact the Ruma?
nians number close to 70 per cent.
I After the Russian revolution the
people of Bessarabia have declared
no less than three times their over?
whelming will to adhere to the Ru?
manian motherland. Thus in the
elections of November, 1919, out of
the ninety representatives chosen
seventy-eight were Rumanians and
I twelve of other nationalities. Of
I the diverse racial minorities, the
most advanced, the German colonists,
! whose ancestors settled there over
one hundred years ago, choose to
I throw in their lot with the Ruma?
nians.
In face of these facts the appre?
hension arous<:d in Rumania by Sec?
retary Colby's note of August 10 is
natural and appreciable. Indeed
Mr. Colby's dogmatic insistence on
a territorially reunited Russian Em?
pire is reduced ad abtrurdum in the
instance of Bessarabia?a province
annexed by Russia just a hundred
years ago, one whose Rumanian
character was ne?ver denied even by
Russian authorities and which re
peatedly expressed its will to belong
to Rumania. Historically, Russia
has about as much righ/ to hold Bes
saiabia as Austria has to Lombardy;
ethnically Russia has less right to
Bessarabia than Germany has to
Slesvig. The Colby note of August
10 thus conflicts sharply with Mr.
Wilson's principle of national self
determination.
Let us hope that the Rumanians
understand that the present Admin?
istration's stand on the Bessarabian
question does not represent the sen?
timent of the American people.
Calvin Cool id ge Says
(From kis address to the Sorrier
ville Republican City Committee,
August 7, 1918.)
America must furnish more than
armies and navies for the future. If
armies and navies were to be supreme,
Germany would be right. There are
other and greater forces in the world
than march to the roil of the drum.
As we are turning the scale with our
sword now, so hereafter we must turn
the scale with the moral power of
America. It must be our disinterested
plans that are to restore Europe to a
place through justice when we have
secured victory through the sword.
And into a new world we are to take
not only the people of oppressed Eu?
rope but the people of America. Out
of our sacrifice and suffering, out of
our blood and tears, America shall have
a new awakening, a rededication to the
cause of Washington and Lincoln, a
firmer conviction for the right.
A Cheer for Henry Ford
As a Manufcclwcr He Is Hailed as
a Mighty Good Sport
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The editorial on Kenry Ford
this morning fGeptember 24) strikes
me as unjust to Mr. Ford an?-? mor.- or
less ridiculous in its far-fetched im?
plications anent t'?e Administration.
Disregarding the latt r. h?* wever,
which are wor'"iitr of r'.d-fashioned
country jcurnalim tb-*? ot a metro?
politan paptr I en?'a,y and respect, it
seems to ire th_- Mr, Ford deserves a
cheer and net a sneer for his action
in cu'tin ? pri;es.
Whatjver poll'icil and diplomatic
blunders have been committed by Mr.
Ford, his co irse as a manufacturer his
beer that cf a mighty good sport. I
believe th?- profit per car on Ford's out?
put, is and has beet. less +han that on
almost any ether. I believe his per?
centage of profit r. r cr.r is smaller than
the average. The enormous money
making power of the Fo;-d plant has I
been due to quantity production and I
high efficiency. A survey of his record
will show always that he has abs'"bed |
his slmr? of increased costr rathe, j
than load them all?and an extra profk
? on the consumer, which has Leen the
course of action of nearly every other I
manufacturer. He has played fair with
the public and with h?3 men, and has
exhibited what I regard as the highest
business sportsmanship. It has paid, I
of co'irse; it always pays in the long
run?a fact which leaser and more '
selfish men are too blind to see; a fact i
which makes Henry ForJ the super
manufacturer he is.
Lay his action in slashing prices to |
v.har you will?clever adver*ising,
vision recognition of economic fa ts
or just plain business tense?it st.-.ds
out as an indictment of the ruthle: .
profiteering to which we have all been
subject. I believe Ford is the last
man who needed to make this move,
either for the sake of orders or for his I
own conscience-, because his great little
car h.is, at its highest, never been
priced exorbitantly.
That h?-- was one of the first to strike
at the whole structure of high prices
seems to be laudable, and The Trib?
une's imputations are unfair and un?
worthy of itself.
As to all thL stuff about closed fac?
tories, etc., The Tribune knows per?
fectly well, as Mr. Wood, of the Amer?
ican Woolen Company found out, that
when faetones are willing to fix prices
on a basis of moderate, profit, instead
of consumer exploitation, they get the
orders. The country needs goods and
will pay for them, but it has grov/n
weary of paying through the nose.
Profiteering prosperity is a dead duck,
but solid prosperity, based on fair
dealing, is very much alive. Mr. Ford
is working for that kind of prosperity.
Why try to belittle 'ais vision?
BERTON? BRALEY.
New York, Sept. 24, 1920.
End Wilsonism, Enter a League
To the Eaitor of The Tribune.
Sir: To my mind the two most im?
portant issues cf the Presidential cam
? paign (prohibition being regarded as a
settled matter) are:
First?Getting rid of Wilsonism, in
order that our country and the world
may recover health.
Second?Our entrance into the (ora
Le_gue of Nations.
Do these two issues conflict?
The Republican party, it seems to
: mo, doesn't emphasize sufficiently th.
i issue of foreign relations. If the Re?
publican party leaned in this matter
more decidedly toward the attitude of
j men like George Wickersham, George
! Favpr. Putnam and Elihu Root and less
| toward that of Johnson and Borah I
could vote their ticket In November
with a clearer conscience and more
mental satisfaction.
CATHERINE B. ELY.
New York, Sept. 23, 1920.
Red Free Speech
(From The Chicago Daily News)
In tlrs fiery lexicon o? the Rods there
is no auch word as free apeech for the
other fellow. Where they are In con?
trol th<*y suppress it by firing squads,
and where they are not in control they
! attempt to suppress it by bombs and
general terrorism.
Sabotage
(From Th? if anitohu Free Pre??)
Britain may submit the Irish ques?
tion to the League of Nations. This
may heighten the impression held in
some quarters that the British gov?
ernment la not friendly toward the
leagt?.
The Conning Tower
When Knights Were Bold
Gone are the moments of diamond
romance*:
Slow is the heart-beat within us.
Oh for a Tinker-to-Evers-to-Chancel
And B<irry-to-Conin3-to-McInnis!
"A man who drove his automobile
with the top down in the pouring rain
?what would you call such a man?"
rhetori<?lly asks the American Chain
Company, Inc. "As for me, teacher,"
W. W. raises his right hand, "I'd call
him wet."
Mr. Werrenrath has probably more
friends on the press than any other
tenor in existence.?Arts and Decora?
tion.
Perhaps, even, than any tenor.
?Charley Bennett of New Haven
Fridayed here.
?Mrs. Sally J. Farnham is busy
sculping these days.
?Ralph Hayes of Cleveland wlc
ended in our busy midst.
?F. Scott Fitzgerald and wife
were in town last Tuesday.
?Raymond Fosdick was a peas?
ant caller Fri. noon. Come again
Ray.
?Steve Wise and son Jim saw
Alice Brady's show Wednesday
eve'g.
?Miss Alvah Thoits Taylor of
Chicago contemplates to spend Oct.
in Gotham.
?Miss Edna Millay the w. k. poet
has returned from Truro, Mass., and
is sojourning in Gotham.
?Aleck Woollcott took a certain
party to the theater Wrdnes. eve'g.
Ah there L-a F-rt
?Hen Ford and Hen Franklin
have reduced prices on the cars they
sell. Both the beys have sold cars
to us in their dav.
?Mark S. Watson has accepted a
job working for Paul Patterson as
assistant m'n'g'g ed. of The Balti?
more Sun.
?Sig Spaeth is in the piano busi?
ness now and isn't playing much
tenni?. Sig says he will be glad to
restring a piano for any of the boys.
Each speaker will bs known by hold?
ing an American jag.?Poughkeepsie
Eagle.
"Stet!" cried the proofroom, as one
man.
Baseball may not be fair, but?in the
An?e**ic-.n League at least?it is warmer.
THt? P'SSIONATE VACATIONIST
This Is the ead. read the signs:
Those wonder-da>s, like tender vines,
Are scattered, turn by aatun... showers.
And no v your meraary on trem glowers,
That seem ?o me like diamonc" mines.
A piffled Omar, 'neath the plnea.
Can best exprer? -."/ thoughts?divines
That ?sorrow which in my he&rt lowers,
"This is the end."
Oh, lady, now your heirt opine?
Why I would deep dip in the steins.
And pen these verses endless hours.
?But the Boss once said in these here Towots,
A ror.deau has but fifteen unes.)
This is the end.
Ran ds Racoon.
September 13?Son to Mr. and Mrs.
Kenneth M. Mayer, Box 188, R. F. D.
?Albany Journal.
Mr. Burleson is doing as well as
could be expected.
"Our Gus, linotype machine 3," con?
fides Hunter, ''is an athaletic young
man who lives on Popular Street,
Brookalyn, and hates to work on re?
vised prooves."
YA?.E, '10, AND THE OLD SONGS
Sir: One who heard the famous Cairo
Quartet warble "The Fatal Wedding" all
over the Yale campus in the fall of 1900
remembers a pair of verses which must
come before thoso cited by Mr. Jay House.
Incidentally, the protest w.as made to the
sexton, not the preacher, who ot course
was Inside the church on that "cold Pe
c?mber night," where "all was gay and
blight," as the following will prove. En
ter lil-fated Mother. R. U. E. to sexton:
"I'd like to be raimitted. sir," she told
the s?'xton old,
"Just for the sake of baby, to protect him
from the cold."
He toi ?I her tir t the wedding there was
for the rich and grand
And with the eager watching crowd out
slde she'?', have to stand.
Tho >rgan. of course, pealed "In" air,
not "an" air, bj either Steve Marckwald,
Miller Van. rip?'- Strong, or Hill Greene,
of the glorious class of 1901 at Yale will
inform you. As for songs of the golden
age of the sentimental ballad, how about
"Take back your gold, for gold will never
buy me," which Jim Donnelly campus
cop, ha.! to stop every Saturday night on
th?. fenr? promptly at 13:30 so Bill Hunt
could get some sleep over in Durfee?
NIG.
For there is no Truth that we know
to be true except the Truth that is
Done.?Dr. Frank Crane.
And there is no Lie that we know to be
falso except the lie that is none.
For no'hing is truer than Truth is
true, and naught so false as a Lie.
And this is a pipe to spill ad lib, which
nobody can deny.
With jocund hea'-t we read of the cut?
in prices, and made for a shop in whoa?
window hung* a necktie we coveted. But
it still was $5.50, excluding the amuse?
ment tax, and onr Puritan upbringing
counted the purchase a Sin; so we left
the shop, wondering whether hair shirts
were as cheap as ever.
In spite of the fall in prices, The
Conning Tower will not rednce the
rate of pay to contribs. No panic, no
hoom, shall force us to change our
non-participating policy.
With fewer houses, less coal will
be used. Why, then, little pupils, will
coal cost more next winter?
Anxiety as to the housing problem
prevails also, Harry believes, at Castle,
Okla., and Flats, W. Va.
Harding or Cox? n-i-di-; or Cox?
I think that t'*.e la.""-.ns'll lo:c to
t'... r.x,
j, T.V.A.
How Japan Got Shantung
A New Explanation of President Wilsons
Sudden Reversal of His Far Eastern Policy
at the Paris Peace Conference in April, ?9I9
By Patrick Gallagher
(From America's Aims and Asia's Aspirations, Published by The Cen
tun) Co.)
I
Every word uttered, every gesture i
i made by the President in the Villa of
! Bischoffen on the afternoon of April !
\ 22 justified the Chinese in believing j
that the President was with them to j
the last ditch. The Japanese were not j
present. They had been heard that
forenoon. Both Chinese and Japanese
read the President's Adriatic pro?
nouncement with the deepest interest.
. . . The Chinese were jubilant. I
sat with Dr. Wang and we read -?ver the
statement, sentence by sentence. I met
a member of the Japanese delegation
and he admitted to me that particular?
ly remembering Wilson's words in pre?
senting the draft covenant at the
plenary on February 14, it looked as
if President Wilson was determined
to secure assent to the Chinese claims.
That night Mr. Wilson's fame and his
power climbed higher than thoso of
any other man in the world's history.
He wa3 the Paris conference. . . .
Now it is curious upon what dr?ll
circumstances great historic happen?
ings are ofttlmes built. I am afraid
that I have been very serious, very
dreary, in trying to unravel tr.. tangled
skein of the Paris conference. So let
us all laugh, as the Japanese laughed
on the night of April 30.
On the forenoon of April 24, a young
Japanese newspaper man of no im?
portance (and with less knowledge of
what was actually happening at Jap?
anese headquarters, the Hotel Bristol,
than some of his American conferees)
typhooned into 4, Place de la Con?
corde, and whispered the news to one
of the mort admittedly brilliant Amer?
ican special correspondents: 'The
Japanese dv-'legation is packing up." The
great American reporter whisked his
Ja*-:.ne?.e friend away from the press
?jrm r*nd together t.?ey hurried to the
Lot?-*! Brist ?1, where, surely enough
they found boxes and boxes, and trunks
.nd -runks and more trunks, piled one
upon the other in the hotel courtyard
Moving silently and stealthily, lik?
melodramatic villains, the representa
t;ves of Fist and West fourth es* it?
sallied forth once more. This time
their destination was the Hotel Meu
rice, where Marquis Saionji, Baroi
Makino and Mr. Ijuin had their suites
Again, Japanese trunks and mon
trunks, Japanese boxes and mor?
boxes, great crates of the marquis'
favorite fish plucked from the placi?
waters of Lake Chusendji and dried
according to a special and ancient rec?
ipe; handsome steamer trunks with
brass and rawhide knobs; trunks to
the right and trunks to the left; and
bellhops and valets scurrying hither
and yon. The bright reporters rushed
to the Bourse and the news was flashed
all over the world that the Japanese
delegation was pocking up; that Mr.
Ijuin, the Japanese Ambassador at
Rome, had called upon Baron Sonnino,
the Italian Foreign Minister, and
pledged Japan's support to the Italian
Adriatic position; that the conference
was collapsing, because Wilson ?would
not give Italy Fiume, or Japan Kiao
chau, or. acknowledge the ' racial and
national equality of the Japanese.
Within the same hour, Mr. Odagiri,
the famous Japanese banker, men?
tioned casually to Thomas W. Lamont
that there was more than one side to
the Chinese, consortium plans being
pushed by the American government
and that it would be difficult for the
Japanese *o come in if the Japanese
should leave the peace conference de?
feated on all points. Upon the same
day Lord Robert Cecil twld Colonel
House that, while Baron Mokino was
loyally eager to aid a league of na?
tions, it w_s becoming increasingly dif?
ficult to assure Japarese support on
account of the general attitude of the
conference toward Japan. A few min?
utes later Colonel House learned about
the trunks a?.*ad the boxes and the ex?
pected exodus of the Japanese delega?
tion from Paris. He got in touch with
the President at once. Somebody con?
firmed the wild rumors. The Presi?
dent immediately reversed himself in
the matter of Kiaochau, shut himself
away from his Far Eastern advisers
and the Chinese and assented to Baron
Makino's solution. I am in a position
to know that the Japanese conceded
nothing, nor did they bargain their
racial amendment for the Shantung
articles. Thev won upen their own
term, and upon facts. Mr. Wilson lost
all the tricks, upon silly gossip.
The trunks and bo-ces at the Hotel
Bristol and the Hotel Meurice were
piled one upon the other in preparation
for transfer to the magnificent villa
at 50 Rue de Bassano, that had just
been leased for the Marquis Saionji.
The marquis was not moving out.
He was moving in.
What the Former Needs
A Betler Marketing Saltern His Chief
Concern
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I have been very much inter?
ested in the editorials and iettars ap?
pearing in your paper from time to
time about agriculture, and I wish to
thank you, as a farmer, for your rather
unusual courage in stating the facts
and in presenting them so lucidly. Pe?
rusal of other metropolitan dailies
leads me to think that it does take un?
usual courage to print anything which
will lead the vast numbers of city con
I sumers to see that the farmers are not
! making fortunes in growing and sell
I ing food. Why these journals should
| feel that their interests lie either in
| ignoring the farmer a? a necessary
I part of society or in distorting the facts
I to present a picture of farm prosperity
| which is laughable to a farmer I can
I not understand. As a matter of fact,
their inter?..'3, as well ai their read
I ers' interests, are identical with the |
? farmers' interests.
If. this country can show comfort
? able, prosperous, contented farm own
i ers in the aggregate such silly theories
I as Bolshevism stand no show whatever.
I If, on the other hand, it shows over
iwoiked, underpaid, uncomfortable farm?
ers in the aggregate, we are on dan?
gerous ground.
It seems to me we farmers, as a
whole, are a hard-working, conservative
class, with our share of brains and
our share of humor. It seems to me
we are not easily led astray and that
we are seldom hysterical. But we want j
1 to feel that those who constitute our !
I government, and those who operate our
! railroads, and those who disseminate
jour news and those who consume ouri
j products are interested in our prob- !
; lems and that they see those problems i
clearly, for our problems touch these !
people more closely than they them-1
selves will admit.
Now, most newspapers see the situ- !
ation clearly enough, but are not can
! did in presenting the facts. The govern
| ment must see the facts, but is sin?
gularly reticent about endeavoring to
remedy conditions. Let's be honest
about two things, at least:
1. Farming has been an unprofitable
j business since the advent of the mi
j chine. How many millionaires has
?farming produced? How many have
; made as much as $25,000 from the sale
i of farm produce, exclusive of any rise
I in real estate values? How many farm?
ers pay an income tax? Why does one
suppose that thousands upon thousands
have been leaving our farms if farming
Is profitable?
2. Farming has been unprofitable be?
cause ther?a have been too many farm?
er?! in proportion to the number of
people to be fed and because the farm?
er has no way of marketing his crops
except through a chain of middlemen,
who heat him down uncomfortably and
urge ... ? "timer up uncomfortably.
The consi:??? ;? aid the farmer both are
onccivrcrtahlc !?-??>*, be*a:':-o of a
totally objolcte and inctficieni, .....bat?
ing system.
The reason we have had too many
! farmer? ia bec&us? ?*?? need about one
' fifth as miuiy to tttt? the country -with
the use of machinery as we needed
when it all had to be dono by hand.
We have just now reached the point
of balance after thirty years of re?
adjustment.
The reason we have no better? mar?
keting system is because a large
amount of highly organized capital in?
vested in the distributing business has
succeeded in convincing the government
and most of the newspapers (I am not
alluding to The Tribune? io consider
the safety of their capital to be worth
more than the safety of a much larger
amount of highly disorganized capital
invested in farming. The farmer de?
mands that the government and the
public hear his request for better mar?
keting conditions. He wants to obtain
better marketing facilities with as lit?
tle friction as possible. He believes
this government the best on earth
when piloted by able men. But in Da?
kota he virtually has had to take over
<he state government to obtain better
marketing. The . mer still believes
bis government is flexible enough to
help him solve his problems. He is
willing to wait peaceably. But he is
looking forward to the coming elec?
tion with hope?and apprehension.
EDWARD MOSEMAN.
West Brattleboro, Vt., Sept. 19, 1920.
Fanatics iri India
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir- It is gr: *ously unfortunate that
the Indian Information Bureau, under
Dr. Hardikar's direction, should be al?
lowed, without contradiction, to dole out
garbled and exaggerated reports about
Indian conditions.
Nobody with a particle of imagination
would believe for a moment that the two
hundred and fifty millions of British
India had marked their protest against
the welcome to the Prince of Wales.
The opposition to his royal highness's
reception is confined to a small number
of the fanatical Muslims of India in
large towns and cities, of which there
are very few in the country, egged on,
as they are, by the miscroscopic minor?
ity of educated Indians who compose
the extremist party of Indian polities.
A vary strong repugnance to their un?
holy tactics has already been expressed
throughout the country. Sober men and
women of India are beginning to realize
that the extremists are playing with
fire, which may end in disaster.
I have no doubt that the whole move?
ment of non-co?peration will fizzle out,
just as the Indian Muslim migration
into Afghanistan has ended in a fiasco.
We love our King-Emperor and his
heir apparent, and the whole of India
will give the Prince of Wales a welcome
the like of which he has not received in
any other part of the British Empire.
RUSTOM RUSTOMJEE, per G. L.
Former editor Oriental Review, Bom?
bay, India.
Boston, Mas*., Sept. 17, 1920.
A Harder Job
(From The Baltimore Sun)
Now that they have learned to make
a gasoline substitute from straw, some
grenius may yet discover a way to make
straw votes of value.
Out of Luck
(from Th? Charleston News-Courier)
Ita.y just now is hardly to be en?
vied. She is ?uffering from two of the
worst plague? knoiim to man?earth?
quakes and Bolshe-rism.
Justice and the Pout ?
Proper Defense Is a Right, Wo? a
Charity
To the Editor of The Tribun?.
Sir: Ex-Judge Charles E. Huf_#j
is reported in the press to have ?aid
at the recent annual convention of ?th?
American Bar Association, in St Loui?*
"There is no more serious menace
than the discontent which is fostered
by a belief that one cannot enforce
his legal rights because of poverty.
To spread that notion is to opro the
broad road to Bolshevism."
It is important to inquire whether
or not this "discontent" is well found?
ed. That there has been a constantly
growing dissatisfaction with the ,?d
ministration of justice?particularly in
the criminal courts?is beyond que?,
tion. The status of the poor man ia
the courts has been the subject of
constant criticism and attack by di_
tinguished judges, lawyers and soci?
ologists, as a result of which publie
defender legislation has been passed
in numerous jurisdictions and volun?
tary defenders*' committees and other
remedial agencies have either been
established or planned.
The subject of "Justice and the Poor*
has been and now is engaging the at?
tention of our bar associations and
criminal courts committee?, with ?
view to prevent any discrimination
against a litigant because of poverty.
If, therefore, the "discontent" re?
ferred to by Judge Hughes is justified
by existing conditions, the "men?t?"
is not in calling public attention to
the facts, but rather in the attempt
to minimize and gloss them over. De
niais of justice to the ?*oor are a great?
er menace to the state than are the
protests of those seeking the appro
priate remedy through orderly, legal
processes.
Judge Hughes himself further em?
phasl.es the poor man's problem with
reference to legal aid. He stated that
the legal Aid Society of New York
(a philanthropic organization) gave ad?
vice to 34,000 applicants last year, and
that had it not been for this bureau
/'the majority of the persons probably
"would have gone without proper leg?l
counsel," and he further urged that
"free legal advice be given in criminal
as well as in civil cases," thus recog?
nizing the necessity for better protect?
ing the rights of indigent accused per?
sons. Surely these comments from
this distinguished jurist are significant
of the f3ct that the "discontent" which
he referred to is not wholly imaginary.
The state should guarantee justice
to all of its citizens. Neither legal aid
societies, voluntary defenders' organ?
izations nor other charitable agencies
will solve the problem of justice ta
the poor. These are at best merely
temporary expedients. Defense is ?
right, not a charity.
The spectacle of a powerful, of?
ficial avd able prosecution on the one
hand and of a defense maintained
through the favor of a charitable legal
aid bureau en the other hand is abhor?
rent to the sense of fair play.
"Equality before the law" does not
contemplate philanthropic interven?
tion. The state must protect the inno?
cent as well as punish the guilty. The
need for a public defender as the
logical solution of the question is daily
becoming more apparent.
MAYER C. GOLDMAN.
New York, Sept. 22, 1920.
Idealistic Starvation
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: The League of Nations seenil
to be built on the theory that if you
make your threats savage enough no?
body will ever dare defy them, and
j then you will never have to do any?
thing savage. At leist it is lar^e!/ de?
fended on that theory. The threat
against a recalcitrant state is what
President Wilson in l*.is Indianapoli?
speech so impressively described a*
the "deadly" and "terrible" squeeze of
the universal economic boycott (though
the President failed to specify wherein
it was most deadly and terrible, for he
did not remind us that, as we all know
by this time, it means the starvation
of the babies of the boycotte, nation,
if that is a food importing nation), and
:he defenders of the league everywher?
assume that so long as we do not
pledge ourselves to ser. '. soldiers it ?
quite right and gentle that we platte
ourselves invariably to join in. applying
this boycott with all strictness.
Now, this idea, that we bind our?
selves to make war by starvation,
whether we make war with gum or
not, would not be upheld as a praise*
worthy plan by so many high-minded
idealists if they did not think that th?
savageness of the threat would maka it
unnecessary ever to carry it out. Th'?
is a very common idea among begin?
ners in penology, such as inexperienced
parents and inexperienced teacher!.
E:-nerience, I believe, show? it false;
experience shows that the sever??'
threats are not the most certain of
effect. E:cperience bids us believe that
if we threaten to starve the babies the
time will come when we shall be callad
on to starve them or else oack down.
Another objection to the boycott pi?
is that its pressure is so unequal on
different nations. Th?-. boycott would
mean starvation to France or Holland,
to Russia or Mexico it would r.ot
Governor Cox is not discussing t?*
this, is he?
STEVEN T. BYINGTON.
Ballard Vale, Mass., Sept. 17, l-?**?
A Commuter With a Grouch
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: What is the matter with tM
Lackawanna Railroad's cor%?nuUtiofl
service? Is this railroad trying to sur?
pass the Erie in its irregularity ?
train service? Certainly it seen? ?
bo impossible for commuters' train? t?
arrive and depart on time.
COMMUTEE*
New York, Sept 19, 1920.
The Unknown Quantity
(From The Chico jo Daily Sew?)
Illicit liquors eertainly compile???
the troubles of the police. In th? ?I
days a trained policeman could ???
mate with some degree of accuracy
probable effect of an ordinary ????**
drunk, but when a man has ?H?? *" "
self with a combination of h,ir ?
wood alcohol and lemon extract *W
i? no telling what will happen.