New-York tribune. [volume], October 09, 1920, Page 10, Image 10

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An Isn't-So Administration
It wasn't Senator Spencer who
?was worsted in the Spencer-Tumulty
Wilson Ananias controversy. Here
art: the developments to date:
(1) Senator Spencer reproduced
in a speech in Missouri assurances
given by President Wilson in a
plenary session of rho peace confer
ence, May 31, 1919, that if attempts
were made to upset the territorial
settlements of the conference the
United States would again send its
army and navy across the sea.
(2) Mr. Tumulty in behalf of the
President thereupon announced that
? ,vas authorized to characterize
Senator Spencer's speech as "abso?
lutely and unqualifiedly false."
? : ? Mr. Spencer publicly ques?
tioned the President's authorization
of the Tumulty denial, on the ground
that it was inconceivable that the
President should repudiate the offi?
ciai record of his remarks of May
_1, 1919.
? 4 ) Secretary Tumulty then re
peated the denial and President
Wilson backed him up.
(5) Mr. Spencer offered in sup?
port of his statement a translation
of that part of the French official
ex of the conference proceedings
which covered the President's ad?
dress. This translation appeared in
The Tribune on December 3, 1919,;
was reprinted in The Congressional
Record, and was freely commented
en in debate by Senator Reed, of
Missouri, and others.
(6) Senator Spencer next called
on the President to produce the Eng?
lish official text of the proceedings.
The latter's only answer was: "1 am
perfectly content to leave it to the
voters of Missouri to determine
which of us is telling the truth."
Secretary Tumulty now says that
the English transcript belonging to
the United States government was
left in Paris, and no copy .of it is
available here. The only possible
inference, therefore, is that the
President depended entirely on mem?
ory in charging Senator Spencer
with "absolute and unqualified"
falsehood.
The Tribune lias secured a copy
in French of the complete record of
the Conference proceedings of May
3.1, 1919. It confirms the accuracy
of the first translation into English.
Ihre the controversy rests. We
have before us further convincing
evidence that the Administration
hasn't changed.
Secretary Baker has told the
American people what isn't so; ditto
Secretary Daniels; ditto Postmaster
General Burleson; ditto other mem?
bers of the Cabinet. The President
merely adds a fresh instance of
"isn't so."
Housing Relief in Danger
Danger exists that the end sought
by the tax exemption law, the only
constructive part of the housing
.legislation, will be defeated by indi?
rection.
The Legislature authorized the
Board of Aldermen and the Board of
Estimate, acting together, to sus?
pend for ten years the local taxation
of housing improvements. The two
. boards may act or not under this
authorization, as they see fit. But
the delegation being of the Legis?
lature's natural powers, the grant is
to be construed strictly. To attempt
.to impose conditions other than those
prescribed is to run the risk of liti?
gation that may tie up the act.
The Collins resolution, now before
the Board of Aldermen, provides
that exemptions shall be accorded
only when the Board of Estimate
%?ives unanimous consent to an appli?
cation. Nothing in the statute to
this effect is discoverable. It merely
says that the Board of Estimate
shall approve. Ordinarily the boar,d
acts by a majority vote. To require
unanimity may open the door to
those eager to enjoin the law.
The imported condition is as ob-*
. pctienable on practical as on legal
?rounds. One landlord member of
: e Board of Estimate can veto con
Alderman Collins is to be
tied to be acting in good faith,
but i g can scarely be blind to the
fact that his resolution unneces
?r.7 rdizes the hope of get?
ting new houses, manifestly the only
way to relieve the increasing con?
gestion.
The course of Mayor Hylan does
not lessen apprehension. Chagrined
by the defeat of his pet bills, he j
seems to entertain the delusion .that
they may have a chance at the |
Legislature's regular session in Jan- ?
uary, and so may not he averse to
being ablo to say that the legisla- j
tien passed did no good.
The responsibility for failing.to
utilize effectively the power which j
the Legislature has given to the city
for the relief of the housing short?
age will he a heavy one. The Legis?
lature has put up to the city a sim?
ple proposition to take or leave, but
not to be manipulated for partisan
or political purposes.
No Scuttling
To a heckler at Des Moines who
asked, "How about the boys over in
Germany?" Senator Harding re?
plied:
"They haven't any business there,
and just as soon as we declare formal
peace we can be sure they will be
coming home, as they ought to come."
The reply was to an interruption.
Senator Harding, according to the
report, did not at first catch the
meaning of the question and asked
for its repetition. His response was
thus hasty and little considered.
Had the Senator taken more time he
scarcely would have answered as he
did.
But if the statement is to be con?
strued as marking an intention to
abandon our allies and not to par?
ticipate in compelling Germany, if
needs be, to respect the substantial
parts of the Versailles treaty, such
as disarmament and reparative pay?
ments, The Tribune, for one, wishes
to enter a most emphatic dissent.
Here is something which has noth?
ing to do with the League of Na?
tions controversy. It relates wholly
to whether this country should help
see to it that Germany docs not
welch on her agreements. It is our
business whether Germany is al?
lowed to repudiate, for example,
her obligation to Belgium. It is our
business that France shall not be
left alone to carry out the task of
preventing wriggling Germany from
once more arming herself for a new
war of aggression. Not to recognize
this as our business is to make the
war a colossal joke.
The offhand words of Senator
Harding, taken at their letter, per?
mit inferences inconsistent with his
prior and more matured declara?
tions. Even in his prepared speech
at Des Moines he reiterated that lie
wished this country to meet her
righteous obligations. Surely no
obligations can b<- more righteous
than contributing to preventing G< r
many from again becoming a men?
ace to ourselves and the world. Sen?
ator Harding may well seize an
early opportunity to correct wrong
! impressions he has left.
The Polish Armistice
The Polish-Russian armistice, as
outlined in dispatches from Riga, is
based on military facts, as. was the
Allied-German armistice of Novem?
ber 11, 1918. The Soviet armies, after
getting within cannon shot of War?
saw, were caught in a trap. Their
lumbering strategy broke down un?
der General Weygand's vig< n
counter strokes. In the last two
months the Reds have been crushed
on the whole Polish front. Lenine's
armies have been wrecked. Only
demoralized remnants remain.
Moscow, also hard pressed on the
Black Sea front, has bowed to the
new situation. It expected to im?
pose a peace of surrender on the
Poles. Now it humbly grants prac?
tically all the Polish demands. L??
nine, rubbing in his contempt of the
Allied Council, offered a few months
ago to give Poland a better eastern
boundary ti an they, Poland's pre?
sumed friends, were asking for. The
Council recommended the Brest
i Litovsk line as the eastern limit of
i Polish territorial claims. Fighting
; victoriously in their own behalf, the
Poles have now obtained an armis?
tice line far beyond Brest-Litovsk.
This lino is described as running
i from a point east of Dvinsk, south
1 through Baranovitchi to the Ru?
manian border. It is practically the
; old German defensive line of 1010
' and 1917. It is well within the east?
ern boundary of Poland before the
partition of 1772. But it probably
represents the extreme territorial
? and strategical demands which Po
j land now expects to confirm in the
1 final treaty with Russia.
Poland also obtains a corridor to
the east of Lithuania, shutting off
i contact betweeen Soviet Russia and
| the new Lithuanian state, which has
! been for some time past under domi?
nation from Moscow. Poland re
I nounces any claim on Ukrainian
territory beyond the armistice line.
The war between Poland, and Rus
< 8ia was fought under conditions high
; ly irksome to the Allied Supreme
Council. Poland is a member of the
! League of Nations. Russia, from the
| league's and from the Council's peint
of view, is an outlaw. But neither
i the league nor the Council would
i go to Poland's aid when she most
needed aid, except with restrain?
ing advice to her and verbal threats
against Russia. The Poles have won
their own war. When the Soviet
armies had reached the outskirts of
Warsaw Lloyd George said that the
fact of Russia's military successes
would have to be taken into account
in the peace settlement. Are the
Allies now going to take adequate ?
account of the fact of Poland's mili- j
tary tr*ttmph? Or will they make
another effort to pin her down to the
skimped and militarily indefensible
eastern frontier drawn for her
north and south through Bialostok
and Brest-hitovsk?
Mr. Parsons'? Departure
Regret will be general among the
Republicans of New York that a
party member of the standing of
Herbert Parsons is so confused by
the league discussion as to become a
supporter of Governor Cox.
Mr. Parsons is, of course, aware
that it was not Senator Harding,
who voted twice for entry into the
league, who "scrapped" the covenant.
That office was performed by the
White House letter of January 8,
I which said the White House had no
' compromise in mind and instructed
j its Senators to vote against any
! ratification that was not flat. Sena
i tor Harding, now holdin.tr an in
? quest, reports as a fact that the
Wilson league is dead. But when
did a coroner become responsible for
a killing he certified to?
Mingled with the regret over the
j departure of Mr. Parsons will be
i surprise that his determination to
\ leave did not mature earlier, and
; that he has hitherto given no sign
| that such a determination on his
| part was forming. He was a dele
I gate to the Chicago convention?an
j influential member of the pivotal
' New York delegation. This delega
i tion, it will be recalled, quite as
? much as any other, was influential
in bringing about the Harding nomi?
nation. It was not then reported
that Mr. Parsons was dissatisfied
I with a result which he notably
j helped to achieve or that he has
i made any effort since to modify the
! views of Senator Harding with which
j he disagreed. He had full opportu?
nity in June to work for another
choice, but it did not appeal to him,
i It is not easy to understand tha
! present zeal for bolting.
Ohio's Fonvard Lookers
hovers of that stirring mouthful
| "forward-looking" will be pleased to
discover that Governor Cox, as long
>]. ago as 191G, experimented with this
' phrase of high ideals and agreeable
vagueness.
The phrase was then used to be
deck a dummy association of Coxites
; ?"the Forward-Looking Association
: of Ohio"?the same being organized
to receive and expend some $12,600,
and thus conceal the fact that this
tidy sum was in part the contribu?
tion of a corporation, to wit, the
Dayton Metal Products Company,
which in turn owned the Dayton
Wright Airplane Company, of some
notorii ty following the war, thanks
to Colonel Deeds and Mr. Charles
Evans Hughes.
At least such seems to be the drift
of the testimony at Dayton. The
hh d leg of any mule is a straight?
edge by comparison with the devious
routes through which the Cox money
traveled to forward-lookers in these
gubernatorial days, and we hesitate
to chart the course of any particu?
lar dollars with certainty.
We can only be sure that there
were dummy notes and ?lummy funds
and dummy corporations en every
hand and that the command then as
now was forward or rather to look
forward which was highly sensible
advic.e for any practical politician in
these days of corrupt practices acts
when the less one knows of what
cither one'.-; right or left hand is do?
ing the better.
Governor Cox is soaring skyward
on mighty pinions tp-day. It is thus
doubly interesting to trace these
first sproutings of his idealistic pin
feathers.
The Technique: of Victory
After a heavy October frost the
fans of Brooklyn thawed out suffi?
ciently to give a highly deserving
team the home cheering that it
amply earned. Crookedness re?
mains to be finally driven out of
j baseball and fittingly punished, but,
pending trial, there is no reason why
the fine start of the Robins?a tri
umph for the ablest kind of honest
: and intelligent leadership?should
not be applauded on its merits.
Not only a baseball head, but any
| business man, any army officer, any
teacher, anybody charged with 'he
responsibility of running a group or
gang of human beings, has much to
learn from Wilbert Robinson and his
. team of cast-offs. General Foch has
i stated that morale is the decisive
factor in warfare?and that covers
the whole point, provided always
; that you understand, firstly, what
. morale is, and, secondly, how to ob
! tain it.
There is a foo prevalent notion
that a sheer will to win is all that is
necessary to success?that never
giving up is all there is to the tecb
? nique of victory. This point of view
; is right in so far as it stresses the
; moral factor above sheer skill; but
if omits the very essential factor
| of confidence, without which a will
; to win is a blind and blunderin??
thing. It is exactly this element of
self-confidence that the born execu?
tive builds up in his subordinates,
his team, his employees, his soldiers,
his pupils.
How manufacture confidence? ;
No formula exists for this consum?
mate feat of creation despite all the
words that the efficiency experts j
have strung together. Leadership is j
an essential quality?in its broadest !
sense the all-sufficient gift. But it i
means something more than field
captaincy, gang leadership in ac
tion; it includes wisdom and steadi?
ness and surenesa to earn confidence
and a genuine knowledge of and
trust in human nature to give con?
fidence. Not the man who enjoys
doing the whole stunt himself makes
the good executive, but the m in
whose first interest is In perfecting
the fallible human machines about
him.
For the human machine, any hu?
man machine, is capable of amazing
achievements. That is its charm, its
greatest quality. There are practi?
cally no limits to what a human be?
ing can do?when properly led.
Uncle Wilbert's cast-offs play like
champions?under his omniscient
eye. They arc champions and yet,
on paper, there is not a great ball
player on the team. Right there is
sketched the most interesting task
in the world??if you are born with
the gift of leadership and a zest for
solving the human equation.
Calvin Coolidge Says
(From his speech accepting the. Re?
publican nomination for Vice
President, July 27, 1920)
No one in public life can be oblivious
i to tho organized efforts to undermine
I the faith of our people in their govern
! ment, foment discord, aggravate indua
j trial strife, stifle production and ulti
I mately stir up revolution. These efforts
; are a great public menace, not. through
; clanger of success, but through the great
; amount of harm they can do if ignored.
j The first duty of the government is to
repress them, punishing willful viola?
tions of law, turning the full light of
i publicity on all abuses of the right of
! assembly and of free speech, and it is
I the first duty of the public and press to
; expose false doctrines and answer sedi
: tious arguments. American institutions
; can stand discussion and criticism only
? if those who know bear for them the
testimony of the truth. Such repression
; and such testimony should be forthcom?
ing, that the uninformed may come to
a full realization that these seditious
efforts are not for their welfare, but for
their complete economic and political
destruction.
Cox's Newspaper Says
(From The Dayton Daily Netos,
December 15, 1916)
A military critic who has closely fol?
lowed the progresa of the war states
that the contest can only end in one of
three ways: Either through a knock?
out for Germany, through a knock-out
for the Allies, or by the world coming
to an end. Germany seem3 incapable
of being knocked out.
Burlesonized
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: I inclose a copy of a letter
which I have just posted. F.
New York, Oct. 7, 1920.
[Copy]
Postoffice Inspector's Office, Eighth
Avenue and Thirty-first Street,
New York City.
Sir: On October 6, 1920, at about
noon, there was deposited in the Post
' office, City Hall Station, Broadway and
: Park Row, a special delivery letter ad?
dressed to me in legiblo hand?
writing, with my full name are! ad?
dress. It is now 4 o'clock in the aft?
ernoon of October 7, exactly twenty
seven hours after the letter was de?
posited, and I am still waiting for it.
In the meantime the person who sent
it to me has informed me of the above
i facts.
In view of this circumstance, and
?other previous disconcerting circum?
stances, I naturally hesitate to use the
Burlesonized Postoffice system. That
is why I took the precaution to tele
: phone your office before sending this
; letter through the Burlesonized Post
| office system. 1 wanted to make sure
; that the facts would reach you. I have
; no confidence that this letter will do so.
South Carolina and the Bonus
To tho Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Your issue of September 28 con?
tained a report of the proceedings of
the convention of the American Legion,
in which it was stated that South Caro?
lina voted negatively on the question of
a bonus for veterans for the reason that
they did not desire the negroes of the
state to benefit thereby. That impres?
sion is absurd sufficiently to demand cor?
rection.
This is the spirit that prompted
South Carolina's vote: We love our
country, which gave US our birth and
which affords greater blessings than
those of any other nation. Our homes
are here and to us they are sacred. We
do not demand, solicit or expect money
as a reward for having defended them.
That would be "Hessianism."
I will thank you to give space to
this correction. A. M. JONES.
Greenville, S. C, Oct. ?1, 1920.
The Workers' Government
To the Editor of The Tribune.
Sir: Morris Hillquit, the Socialist
leader, who lives in luxury on River?
side Drive, says that he "will light till
the working class controls the govern?
ment." What does he mean? The gov?
ernment is now controlled by the peo?
ple, who are all workers, for the
United States is a nation of workers
some with their brains, others with their
hands. If .Mr. Hillquit thinks it is nec?
essary to be dirty and ignorant in order
to be called a worker, then he is not a
worker. Tho idle rich are more than
offset by the poor who won't work. Mr.
Hillquit can only mean that he will
fight until the foreign workers control
the United States government.
New York, Oct. 4, 1920. \V. J. A.
It Makes No Difference
iFrma The ?'Jil?fli ? ?
The government fi recas - a I iggi r
sugar crop than ever, but the predic?
tion is merely of academic interest to
the consumer, who knows what is being
dono to him this fall after an increased
production of more than fifty million
tons of coal over the amount mined
last year.
The Conning Tower
THE DRAMA
I once saw a gentleman wallop his
wife;
I've heard a girl holler "You
brute!"
I've heard a non-poet say something
was "rife,"
And I once knew a child who was
"cute."
I once heard a humorist say some?
thing subtler
Than what he wrote down on a
page ;
But I've never heard one philosoph?
ical butler
Except on the stage.
I've heard an articulate guard on
the L,
And a negro who couldn't play
tunes;
I once saw an audience silent at
"Hell!"
And not even giggle at "Prunes."
I once knew a lady but honorable
bettor,
And a girl who would not tell her
age;
But I never saw any one crumple a
letter
Except on the stage.
The esteemed authorities haven't
?.lone much to interrogate Abe Attell;
the slayer, as the newspapers cal! him
or her, of Elwell is untried; the Wall
Street explosion still is a mystery.
But the police and the District Attor?
ney's office know where Nicky Arn
! stein is.
What, astonishes us, after all the arti?
cles of the American Credo we have
been led to believe in, is not that the
inmates of that borough are unable to
direct you to a Brooklyn address, but
that they can't even tell you how to got
to Manhattan.
The Hurt Street chapter of Brooklyn
[ rcoters arc loud in their praise of
? Boins.
In Washington yesterday some of
j the correspondents, asking Secretary
I Tumulty about the President's alleged
j promise to help Rumania, went to him
! with "Say, it ain't true, Joe."
Our intelligent Persian feline, Mr.,
: objects to our appropriation of Eddie
? Cicotte's famous alibi. Mr. wants U3
j to say "I did it for the wife and the
kitty."
A DRESS FOR YOU
(To Esther, who hatea to shop and who finds
"fittings" boresome.)
i I'd take the starshine from the night,
I'd take the rose's bloom;
The silver spider-flax as light,
The blowing heather broom,
And weave a gown of thistledown
Upon a dreamer's loom.
The purple of the sunset sea,
Bright gold of morning sky,
The velvet of the bumble-bee,
And wings of butterfly ?
All these I take, a gown to make,
That money couldn't buy.
Of all the beauty that there is
In earth ami sea and air,
: My loom of airy fantasies
Would weave a fabric fair?
Your loveliness to grace, a dress
That only You should wear.
c. w. w.
"The great singer," begins The New
Haven Register, in its Jenny Lind story,
"known the world over as the Swedish
Florence Nightingale." Probably, thinks
A. G. ('.. she gave lier first New York
Concert at Castle Mary Garden.
A copy . . . was published in n
Ni??' York newspaper to-day.
The copy published in a morning
. newspaper.?From an evening news?
paper.
Thanks for the ad., Mr. Munsey.
The Insomniacs
I've got to take under my wing, tra la,
A most unattractive old thing, tra la,
And Edna St. Vincent Millay.
II. T.
* ? *
Take back the vows ihou hast spoken; :
Fling them aside and be free.
Smile o'er each pitiful token,
Edna St. Vincent Millay.
W. S. S. N.
* M ?
: These are the saddest of possible words: ;
"Edna St. Vincent Millay."
N. M.
* ? ?
She was bred in old Kentucky.
Edna St. Vinc'iP Millay.
E. C.
"Shoot, if you must, this old gray head,
And Edna St. Vincent Millay," she said.
When I went to the Bar as a very young '
man
With Edna St. Vincent Millay.
* * * K. M. K.
Baa, baa, black sheep,
Maximilian Grab.
What's this dull town to me?
Max-i-milian Grab.
'Mid pleasures and palaces,
Though we may roam.
Be it ever so humble,
There's Maximilian Grab.
MRS. MAXIMILIAN GRAB.
In order to keep people awake. Old
1 Tom Daly the Troubadour writes that
he is considering changing his name to
Thomas Augustine Delay.
Frieda Hempel Impersonates Swedish
Nightingale. Exercises in Aquarium,? ;
; Evening World headline.
They should have hired Annette Kel- .
lermann.
Forty-nine years ago to-day should
have been Fire Prevention Day in Chi- ;
?go.
Brooklyn sings: What's this dull j
| town to me? The Robins ain't here, j
_F.i?.__.
MOST EVERYBODY SEEMS TO THINK THE GAME IS ALL OVER
r*npyrlnht. J9?0. New York Tribun? Inc.
The High Cost of Strides
Chapter VIII
The High Cost of Strike Failures
Bv Marshall Olds
(This is the eighth of a series of thir?
teen articles appearing on this page
daily, including Sunday.)
"oovrieSt. l?'?'?'. Na'.v Vor:-- Tribuno .'"?*?
Of the 3,950,000 workers who went
on strike in 1919 1,053 256 struck for
teasons whicl labor authorities I
selves refused to recognize and other?
wise condemned as unwarranted.
On Augu ? ?i last the front pages
of all the newspapers contained an an?
nouncement that 175,000 hard coal
miners had sent a three-day ultimatum
to President Wilson, threatening a
strike in deliancc of their own officers,
who did not believe such a strike was
?.ve rra nl ed.
On the same front pages of the same
papers was another announcement of
the? actual tying tip of the principal
transportation s stein?, of Brooklyn
that was insisted on and perpetrated
against the ordi rs i hreats of the
union's own officials, w;.o said a strike
was not warran ted and could
feated.
The printers' strike in Ntv V. :
fall, which cut the wa ??? s of 1,500,000
otlu r m sn, ?. mr.ed by thi
ers' . ...'!. international union as entirely
unwarrante 1.
Oui of scvenl y con picu . - strikes
that were !.. gun during the first half
of Octi ber, 1919, o eight were rec
ognizi .1 by higher lab ?,? o ficials as be?
ing justified.
Condemned by Labor
'??"'? ?' '?? 1 ole ? ? ri is of railro ..1 strike?
during the last spring, which have cost
? he publi : n ire th he coa) ....
itself, ha\ e beei ; ... ; arly kno .
"outlaw 'because tin y ha\ ;
bi ? n ? ???.i?, tnned i ified and coin
hate.? as much by the rest of labor ai
by the employers themselves.
Mr. Samuel Gompers, for twent;
years president of the American Fed?
ition of Labor, is undoubtedly in <
! tion to defen 1 s! rikes in genera
or in partie llar .' knowl
? d .?? and ability as they can be de
i. i-, ? te wit
; i 7 f Kansa
on this sub
rested his whole defei ??? of strike
first, on the inher i . right of a frei
man to refuse to work as a pr tes
aga ? : un j u I ? i i tion . and, second
on wha*t strikes in the past had ac
ed in d away with chil
and woman labor and in raising th
working eonditii ns and standards o
living of all lab r.
In or.1er ... there may be no mis
under standing of 1 i aims of the pre
ent discu ? isapp
its fundamental attituda toward labo:
it mai lid tl ' ' w .-is pei
? ? : hat il .?.- ould b
ont ire!y unwi le fi r i ciety to deny t
any group of men the fundament!
right t strike :air?
nomic injustice as it w Id be unwis
to deny anj iup '- men the right t
rebel against any form of injustice c
tyrani ; as society eontaii
so much of both.
But any theorizing about the rig]
to strike, any discussion of the goc
or bad effect* of strikes in gei
m n ';,- acacV^c.
For we ha ?-? ? 1 ?. . lui
: ? :' men not discu
sing the th?orie strikes, but stril
ing. it is ti? t *-?.? '?'-t?t st ;kr?s in tl
past have aimi 1 a* or done or wh;
strikes in the future may aim at or d<
it is what strikes of last year and th
year are aiming at and doing that
practically important now.
There have been three times as mai
?txikas since the war as In any simil
period before the war; probably ten j
times as many men have been on strike
in the last year and a half as in
any similar period before the war in
our history. What have been the re?
sults of these strikes? We know some?
thing about what they have cost the
public, inclndins labor, in loss and suf?
fering and present high prices. Have
they paid an thing or do they promise
to pay anything to the public that has
or may in any way offset their tre
lus costs?
The first and one of the most strik?
ing answers to that question is the fact
that Mr. Gompers himself and organ?
ized labor in general have openly ad
:..''. i that the aims sought in a large
number of our most costly strikes do
istify the cost of th(> strike, und
Mr. Gompers and organized labor have
them elves opposed these strikes.
Tlleir own higher union officials
plead? d with the B. R. T. workers not to
go on spike. The leaders ?p the dock
workers who .-truck in August hastened
the public the men were wrong
ive struck. In fact, most
of the strikes that came to public at?
tention during August have been cor
demned by a large part and often by ;
majority of labor itself as being with?
out adequate justification. And the
Sept mber strikes, r?f which a specia
.? p.I happ us to i ave been kept, wi ; ?
???ven worse, for here out of twentj
only i - i ___? 111 were una n imous
: ???! ev? .. by labor itself as be
' JU!
One of the most serious cl
? ikes m Chicago was ca
manufacturers refused to pay i
huge blackmail to certain union oil]
cials for not railing the strike.
The strike in the P. F. Sternberi
plant in Chicago was called because
new paym tster refused to include $5
in iiis weekly payroll to "hand" a cer
tain walking delegate.
Strikes Without Basis
On August ..'. 3,500 America
on si like and r?
fused to load Am rica ?> vessel e> ?
vessels carrying provisions to Amer
can troops on the Rhine because th
haa arrested a
Irish political criminal.
On August 1 ail the printers i
. were on strike because of or
political editorial in one newspaper i
favor of American government in t!
: ines.
On July 21 nearly a hundred thoi
sand Irishmen went on strike becau
an American court sent Larkin, t
A. rican citizen, to jail for a crin
committed in America.
Daring August over a dozen grou]
of workmen went on strike because
war between Russia and Poland
part of them because they were afra
the government might help or encou
age one or the other of these forei?
combatants, part because they we
afraid their government might not he
or encourage one or the other of the
foreign combatants.
In August a group of American n
rine workers went on strike becat
n English official would not let
Australian Archbidiop go to Irela'
Another group of dock workers, s?
men and cooks struck because t
? .?? Archbishop was allowed to get
a boat to try to get to Ireland.
On August 31, when five women ?
peared on certain New York docks w
ing green flags and haranguing
workers to strike till the British gove
ment should release the Lord Mayor
Cork from prison, 3,500 men of all rat
most of them supposed to be Amerl?
Citizens, stopped loading boats? chiefly
American beats. No man in his sane
mind, if he . I I | -,
could believe that such an act could
change the cours.? of English law any
more than Henry Fi .. "pet?
ting the boys out of the trenches be?
fore Christmas." eoul I
War. And in any event why American
shipping sho'ild be penalized, Ameri?
can beef cargoes be allowed to spo.?
and the American people be foi
American workmen into paying the
cost of a strike in such a ca
equally beyond the average man's
imagination.
Losses for All
Of course, mo-t of these workers
saw the incongruity of such a sil
in a few days and went back to work,
and the strike cost only perhaps 550,000
? a mere bagatelle fis we cour.: costs
to-day. But the point is there have
heen lit ??rally hundreds of strikes
footless and resultl? ' ?5
Ireland or Russia or Poland or
pine_.independence or because this or
that or the other man, generally a
crimina:, was or was ted this,
chat or the other way?wiio.se sum total
has b en a trem ndous ite ? in piling
lit any bene
lit to
A fou : ' part of
which c? labor
.?. hieb <i?j
not !.,..' all n piling
up greal ?ringing
no go are those which
?.vliat?". er may be ir aims,
*. ire from the
. .ces un?
der which they -.ver?' < tiled.
1 he C yde, M il orj and Old Do
-
? had a
claim I
-
rai e is bad
. ?
ii
.'?;. it. I'. : ? loomed
from 7
. while
not hig ?ire for
the kind of work they do. Thousand?
?f n _ and
min&rs, ? R. T. stock had
not for ycai o? dm?
y they
invested, ai
the han i
: court. The
court
raise the ; y and w ???'- will?
. ich as it
could. This ? workers its
vS per cent they mi^ht haTS
had, caused immense inc? nv nience end
loss to the 2,000,000 people of Brooklyn
and got nobody anything.
There are no specific figures avalla
froin which it is for any one
to say or even to estimate that any
particular perc strikes
since the war have brought ar.y par
ticular results. But there is ample
general evidence available which all
points to certain very definite con?
clus ions.
Destructive, Not Constructive
We know that among the classes 01
labor where strikes have been most
onimon higher wages have been us?
as an excuse for working shorter hour!
und fewer days rather than as a meani
of advancing living condition-?the'
instead of increasing production oi
production efficiency they have in?
creased the spirit of discontent.
We know, in short, that far fron
being socially or illy C0B
struct ive, strikes I he war hav?
be? n chiefl ;:?e Pur
poseless unrest of ta m'c
and that where they have had purpose
or purpose has been injected i"*
strikes that began from mere unrest
that purpose has been chiefly sinistei
(To-morrow's articU: "Th* High Cm
?? Strike ,Victoriss.'"J