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jf JB THE SUN, SUNDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1806. , 4!
i I j xojrjr jrsir ijoom. i ft taWee-asaeate aa Parties In Oiranr j ; ! ,to,, f , We have already referred to Mr. A. Law- ' l m Rise Lowell's remarkable book, Qovtrnmtntt 1 j I and Partfc n Continental fcuivps (Hough- s B l ton. Mifflin A Co.), io far a that part of ' hit two volume U concorned which dealt jf wltti Francs. Dot, little ft vra know aboat ' u Frenoh political Institution, from either i I the atroctnral or dvnamio point of view, r 9 w know lees about thoie of other Contl- f W ntnlal oountrles, with the exception of Swltzer- r jt land. To Switzerland Mr. Lowell altota about a j , fifth of hie page, but theie we pais over, be- t X cause, daring recent years, several books hare , jB appeared In which not only the Bwlss Federal r jS and local Institutions, but their operation baa In been dltontsed. There Is much need, on tho S other band, or Information regarding even the jft ttruoture as well as tho working of the systems 5E of government prevailing In Italy and Ger- V many, and we purpose here to give some notion K of the pnbllo service rendered by Mr. Lowell In tho chapters, comprising some hundreds of jf page, which are devoted to those subjects. We ft begin with Italy, because this U neither n oon- IK federation, like Germany, nor a anal monarchy, I Ilk Austria. Hungary. s ' ' After tracing the history of parties In Italy Ji tinea the nntflcatlon of the peninsula began, i and explaining briefly but clearly the unlqe po- $ altlon of the Pope, Mr. Lowell points out that i; the whole story of the political life of the new t Italian kingdom shows how far the English $ Parliamentary system has fallen short of pro. M docing tho same results as In Its native land. v fe j Instead of two. great partlos which are alter- i IK tiateiy In power and In opposition, we And there, V M) . as In France, a number of groups, sometimes Jw f united and sometimes hostile to each other, aver forming new combinations, until 11 bo . Wt coma almost Impossible to follow their evolu ' 2l tlons. The resemblance between tbe condition ? 'p of parties In France and In Italy is. Indeed, so f ffif striking, while at the same time the difference X fi between them Is so great, that a comparison of jc S& the two Is peculiarly Instructive. In the first f PJj place we find In both countries a large V fiW body of lrreconcilables who, in eaoh case, are i ; Clericals; but while. In France, the reaction- Kj! arles sit In tbe Chamber, and by their presence (iff- force the two wings of tbe Republicans to msja- tain a precarious alliance, in Italy the partisans ' Kgr of the Holy See refuse to vote for Deouties and i k have no seats in the Chamber. The absence of Jra the lrTeconcilables from the Italian Parliament f Kp saves that body from a great deal of bitterness g H- and allows the members to group themselves (; II more freely, yet their existence In the country fp: ban a marked effect on the condition nf parties, f if far the Clericals are neither few nor passive. I 5fc' j They have n large number of supporters who I ;!y take an active part in municipal elections, and r ;f ' hence there Is n real opposition In the State, .' ! although It finds no place in Parliament. The 1 'If people are separated Into two factions, the ; igr adherents of the Tiara and of tbe Crown: I j? and this antagonism, by diminishing the ap- T& parent importance of nny other Issue, tends ft; to prevent anr other issue from forming a jS; basis for a division into two great parlies. I ft During the time, indeed, that elaosed after fi Italy had become a nation, and before i ': Venice and Rome bad been won, political . I passion ran high over the poller to be pursued 8 i ( in obtaining those provinces, and the Deputies Sj ' were pretty sharnly divided Into two opposing , U i sections. But with the taking of Rome In ft j 1870 tbe conflict with tbe Church became J W, ' j more acute, and since that time there has I k ' urHen no question great enough to absorb i Wi: public Interest and cast the religious quarrel ? jt into the shade. Moreover, the Clericals are tho f W real Conservatives in the State, and their ab- 35 sotice from Parliament allows the supporters 5 of the monarchy, who are really all Liberals, s j! in break up into groups, instead of form- S lug a single party. In a foot note, Jaclnl Is P quoted to the effect that what Italy needs in or a ;H- dcr to get rid of personal politics Is a true Con j M- servative party. Mr. Lowell would sum up t ii n hat Is to be sajd about this feature of the M Italian situation in the remark that, in France. IS the presence of the lrreconcilables forces togeth- jt' tr men whose political principles are essentially f'W, different, while, in Italy, their absence fosters ?. illilslons among members whose principles are A iM tally very much the same. $5? It may be remembered that In one of the two J jf chapters assigned to France the author dls- I2- mussed several details of the political machinery ' fm that belped to break up tho rartlcsbydlmlnlsh- p Ing the authority anil stability of tbe Cabinets. , ESb- Among the most important nt these were the f VmA system of committees In the Chambers and the I nK practice of Interpellation. Both of these pecu- tys liorltles are to be found in Italy, but they have J Iff been so modified as to be somewhat less re- i pugnant to the parliamentary sj stem than they v jjBr are in France. The third Institution that was i SR mentioned In the chapters on France as tending )3 to break the narties into groups, namely, tbe S requirement of an absolute- majority for the j Wl election of tho Deputies, is not reCxamlnrd in 5ut. connection nith Italr. becau-e it did not exist jg to that country during tho ten ) ears from 1883 ,SSe to 1893, when tho Scrutlnlo di Llsta was In I RE force. A majority had been formerly required, f jfs but in 1883 a plurality was substituted. By the B SS net of June 38, 18U3, however, tbe necessity of - $; a majority vote was restored, and. of courxe, it JkrJS tends, as in France, to encourage the various afcttgr grouos tn present separate candidates at the j&uf first ballot, knowing that they can combine at wit theseoond If they wish todonn. V Jft Tho Italian Chambers are divided in tbe same n H way as are tbe Freiirh, numely, by lot. Into seo IJ 0j. tlons, called Ufflcl, which elect most of tho cura- Mk I mlttee. But, Io each branch of Parliament, the 't PI I Commltteo on the Budget, which Is the most hfil ' Important of all. Is chosen directly bv the T W Chamber Itself. This gives tho Cabinet a ft. chance to exert a good deal nf Influenceoverlt f' composition, and. In fact. Its election has been M' constderea of late years iv regular test of the jW strength of tbe Government. The result Is that i the choice of a hostile committee Is sometimes f regarded as a vote 'if want of confidence; but j; If, on the other band, the Ministers succeed in j getting their partlrnns elected, they are. In ! ; some measure, relieved from tho labor of i wrangling with a commltteo not In sympathy II with their vlens. Tlioy uro a little bet- f. ter able than are Ministers In Franc.) to b take tbeir stand on a budget prepared by themselves. Instead of being obliged tn submit tn all the amendments and distortions suggested by an independent or unfriendly set of committeemen. The practice Is by no means aperfectone.and does not prevent tho Chamber I from constantly forcing on tbe Ministers an In- i crease of appropriations; but Its good effectsare .' teun In tbe fact that thn Uovernmeiw Is rarely npset on the budget, although tho enorniot,s ) slzo of the nxpendltures, compared with tb wealth of the country, renders tbe finances f Italy very difficult to manage. The good effects i of theltallan raetbodof choosing tho Committee i on tbe Budget are shown, perhaps, oven more I strongly by the fact that tbt eminent financier, ' ! Magllanl, wai able to remain at the head of the ! i Treasury for nine consocutlvo jenrs, whereas, ' In France, tho Ministers of Finance have . ! continually found their position untenable. ' Within a few years, Italy lias made a ! still more Imporant modification of her ,,& Parliamentary procodurc. In 1888, after a S long struggle, the Chamber of Deputies t V'' Introduced experimentally a process of three ,'i f,-; readings whereby the Chamber can, if it do- Ax sires, ordera general debato and voteonahlll ,1' j ' ' before It Is referred to a committee, and. In that L I j, case, the main principle of the measure having J KJ been approved by the Chamber, tho dlscubslnn h; ) In the committee Is limited to a consideration Ms of tbe details. In case, moreover, a committee (? j does not report within thirty days, thoOoverii. Ij jS, ment, or any member of the Chamber, may '& move that a day be tliod for the second reading pi), of the bill. The new procednre can hardly fall i f-n ' to Increase the authority of tho Cabinet, by ill- ( M rolnlsblng the power of the committees. As to the 1 $ pruntlce of Interpellation, that Is to say, a ques- f m. tlon addreised to the Ministers and fallowed by ' : alehatand vote on an order of tberlayexpress i' Ing theoplutonof thu Chamber; this also pre- f. m t vails In Italy, It Is, however, better arranged ji than in France, for, although a motion can bo 1flr mad imitfedlatsly after the Minister ha an- swsred the hrUnwllalton, the debate and rot. Instead of taking place at once, while tbe Cham ber Is In a statoof excitement, are postponed to a future day, to that the members have time to cool down and consider soberly whether they wish to turn ont tho Cabinet or not. II. The modifications here noted by Mr. Lowell In the system of committees and Interpellations bay not made the Italian Cabinet very muoh more permanent tban the Frenoh, but thoy have undoubtedly endowed thom with a some what longer term of lire. In a foot note tho fact Is pointed out that, from Cavour's death In Jane, 1801, to June, 1R00, there have been thlrty-ono different Cabinet, whoso average duration, therefore, has boon over thirteen months and a half; the averago life of Frenoh Cabinets nnder tbe third republic has been loss than eight month and a half. Tho modifica tions above referred to seem also to have given the Italian Cabinets a llttlo more dignity and Independence In the face of the Deputies, and to have made them less the sport of excitement or caprice. But, while the procedure In the Chamber aocords better with Cabinet re sponsibility In Italy than In France, the polltloal material Is less adapted to the formation of great parties, and henco to the parliamentary form of government. Thero Is a marked lack of ability to cooperate for publlo end In matters of national Importance, and this accounts for the fact that tho Italian Min istries, In spite of their greater stability, hnvo been, as a role, even less united within them selves than the French. This laok of union In Cabinets strikes obviously at the root of the parliamentary system. This system Is based on the Idea that the Government of a country Is entrnsted to a Commission, the members of which are Jointly responsible to the popular Chamber for the whole conduct of tbe Adminis tration, so that a hostile vote on any question Is a condemnation of eaoh and all of tbem. The Implication la that tbe Ministers must ollng to each other and present to the Chamber a single front and a consistent pol icy. If they do not do so, any member of the Cbamber may bear allegiance to one of tbem alone, and thus each Minister may have his own band of followors who support bis colleagues only provisional ly; In that case tho governmental majori ty will not be a party, but only a collec tion of scparato groups, bound together by a more or less precarious alliance. In almost all the States of the Continent this is truo to some extent. So far Indeed as tho mere form is con cerned, the English parliamentary practice has been generally followed, for the whole Cabinet habitually resigns on a hostile vote In the Cham ber; but In substance tbe Ministers are by no means Jointly responsible, became, as soon as they havo resigned, a new Cabinet Is formed which often contains several members of tho old one. Tnls state of things has been espe cially marked In Italy, and Depretls developed It so far as to make scapegoats of his colleagues, instead uf resigning himself, when tbe Cbam ber voted against the Cabinet of which he was tbe head. Tbe rtsult Is that every consolcuous political leader. Instead of being the member of a great party, is a free lance wbo lights on his own account at the head nf his retainers. In spite of all the criticism to which their method of applying parliamentary govern ment Is exposed, it is not disputed that the Italian statesmen have performed achievements the magnitude of which Is to be measured by the obstacles encountered. Tbey found the country divided into a number of separate provinces, each of them with Its own peculiar habits and traditions, and some of them totally disorganized. They found it defenceless and poor, and for tho most part well nigh devoid of railroads or telegrapbs. They have welded these provinces together Into a single nation, to which they have given a uniform administra tion and enlightened codes of law. They have almost completely suporessed brigandage, and have nearly rooted out the Camorra and Mafia. They have created a large army and a powerful fleet, and they have covered tho land with a network of telegraphs and railroads. What wonder If It should appear that amid all this labor some things have been left undone and others have been done Imperfectly; If It should provo that. In establishing a free government among a people with a dcfoctlve political traln ing, some Institutions have been set up whlcb are Inconsistent with each other or ill adapted to tbe conditions of the country. Wo are re minded that the greatest danger to Italy Is economic. Relatively to her neighbors she is poor, possessing but little capital and a com. paratively small amount of commerce or manu factures. She Is, too, in Sicily at least, saddled with customs in regard to labor and the tenancy of land that make Industrial progress extremely difficult. Nevertheless, the strives to play a great part In Europe. Her Immoderate ambition Is said to be fostered by tbe prevalent classical education which keeps before the mind of her peoplo the glories of ancient Rome; but, whether this be the cause or not, the effects are disastrous. Tho country has rolled up a hugo debt, and Its army and navy aro more expensive tban it can prop erly afford. The result Is that, although the taxes uppear to be as heavy as the country can bear, deficits In the budgets have reappeared within the last few years, and the emigration from the rural districts is alarming. But, in spite nf tbe dark shadows that now fall across hnr path, Mr. Lowell, tor his part, believes that the country which has led the world once in arms and once tn art, which has given laws to the w hole of Europe, wblcb, in these last times. bos freed her soil from tbe foreigner and has made herself a great nation, will find In her people the sagacity and the self-denial neces sary to overcome her difficulties and regain a share of her ancient prosperity. III. In tbe chapters allotted to Germany the au thor considers not only the structure of tbe Federal Government and, to some extent, the working of parties under it, but also the Constitutions of Prussia and the other constituent States. We must here con. fino ourselves to the Imperial organlza. tlon, which is very far from being a Federal union of the kind with which tho citizens of the Unltod States are familiar. It is rather a con tinuation of the old Germanic Confederation, with the centre of gravity shifted from tbe States to the central Uo eminent, and the pre ponderating power placed In tbe hands of Prus sia, the other large States retaining privileges roughly In proportion to their size. Its chief or gun of Government is still the old Diet, renamed the Bundesrath, or Federal Council, to which have been added, on one side an Emperor who Is Commander-in-Chief of the forcos.and repre sents the empire In Its relation with foreign prmers. and. on the other, an elected Chamber, called tbe Relchstug, created far the purpote of stimulating national sentiment and enlisting popular support, as against the local and dyoas tlo influences which have free play In the Bundesrath, Each of these organs Is examined by Mr. Lowell in detail. It Is well known that the Reichstag Is elected for five years, by direct universal suffrage In se cret ballot. The motors must be 3S years old, and not In active military service, or paupers or otherwise disqualified. The members are cho sen In single electoral districts, defined by Im perial law. These had originally 100,000 In habitants apiece (except in the smallest Slates), but they have not been revised for more than a score of ears, and, with tho growth of tbe large cities, have gradually become very unequal. In the case of Berlin the disproportion Is enormous, for tbe city has now over a million and a half of Inhabitants, but Is still represented by only six members. The Government, however, Is not anxious for a redistribution of seats, because Berlin eleots Radicals and Socialists, who form a troublesome opposition, and much the same thing Is true of other large centres of popula tion. A In the United States, no electoral dis trict can be composed of parts of different States, so that every State, however small, elects at least one representative. The 307 scats are, in fact, distributed as follows: Prussia bas 236, or about three-flf ths of the whole numberi Bavoris,8j Saxony. S3; Wurtemberg, 17; Alsace-Lorraine, ISt Baden, 14; Hesse, 0; Meok-lenburg-Schwerln, 0; Saxe-Welmer, 3; Olden burg, 3; Brunaylck, 3 Hamburg, 3j Soxe- Melnlngen, 9 Baxe-Coborg-Gotha, 2; Anhalt, S, and all the rest, 1 eaoh. A regard ths meth od of election, the system of two balloting pre vails; that In an absolute majority Is required for election on the first ballot, and. If no one ob tains this, a second ballot takes place, which I confined to tho two candidates who have re ceived tho largest number of votes. We are reminded that universal suffrage was looked upon by many German statesmen as an experiment of n somewhat hazardous kind, and Bismarck Insisted on tho non-payment of ths members of tho Reichstag as a safeguard. This has bean a bono of contention with the Liberals ever stneo, tbo Reichstag hating repeatedly passed bills for tho payment of membors, whlou the Bundesrath has Invariably rejoctod. The absenco of remuneration has not been without effect, for It has deterred university professors and other men of small means, usually of Lib eral views, from accepting an office which en tails the expenmof along residence In Berlin, but It has not fulfilled tho predictions that wero mado by either Its foes or Its friends, for It has not caused a dearth of candidates, or discouraged tho pn-sonco of men who mado politics their business. Tho provision has, how ever, a meaning one wonld hardly suspect. In 1885, when tho Socialist representatives re celved salaries from their owu party, Bismnrtk, claiming that suoh a proceeding was illegal, caused the Treasury to sua them for ths sums of money thoy had received In this way. and the Imperial Court of Appoals sustained the suit. Tho object nf withholding pay from the members is. of course, to prevent the power of the poorer classes from becoming too great; but a much more effectual means to the same end is tho habit of holding elections on working days. Instead of holding them on Sundays, as In France and most other Cathollo count rles. Tbe Rulchstag has ths ordinary privileges of a legislative assembly electing Its own Presi dent, making Its own rules, and deriding upon the nlldlty of elections. Its Internal organiza tion conforms to tho pattern generally followed in Continental chambers. At tho beginning of each session, tho mombors aro divided by lot Into seven Abthellungon, or sections, which cor respond to tho Bureaux of the French Cham bers, bat differ from theso in tho Important respect that they last during the whole session. Instead of being renewed at short Intervals. The duties of the sections consist In making n preliminary examination of tho validity of election to tho Reichstag nnd in tho choice of committees, each section electing one or more committeemen, according to the Importance, of tho committee. As In Franco and Italy, how ever, the cholco by tho sections is really cut and dried beforehand. It Is. In fact, controlled by the so-called Senloren-Convont. a body com pood of the leaders of tho different parties who determine In advanco the number of seats on the committee to which each party shall be on titled. Unlike tho French Bnreaux. tho choice of the Abthellungon Is not confined to members of their own section. In tho Reichstag, bills are not always referred to a committee; but Mr. Lowell points out that tho morn advanced Lib orals have constantly urged such a reference In tbe case of Government bills, bocause tho au thorltatlvo Influence of the Ministers is thereby diminished, and greater opportunity Is given for criticism and amendment; whereas the moro moderate parties, following the lead of the Government, havo often preferred tho more Im mediate discussion of important moasuroa by the full House without the Intervention of any committee at all. Tho powers of the Reichstag appear very great on paper. All laws require Its consent, and so do the budget, all, loans, and all treaties which Involve matters falling within the do main of legislation. It has a right to initiate legislation, to ask the Government for reports, and to express its opinion on tho management of affairs. In reality, however, its powers are not so great as they seem. The Constitution provides, for example, that the budget shall be annual, yet the principal revenuo laws are per manent and cannot be changed without the consent of tbe Bundesrath. while the most Im portant annroprlattoas, that for the army. Is virtually determined by the law fixing tho nnmber of troops, and this has hitherto been voted for a number of years at a time. Tho chief function of tho Reichstag Is, in fact, tho consideration of bills prepared by tho Chan cellor and the Bundesrath. These it criticises and amends pretty freely; but its activity Is rather negative than positive, and, although Important measures have occasionally been pasted at its Instlgit Ion, it cannot be said to direct the policy of the State, either In legisla tion or administration. Tho influence of the Reichstag Is also diminished by tho fact that it can be dissolved nt any tlmo by tbe Bundesrath with the consent of tno Emperor. In most con stitutional governments at tho preient day, tho power nf dissolution is the complement of the responsibility of the Minister, and is used, at least In theory, to ascertain whether the Cabi net possesses the cor.fidonco of the nation. In Germany it exists without any such responsi bility on the part uf the Minister, and hence, is simply a means of breaking down resist ance in tho Reichstag. It has been used for this purpose on three memorable occa sions: First, in 1878, when tho Reichstag re fused to pass a bill for the repression of agitation by the Socialists; afterward. In 1887, when It refused tn pass tho bill fixing tbo slzo of thu army for seven years; and again In 1803, when it refused to sanction changes pro posed In the military Byslem. In each caso the new Reichstag supported tho plans nf the gov ernment, and thus a serious conflict with the Chancellor was avoided, and the question of tbe ultimate authority of the different organs of tho State was postponed. The rules of the Reichstag provide for Interpellation, but the question to whom these shall bo addressed in volves one of ths paradoxes or contradictions between theory and practice which are common in the government of tho empire Thero is no Imperial Cabinet, and the Chancellor, who is tbe only Minister, is not responsi ble to the Reichstag, nor has he any right as Chancellor to sit in that assembly. In theory ho comes there only as one of the delegates from the constituent States to tbe Bundesrath, all of whose mem bers navo tbo privilege of being present In the Reichstag, whero a special bench Is reserved for them. Thoy appear as the representatives of tho united Uovcrumentsof Germany, nnd aru entitled to speak whenever they chnoso; for the Bundesrath Is not only a collection nt delegates from the Governments of tho different States, but bas also soino of the attributes uf an Im perial Cablnot, In form, therefore, interpella tions nrc addressed to the Bundesrath, but. in fact, they are communicated to the Chancellor, who usually answers them himself, or allows one of his subordinates tn do so. A debate mny ensue. If demanded by fifty members, but It Is not followed by an order of the day expressing tne opinion of the House, and. Indeed, Interpel lations havo no such Importance In Germany as they havo In Franco and Italy, because the par liamentary system does not exist; that Is, the Chancellor docs not resign on an adverse vote of the Reichstag, nor does ho feel obliged to con form to its wisbes. IV. The next Federal Institution oxamlnedby Mr, Lowell Is the Bundesrath, an extraordinary mix. turoof legislative chamber, executive council, court of appeals, and permanent asBemblyof diplomats. It Is the most thoroughly native feature of the Germau Empire, and has, there, fore, a peculiar vitality. The Bundesrath Is com posed of delegates appointed by the princes of the constituent States and tho Senates of the Fren Cities; It Is to be noted that Alsace-Lorraine, which was taken from France In 1871, Is not strictly a member of tho Federal Union, but is only Relchsland, or Imperial territory, and henco has no right to a representative In tho Bundesrath, utlhough, as part of the empire, it elects members of the Reichstag. Its position, is In some.ways analogous to that of one of our Territories, while ths other parts of the umpire correspond to our States. Since 1870, however, Alsace-Lorraine, as n matter of favor, has been allowed to send to the Bundesrath delegates who, like tbe representatives of the Territories In the lower House of Congress, ran debate, but cannot vote. Tbe seats In the Bundesrath are distributed among the States and Free Cities In soon a way that each of thtm Is entitled to the same nam- btr of voters a In ths Diet of the old Germanlo Confederation, except that to Bavaria, as part of ths Inducement to Join the empire, were given lx delegates, Inste&dof four. Naturally, on ths other hand, Prussia obtained tho votes of the States which she absorbed tn 1800, There are In all fifty-eight mem ber, of which Prnssla ha 17, Bavaria 0, Saxony and Wnrtemberg, 4 each, Baden and Hesse 3 each, Brunswlok and Meek-lenburg-Sohwerln 3 eaoh, and ths remaining fourteen Slates and three Free Cities one each. But Prussia has really three votes more, bo cause her contract with the Prince of Wnl dock gives her the vots of that State, and. In 1884-85, having caused ths Duks of Cumber land to bo excluded from the succession In Brunswick, she got a Prussian prince appointed perpetual Rogent, and thus obtained the vir tual control of these two votes also; so that one has, in reality, SO votes nut of tho 58. This, of course. Is much less than her proportion of the population; the population of the German em pire on Dec. 1, 1800. was about 40,000.000, of which Prussia had 30,000,000. Nevertheless, SO votes tn tho samo bands connt for much moro than tho samo number hold by different States, and sho has only to win ten additional votes, thoso of Bavaria and Wtirtomberr. for example, or thoso of some of tho smaller States, tn order to havo an absotuto majority. In fact, she has usually hod her way, although, on sevorat notable occasions the other States have combined and defeated her. This hap pened In 1877, when the scat or the Imperial Court uf Aopcals was fixed at Lelpslc Instead of Berlin, as she desired; and, In 1870, on tho more important question or the Imperial rail road law. At the last named dato Blmnarck refrained altogether from Introducing Into tho Bundesrath a bill for the purchase of railroads by the emplro, knowing that It would be de feated by tho opposition of the middle-sized States, although the project was nne on which ho had set his heart. Again, In 1870, another railroad hill was killed In the Bundesrath by the opposition of Bavaria, Saxony, nnd Wur temberg, nnd, in the same year a conference nf the Finance Ministers of the Stato refused to consent to tho tobacco monopoly, upon which point, however, they yielded some years later. The members or tho Bundesrath are diplomats rather than Senators. The Constitution pro vides tbnt tho Emperor shall give tbem tho protection accorded tn Ambassadors, whereas tho members of the Rolcbstag have only tbo ordinary privileges of membersof a Parliament. They are apiolnted and romoved at will by the Stato they represent, which also pays them or not, as It pleases. Tho votes they cast are the votes of tho State, not those of Its representa tives, and It Is, therefore, provided that all the delegates of a Stato must voto alike. In fact, all thu votes belonging to a Stnta are counted with out reference to the number of delegates actu ally voting; thus tho seventeen votes or Prussia, for example, can be cast In her name by a stncla representative. Just as, at a meeting of a private corporation, a properly authorized agent can voto on all the shares of stock belonging to his principal. The dolegatcs, moreover, vote according to the Instructions of their home Government, and tbo Constitution expressly declares that votes not Instructed shall nor bo counted. This last anomalous provision has given rise to some comment. It certainly does not mean that a delegate must produco his Instructions before ho is allowed to vote. On tbo contrary, the Bundesrath appears to tako no cognizance of In structions, which may. Indeed, be of any kind. Including an authority to vote as the delegate thinks best: and It Is even asserted that a vote Is valid whether It is In accord with tho Instruc tions or not. Mr. Lowell Is disposed to regard the provision lu the Constitution as a mere nurvlvnl. but it has been suggested that its's object Is on tho one hand to allow a delegate to excuse himself from voting on tho plea that he has not been Instructed, and, on the other, tn make It clear that a vote can bo taken, although the dele gates have not all received their instructions, thus tnking away an excuse for delay that might otherwise be urged. A delegate to the Bundesrath Is usually an officer of the Stato he represents, often one of Its Ministers, or even the head of its Cabinet; In any case, the Minis ters of a State are responsible, according to its own laws, for their instructions to the delegate. In point or fact, the Ministers are frequently questioned In tbe local Landtag, or Legislature, about the Instructions they havo given nr pro poso to give, and resolutions are sometimes passed in regard to them. Strangely enough, however, though the delegates aro frequently officers of the States they represent, they nre not necessarily even citizens or it, and It is not uncommon for several of the smaller States, from motives of economy, to empower tho same man tn act as delegate for them ail, jointly. This habit grew to such an extent that tn April, 1880, when a stamp net proposed by tho Chancellor was seriously amonded by a vote of 30 to 38. thirteen or the smaller States wero not represented by nny delegates of their own. their votes being cast by two delegates from other States. Bismarck tendered his resigna tion In d sgust, and this caused tho Bundesrath to reconsider its action nnd vote the tnx. The Chancellor, however, was not satisfied. He complained that tbe practice of substitution deprived the Bundesrath or the presence of membcrswhn were npen to argument, and ho Insisted rn the adoption of a rule dividing tho session Into two periods. In one of which the Im portant natters should be considered and dele gates frtm all the States should be present, while tha other should bo devoted tn current affairs, when tho Slates might appoint mbstl tutosir Ihey pleased. This rulo was adopted, and, for tho convenience of tho delegates, tbo former period was mado as short as possible. Tho nuidesrnth. In fine, is in Its uaturo unllko any other Tiody in tho world, nnd, as lias been said. Its peculiarities can bo explained only by a reference to tho Diet of the old Germanlo Con federation, It is not on international confer ence, because It is part of a constitutional sys tem and has power to enact laws. On tho other hand. It is not a deliberative assembly, because tlie delegates vots according to Instructions from horns. It Is unlike any other legislative chamber, hasmucb as tbe members do not en Joy a fixed lenuru of office and are not free to vote according to their personal convictions. Its essential characteristics aro that It rep re tents tho covornments of the States and not their peopit, and that each State Is cnlltlcii tn a certain number of votes, whlc.li Itmayaulhorlro oueor morepsrsons to cast In its name, llicso per sons being ils agents, whom It may appoint, recall or Instruct it any tlmo. Tbo nearest historical analogue tothe Bundesrath Is the American Cr n gress, which was established under tho Articles of Confederation. The true conception of the Bundesrath Is that of an assembly or the sov ereigns of the State, who are not. Indeed, actu ally present, but appear In the persons of their representatives. The internal organization nf tho body Is In accord with Its federal character and tbe privileged position of tho lnrgor States. Under the German Federal Constitution, ths seventeen votes of Prussia are moro than enough to defeat any constitutional amendment, and to her Is expressly given a veto on all proposals to change the laws relating tn the army nr the taxes. Besides this, tho Constitution declares that the Emperor, that Is, tho King or Prus sia, shall appoint tho Chancellor, who presides over the body and arranges Its business, and through whose hands all communications from tho Reichstag and all motions and peti tions must pass, and who is. In fact, always ono nf the Prussian delegates. But the Constitution goes into much smaller details In regulating the privileges nf the States, and prescribes even the composition of tbe committees, for the Ger mans have shown a remarkable astuteness In this matter, and nowhere else In the world Is the Important Influence of committees In a leg islative body so thoroughly recognised. There are eight standing committers of tbe Bundes , rath established by the Constitution Itself. The members or one of these, that on ths army and fortresses, are appointed by ths Emperor; but It is provided by tbo Constitution that Bavaria, and, by military convention, that Saxony and WOrtemberg shall have places upon It. The members of the Committee on Maritime Affair are also appointed by tbe Emperor; while ths committees on taxes and customs, on trade, on railroads, post and telegraphs, on Justice, and on account aro elected every year by the Bundesrath itself. "V On each of tho last seven committees five Stats at least musi bs represented, of which ono most always bs Prussia, whose momber Is always tho Chairman. Hers again, howovcr. we havo an Illustration of ths fact that tho Bnndcsralh Is an assembly of diplomats, and not of Senators, for tho practice followed by the Emperor or tho Bundesrath, whichever has tho power of appointment. Is to deslgnato the States to bo represented, but to lenvo tho delegation from each of thoso States to choose which of Its members shall sit on the commltteo. A scat on the committee, therefore, belongs not to the representative elected, but to the Stato whloh he represents. Thero Is ono other committee provided for by the Con stltutlon. that on Foreign Affairs. Its functions aro peculiar, for It docs not report llko tho other committees, but Its members listen to tho communications made tn thom by tho Chan cellor, nnd express tho views nf their respective Governments thereon. It Is thus. In reality, a means by which tho Ministers of tho larger States may Uo consulted upon foreign affairs, and It consists of representatives of Bavaria, Saxony, Wurtcmborg, nnd two other States designated every year by tho Bundesrath. As Its only fiiiictlon is to consult with tho Chan cellnr, who is virtually tho Prussian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prussia has no sent upon it, and, in her absence. Itnvnria presides. Another Illustration of tho fed mil character of the Bundesrath is to bo found In tho provision that, on matters not common to tho w hole em pire, such, ror example, as tho excise on beer, from which Bnvnrln. Wurtemticre. nnd Baden enjoy an exemption, only thoso States which aro interested can vote. Thorn wns. nt first, a similar provision for tho Relchstug. but It was felt tn bo Inconsistent with the spirit of a na tional Ilonso of Representatives, nnd It was re pealed by a constitutional amendment. Tho powers of tho Uundpsrath aro vsry exten sive, and cover nearly the whole field of gov ernment. It Is a part or tho Legislature, and every low requires Its assent. Moro than this. It has tho first nnd last word on almost nil tho Inws. for tho Reichstag has not succeeded In malting Its right of Initiative in legislation very effective, and by for tho larger part of tho stntutrs us well as tho budget aro prepared and first discussed by tho Bundeirath. They nro then font to IhoHulehstng.ond if passed by that body, are again submitted to tho lliinde-rath for approval heforo thoy nro promulgated by tho Emperor. Tho Bundesrath mny.tlirrerore.be said to be tho main noun c of legislation. Ills also a part of tho executive As such, it has piner to mnko regulations for the conduct nf the administration and to Issuo ordinances for tho comple tion of tho laws, so far n, this power has not been specially lodged bystntutes In other hands. In regaid tn finance. Its authority Is even more extensive, for to It lias been given many of tho functions of a chamber of in counts. It en joys a sharo of tho power nf appointment, fnr it nominates, among other officials, the Judges uf the Imperial Court nnd elects the mombors of tho Courtof Accounts: while collectors of taxes nnd Consuls ean bo appointed only with tho ap probation of Its committee. The Bunderalh, moreover, acts. In some ways, liko a Ministry or State, for It designates nne nr more of its mem bers to support in tho Reichstag tho measures It bas approved, and to Indicate what amend ments to a bill it Is willing to accept. Tho Federal naturo of tho Bundesrath comes into play curiously here, for each of the members may express In. the, Reichstag the views of his particular Government, although theso may bo contrary to those of n majority of his colleagues. Agniu, tho Bqmlr,sra(h has no little power of a Ju dicial orteml-Judlclal nature. Itdecldesdisputes between thu Imperial and Stato governments about tho interpretation of Imperial stututos. It Is virtually n court of nppcal in cases whero there is a denial nf Justico by a State court. It irecides controversies between States which aro not or the naturo or privnto law. if appealed to by ono of the parties; and, finally, w hen a con stitutional question arises in a State which has uo tribunal empowered to decide it, the Bundes rath must try to settle It by mediation, ir re quested to do so by ono or the partle. or, IT this falls. It must try to dispose of tbo matter by imperial legislation. Not only has the Bundes rath, as wo have recn, far mnro extensive powers than thu Relchstac. but it has also cer tain privileges that enhinco its prestige and in crease its nuthority. Thus tho liolcbstag can not bo summoned to m-et without the Iluudes rath, whereas the litter can (It alone, and must, in fact, be called together at nny time on tho request of one-tnlrd of its ncmbera. Un llko the Reichstag, norcover, theorder of busi ness In tho Bundesrtlh Is not brnicen off by tho ending of the sessbn. but Is continued, so that matters aru taken up again at the point where they were left, anl thus Its work Is made far mor effective. Ihe most Important privilego It enjoys, bowover. Is that of excluding the public from Its noetings. This his given it tho advantage of cencenllng. to sono extent. Its internal dlfferoiccs. and has enabled it to oc quirxn rcputnibn for grater unanimity, and, consequently. D exert mora Intlucnco than it would olhorwis possess. V. Wo now oorui to the Executive, pcrsonlflod In the Emperor. Tbe title seems to denoto a hereditary sovereign of the empire, hut, from a strictly legal ,iolntof iew, this Is not tho Em peior's posltliu, lie is simply tho King or Prussia, nnd locnjovshls Imperial prerogative by vlrtuo or his royal office. Tticre Is, In furt, no Imperial crown, and tho rlcht to havo her King bear tlo title and excrcltu the functions of Emperor is simply ono of fie special priv ileges guaranteed to Prussia uy tho German Constitution Tho suceesMnn is determined solely by tho law-of tho Prusshn royal house, and, in rasonf incapacity, tlielcgntnf Prus sia would, iiao dfhi, oxen lo Hie functions of Emneror. It has boon said that, us Commander-in-Chief of the Army ana Na-y. tho Emperor has. In theory, tho personal dlrodlon of military mntters, but that, in all others ho acts as the dolegato of tho federated Govrnmont, under the direction of tho Bundrarnh. This state ment is not strictly accurate, alhnugh It gives a fair Idea of his prerogatives. Iohaa chargo -of foreign affairs, makes treatlcsvubject to tne limitations above mentioned, ad represents tbe empire In its relations tn foregn countries, to its constituent States, or to iadvlduals. He declares war with tho consent o'llio Bundes rath, and carries nut a frcliral execution against a constituent but reciloitiant fjtntc, when it has been ordered y that body. Ho summons and adjourns ths Chambers and closes their sessions, nnd with tho con sent uf tho Bundesrnth ho cm dissolve the Relohstag. Hs promulgates thelaws and exo cutes them, so far as their odmllstratlon is In thu bands of tne emplro, subjec to tbo impor tant qualification that most nltho adminis trative regulations are mado b the Bundes rath. Finally, he appoints i Chancellor and all other officers, t'xciit in cases where the right of appulntient or con firmation has been given to the Bundes rath. lint it mutit be rciumborcd that thelaws are mainly ndmlnisteril by the State governments under Federal suorvlston, and henco thero nro comparative!) few Federal officials to appoint. In short, he executive power of the central governmut Is very lim ited. Tho Emperor, as enipcroi has no initia tive In legislation: Indeed, ho Is nt represented in tbe Reichstag at all. fnr to Chancellor, strictly speaking, appears there nly as a mem ber of tbe Bundesrath. As Kig or Prussia, however, tho Emperor bas a ompieto initia tive, by means or tho Prussian clegates to tbe Bundesrath. whom he appoint. As Emperor he has no veto, but an King of 'russla he has a very extenslvo veto, for It I to bo noted that tho negative voto t Prussia In the Bundesrath is sufllclot to defeat any amendment to the Cotatltitlon, or any pro posal to change the laws relatlB to tho army, the navy, or tho taxes. His unctions as Em peror and as King are.lndetl, so Interwoven that It It v ery difficult tollstliyulsh them. We will only odd that bora Is no Imperial Cabinet, tho only Feieral Minister being tho Chancellor, who hh sukirdlnntes, called secretaries, but no ojleagues. The Chan cellor Is responsible fat u the Rolchstag or tho Bundesrath, but jo ths Emperor alone. It Is, therefore, obvlous'that tho German sru ptre dot not enjoy parnmtoury government. nd. where that I wanting. It WOnld be atsord to talk of party government. Parties there ars In ths German Reichstag, but they can In no sense bs said to govern. Wo havo therefore?. In thocasoof Germany, limited onrsolves to Indi cating the structure of the Federal Institutions, nnd some characteristic features of tho parllu mentary procedure. jl. W, II, A New Edition of IloavvelPa Johnson. The successive editions or Jlnsiirll's Life uf Johntnn have hitherto gono on increasing in magnitude until they have become nvallablo only as books of reference. As well pickup so many uyclopadlan as try to hold the volumes In the hand, It was time that a reaction should set In and that this Immortal fund of entertain ment should bo mado accessible In a moro con. venlcnt form. This Mr. AL'tiusTiNi: Iliiiuri.t., tho well. known author of "Obiter Dicta." has undertaken to do In tho six llttlo volumes, ac curately and beautifully printed, which have boon published In London by Archibald Con stable & Co., and lire hero procurable from the Macmlllans. Tho prosent editor has freed tho original biography from tho vast over lying mass f ancillary matter brought together In tho last sixty years by such editors as Croker. Napier, and Blrkbcck Hill. The root notes reproduced are al most exclusively confined to thoso sup plied by lloswell himself and by Edmund Ma. lone. Mr. Illrrell'e additions nro few and far between. He had, he tells us, mado many notes, but, on reflection, struck most of thom out, feel ing himself convinced not nf their worthless ness, but of their unimportance. Tho rigorous processor exclusion which he has carried out wns prompted by a dtslre to aid tho English speaking rnco to enter moro enslly and fully on Its great Inheritance of lltorature. It Is true, as Mr. Blrrcll says, that tho number or persons who have never read Boswell's life or Johnson, and who yet ore capable of enjoying It to the tips of their fingern, is enormous nnd Increases early. To got hold of these people, to thrust Boswell Into tbeir hands, to obtrudo him upon their notice, and thus to capture their Intslll genco and engage their interest. Is tho work of the missionary or letters, who does not need to encumber himself with tho commentators, but only to dn nil that he can to circulate tho origi nal text In the most portable and attractive form. Besides, after all, tho book Itself Is tho thing. Leave Boswell nlono to tell his own talc and mako his own Improsslnn. This once done, tho enmmontators enn march In through tho breach lloswell bus made. Literature was mount to glvo pleasure, to drug sorrow and divert thought, and, outside of the flnost exam ples or poetry and proe fiction, no book ever written Is more certain to attain these ends than "Boswell's Life of Johnson." Certainly, In the whole range of English literature, there s nn book more richly erdowed with those dualities of Interest, charm, humor, and life which go to make up enjoyment, Mr. Blrrell does not attempt to enumerate, ono by one, tho admirable features of a biography which it has become superfluous, ir not Impertinent, to praise. Ho does, however, direct attention to tho generous scale of tbe canvas and to the perfection of the method. Bos well's Life Is a big book, that Is to say, a long boot:, a crowded gallery, a busy thoroughfare, with all its varied figures, chance referenees. waifs, ond strains or charac ter. Garble woll understood the fascination of largo canvases, and It Is certain that no short story can so stir the imagination or so penetrate us with tbe stir of existence and tho music of humanity. When, again, ono considers Boswell's method, oue perceives the absurdity of tbe de traction to which he was subjected by Macau lay. There Is no doubt that Boswell's enormous Buccess depended almost as much upon his own personality as upon Johnson's. He saw his way to wrlto a great book, and to prove himself a greater portrait painter than Sir Joshua Rey nolds himself. It is pointed out by Mr. Rirrell that tbe dedication and tbo first pages of the biography proved conclusively the confidence as well as tho determination with which hn in. crouched his task. What was the method? In the dedication Boswell sas that in ills tour to the Hebrides ho had been almost "unboundedly open in his communications." his desire being "to display the wonderful fertility nnd readi ness of Johnson's wit." Tho advertisement to the first edition thus concludes: " Nor will I suppress my satisfaction In tho con sciousness that, by recording so considera ble a portion of the wisdom and wit of tne brightest ornament of the eighteenth century, I havo largely provided for the Instruction and entortalnmont of mankind." Entertainment was, Indeod, an aim uf which this unparalleled biographer never lost sight. In tho first eleven pages of the Life, Boswell's theory or biography Is clearly set forth. It K first of all, bated upon friendship: " I had the honor and happiness nf enjo Ing his friendship for upwnrd of twenty years." It bas been objected that, although Boswell knew Johnson for the last twenty vears of tho hitter's life, ho was. by no means, an habit ual associate of his. and long months would go by without their ever meotlng. Whether this wns a drawback Mr. Blrrell doubts, reminding us that there aro few duller biographies than tboe written by wives, secretaries, or nther do mesticated creatures. The point of view of these persons soon becomes Intolerable. Bos well's admiration for Johnson was Indeed as profound and open-mouthed as that nf a privnto secretary, but his attitude toward nlm was that of an extern. The book, however. Is based on intimacy, though not on domestication. The next point emphasized by Boswell wltb refer ence to his aim and method, was that Johnson's conversation. Its "extraordinary vigor and vi vacity." constituted " one of the first features of his character." Accordingly, he congratu lates himself upon his fsoillty In recollecting and hlsaistdulty In recording Johnson's conver sation. Thus he writes: " In the chronological serleB of Johnson's lire, which I trace as dls- tlnctlyas I can, year by year, I produce, wher ever It Is In my power, his own minutes, letter or conversation, being convinced that this mods Is more lively." And again: "I am fully awaro of the objection which may be made to the mi nuteness, on some occasions, of my detail of Johnson's conversation, and how happily it Is adapted for tho petty exercise of ridicule by men of superficial nnderstandlug and ludicrous fancy; but I remain firm nnd confident In my opinion that minute particulars ars frequently characteristic and always amusing." In thess and other kindred passages Boswell's whole scheino of biography Is revealed. He knew Johnson, he loved him ; ho especially delighted in tho vigor and vivnclty of his conversation, and ho determined to portray him In such a manner as to be entertaining, lively, nnd amus ing. What Is mnro to the purpose, he succeeded. It must bo acknowledged that Boswell himself rxprrsiod a regret that Dr. Johnson bad not w rltten hit own life. AH subsequent generations or English reudrrs, however, have good cause to rejoice that ho did nothing to put Botwoll off tlio track. Johnson was. Indeed, a splendid writer nr biography, but his methods nre not Ilosnelllaii, nor Is tho result by any means the same. Ills life, written by himself, would have been a gloomy, though majestic fragment; a few peals nf thunder and a henvy torrent or rain, and then soma wearied exclamations and a frigid dismissal. Johnson soon got sick of a subject, and of no subject sooner than himself, Boswell's painstaking and drudgery In the col lection of data offer tho most striking contrast to the Doctor's own indlfferenco to matorlal. If he were not In tbe mood fnr It. Of this the Life gives us an example. "Elated." writes lioswoll, "with tho success or my spon taneous exertions to procure materials ond re spectable aid to Johnson for his very favorite work, 'Tho I.tvos of tho Poets, I hastened down to Mr. Thralo's at Streatham, whero hs now was. that I might Insuro his being ot horns next da), and, after dinner, when I thought he would rre-ehe l' good now In tho best humor, I an nounced it eagerly, 'Ihavc been at work for j, in to-day. elr. I have been with Lord March iii.nit Ho hade me tell you he has a great re. tiHi t for ) mi. uiid will call on you to-morrow at li.iiw.kand couiinuulcnteall he knows about Alie.' Hero I paused. In full expectation that he would bo pleased with this Intelligence. ouid praise my active merit, and would bo alert to embrace UOh off,, ttom nobiemau. But whether I had shown an overexultntlon whioh provoked h.-pl whethor he was seized with a eutplolon that I had obtruded him on Lord Marchmont na bumbled him too much, or whether thero wm anything mnro than nn unlucky fit of 111 humor, I know not, buttnmy surprlsu the result wal Johnson: 'I shall not be In town to-morrow. I don't caro to Know about Pope.' Mr. Thrala (surprlstdas I vvns.andnllltlenngry): 'Isup, ( pose. sir. Mr. Boswoll thought thnt, ns you aro to wrlto Mr. Pope's IHr, you would wish t,o know about him.' Johnson: Wish Why. yes. If It rained knowledge I'd hold out my hand. But I would not clvo myself the troublo to go In qnel of It,' Thero was no arguing with him at tha moment." If Boswell had not given himself tha trouble to go In quest of knowledge wo should not have had the Life. Ths pain hs took to collect material exposed him to ridicule. Mr. Blrrell points out that. In the "Memoirs of Thomas Holcroft." the author re cords how a Mr. Lowo told him tho following story: Lowo had requested Johnson to writ him a letter, whlcb Johnson did, nnd Boswell cumo In while lie wns writing. HI attention was immediately fixed. Lowo took tho letter, rotlred, and was followed by Boswell. "Joth Ing," said Lowo, "could havo surprised ma , more. Till that moment he had so entirely '' overlooked me that I did not Imagine hs knew there was such a creature In exlttence. And lie now accosted mo with tho most overstrained and Insinuating compliments possible. IloW do you dn, Mr. Lowe ? I hope you are well, Mr. Lowo? Pardon my freedom. Mr. Lowe, bat I think I saw my dear friend. Dr. Johnson, writ ing n letter for you.' 'Yes. sir.' "I hope you will not think mo rude, but. If It would not be too great a favor, you would Infinitely oblige ma If you would Just let me have a sight of It: everything from that hand, you know. Is so Inestimable.' 'Sir. It Is on my own private affairs, but ' "I would not pry Into a person's private affairs, my doar Mr. Lowe, by no means: I am sure you wonld not nccusa 1 mo of such a thing: only. If It were not parttcu- ( larly secret ' "Sir. you nro welcome to read, tbe lottor.' 'I thank you. my dear Mr. Lowe. Van are very obliging. I think It exceedingly ( kind.'" Having read It. Boswell remarked. "It Is nothing. I believe, Mr. Lowe, that you will P booshnmedof " " Certainly not." "Why, thon, my dear sir. If ynu would dn ma another favor, you would mako the obligation eternaL ir yon would but step to Peele's Coffee House with me and Junt suffer mo to .tako a copy of it, I would do anything In my power to oblige you." "I was so overcome." said Lowe. " by this sud den familiarity and condescension, accompanied wltb bows and grimaces, that I had no power to refuse. We went to the coffco house. My letter was presently transcribed, and, as soon a ha had put his document In his pocket, Mr. Bos well walked away as erect and as proud as half an hour before. I, ever after, was unnoticed." Nay, I am not certain," added Lowe sarcasti cally, "whether tha Scotchman did not leave me, poor as ho knew I was, to pay for my own dish of coffee." Another fart of which, tn view of the scandal occasioned by the biographies of Carlyle and Cardinal Manning. Mr. Blrrell does well to re mind us. is this, that Boswell bad an absolntelr free hand. Johnson had left neither wife nor child, and It is probable that Black Frank, bis' servant and residuary legatee, never read a line of tho great biography. Thero w as no daughter married to a well-to-do tradesman, to put her pen through the pathetic passage, relating to old Michael Johnson, who, once a week, had been wont to keep an open book iVll In Bir mingham. There was no grandsoirK In holy orders to water down tno witticisms tliat have reverberated through the world. There were no political followers, no party associates, fear ful of their own paltry reputations, to buzz Ilk flies about the ears of thu biographer. Afterall due credit has been given to Boswell. tbe fact remains that tbe great feature ot Bos well's book is Its record ot Johnson's talk. This Mr. Blrrell. like all other editors, and liko all readers, acknowledges, and be also recognizes that, for a talker, John- 1 son hod all tbe necessary qualifications. Ha jrtu possessed vast and varied Information on all sjk kinds of subjects. Ho knew not only books, but g a'creat deal about trades and manufactures, fl ways or existence, customs of business. He had f been In all sorts of society, kept every kind of 1 company. He had fought the battle of life in a i hand-to-hand encounter, bad slept In garret. I done hack work for booksellers, been houseless at night; in short, had lived on ninecentsaday. I By the side of Johnson, Burko's knowl- I edge of men and thing was book- 1 ish and notional. Johnson bad a rgreat M range of facts. Next, ha had a strong fl mind, operating upon life and in lore with It. U Then, or course, vvhonever stirred by contact U with his friends and Inflamed by ths passion for U contradiction, or Justly irritated by the flimsy H platitudes of fools, he had ready for Immediate jM use the quickest wit and the most magnificent AS vocabulary over placed at the disposal ot man. H Add to this an almost divine tenderness of k heart, a deep-rooted affectlonateness of dlspo- H sltlon. and a positively brutal aversion to every fl kind or exaggeration, and one gets a comb!- H nation ot qualities which no one bas a right to V expect, H Here it may bs apposite to quote what John- son said about the effect of alcohol upon the In- I tellect. Writing of a dinner at Gen. Paoll'a, B Boswell records: " We talked of drinking wine. M Johnson: 'I require wine only when I am alone. 'H I have then often wished for It and often.taken V It.' Spottlswoode: 'Wbat. by way of a '.com- W panton, sir?' Johnson: "To get rid of myself, to mi send m self away. Wine gives great pleasure, JM and every pleasure Is. of itseir, a good. It Is a fl good, unless counterbalanced by evlL A man M may have a strong reason not to drink H wine, and that may be greater than II the pleasure. Wine makes a man better I pleased with hlniBclf. I do not say that It makes him more pleasing to other. U Sometimes It does. But the danger Is that, H while a man grows better pleased with himself. he may be growing less pleasing to other. n Wine gives a man nothing. It neither gives 'i him knowledge nor wit; It only animates a H man. and enables him to bring out what a dread . M of the company has repressed. It only put la m motion what has been locked up In frost. Bat , K this may be good, or It may be bad.' Spottl. K woode: 'So. sir, wine Is a key which opens ft I box. But this box may be either full or empty r Johnson: 'Nay, sir, conversation I the key. I Wine is a picklock which forces open the bos fl and injures It. A man should cultivate hi fl mind so as to have that confidence and readU ' jfl ness without wine, whloh wine gives.'" I fl To the present editor the most noticeable IjH characteristics of Johnson's talk seem to be VI good tonte, brilliant wit, and a lively dialectical ivfl Imagination, which enabled him iovfulW .mi I B triumphantly to pursue bis subject and crush fl his opponent with a vigor that gathered forro fl as It proceeded. No talk was ever freer from pedantry, nor can It be said that profundity I ,M one of Its notes. It Is, Indeed, full of good feel. II Ing, and of a melancholy as well as an obstrep. 11 erous humor. It teaches one how to live rather M than what to believe. Boswell was right; hi flj record of Johnson's talk Is entertaining and ' fl lively and amusing. It has even been some- fl times said that Johnson's talk, at recorded I tj by Boswell, has killed Johnson's books. To I tho present editor this seems nonsense, Bo- 1 M well's book Is. of course, vastly more entertain- f I Ing, lively, and amusing than Rauselas or The dH Rambler, and, consequently, far moro pooplo ,9 have read Boswell than have read Johnson. Su This is Inevitable. To wish it otherwise is to 'ill reconstruct human nature and to people tha il globe with another race of mortals. To say, I however, that nobody reads Johnson Is absurd. 1 There Is alway somebody reading Johnson. i Oonlus is never crowded out. and Johnson was I J a writer of genius. His Lives of tho Poets, hi I J preraces to Shakespeare and to the English v V Dictionary.- and many or tho Ramblers and Idlers, did they stand alone upon the library shelves would be enough to transmit from one general on of readers to another the fascinating personality of a great man. Mle Impassioned tVluel-U. v- . 'rtm "" Oo,,'"', "" AVw A Kentucky revivalist recently declared at a loot woT PTr B-t,ta" """ "' " ' EK.H?e"r 'J eonejuered?" ,empor jrauntt ; I came, X saw, j . f .lkXVn1VHt.. . .w,,, flj MBMrtJMlBsssssssiaP'a ' -"-' J "l ThaW1