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The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, January 25, 1897, Image 6

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BR', ;q ' ; v THE SUN,' MONDAY, JATARY 25, 1697. .',"' " K
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I- y DAILY AND SUNDAY, psrMoath.
fj I Wv roitsg to foreign countries ddd.
ft W. THE BN. lw York Cltv.
J f iE rAM.-XIOK(o. It.KMrOnadBouL
fl ll Ok IT our fritrutt tea. orr ten maniitertpr tT
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4 J( jK ,lMBuMvi4rsix.TiiWiTt
8 t fr LCIL X---Th City and suburb Nowi BsrMti
f I Of lb UinTS P "d Ntw Yowl AOCUTD
h E, Teem It t St to is Ann street. All Information
II I and docnnunU for poMlo OM InsUnttr dltttml
f fc sated to the prt of thtwhot country.
3, If Canada Wero In ItoYolt.
,3 9 If Canada were to arise In revolt against
K the British monarchy, aa Cuba ha arlaen
ff' aitatnst the Spanish monarchy, and wero to
ft 'J' ttrlke f6r Independence and self-govern-
I V I meat at Cuba haa struck (or them, the
5 t m Americana would Yery surely take a deep
I f f Intereit In the Canadian question.
Ill' If England were to send hundreds of
I , thousands of troops to Quebeo to crush the
i T t Canadian rerolt, as Spain has sent hundreds
f f of thousands to Havana against the Cuban
$ f. A reyolt, the American InUrest In the affair
f would grow yet stronger.
If If the English troops were not only to
3 ; I' fight tho belligerent Canadians, but were
! ', $ to butcher tho defenceless lnhabltanta of
fe f, Canada, murder the Canadian prlaonera of
I -j war. burn the hospitals of the Canadian In
js surgents, shoot all Canadians suspected of
j sympathizing with the Insurrection, kill
I f- women and children, execute citizens wlth
R, t out trial, banish people to penal settlements
j I in Africa, and do other evil deeds resembling
I ; , those of Spain In Cuba, American sym
j pathy for the suffering Canadians would be
jt. fi. too strong for repression.
i " yr If England were to send against the Cans-
J ' i dlans a savage General, with full power to
'f turn Canada Into a charnel house, and to
A j lay waste Us provinces, as Spain has sent
t the savngo Weylkh to Cuba, we think that
5 the Americans of this generation would cry
S "Haiti" very soon after tho carnage and
4 ' I the ravages had begun.
fc If the English were to claim that, be-
f , J' cause they held Quebec and other fortified
t ' I places against the Canadians, as the Span-
& t, lards hold Havana and a few other strong-
, holds against the Cubans, It was their priv-
f llcge to destroy all tho rest of Canada, wa
S, ' j du not think tho Americana would ac-
ig qulcsce.
$ If England were to say that she has main-
!S tatncil her authority In Canada for many
I years, and that tho country is hers by right
, & of conquest, which is what Spain says
V about Cuba, tho Americans would prob-
! V, ably reply that It was tlmo for Englaud to
', Kft out when the Canadians didn't want
fi J her any longer.
i i K . If England were to argue that, because
J"' f the suppressed the Paplneau-Mackenslo re-
volt iu Canada sixty years ago, she would
- 2 certainly suppress any other revolt, as
f ' Spain says she is sure to win In Cuba this
A P tlmo because she won there thirty years
k, K ago, the Americans would probably regard
, M tho argument as Inconclusive.
Y' j If at tho tlmo of the Canadian uprising
I jit there should bo In the 'White House n
& President like Cleveland, and In the
J; Stato Department a Secretary Ilka OL-
j I m:v, ami it the two should do all
5 ' fc they could to help England in Canada,
f, ' 1' ns they have dono all in their power to help
L ,', f Spain in Cuba, we apprehend that tho Con-
gress of the United States and the Amer-
fc. S lean people would quickly tie their bands,
S - U nnd then raise three cheers for the Star-
F r Spangled Banner, far may It wave I
' Should Canada revolt against the English
; J monarchy, as Cuba has revolted against the
-.- . V Spnnisli monarchy, the Americans would
K t not permit their Government to aid In the
'V ) subjugation of tho former, for the sake of
f ' W British royalty, as they are permitting it to
'i ; 5$ aid In the entbrallment of tho latter, for the
? i sako of Spanish royalty.
f '.
Tlio American State and the Euro-
'X ", m ponn Monarch.
g- "5 The New York Presi quotes from TnE
8 l SUN the remark that "It would be Incredible
' i ' that a treaty prepared and advocated by an
'J I American Secretary of State proposed to
; ' ' drag one of the States of this Union as a
$ Pi defendant before one of the roonarebs of
?" . Etiropo, If Article VIII. were not clear as to
ft fc . that point," and then proceeds to say:
's f, ' All tb BUtH 'of this Union' wore 'drEftod ho-
xjf- ,' L foro' ibrtoot 'thamosEtrbi of Europ' In thoAls-
:, , bmartltrtlon. Th wnrrsnt for tbU outrat wm
J , k In a treaty prepared and adrucated by an American
i-' Reeretary,' IUmiltox Frtn. Tho only complaint wbloh
'Jr ' v. " e'er heard of aa to tbo remit came from the tub-
'f-, K ject of a ' monarcb of Europe,' Sir Alexiitdeji Cocx-
i i'E."
. ' i You miss the point through mental In-
f '. capacity, or else are attempting to obscuro
C f it by suppressing the context.
f The effect of Articlo VIII. is to make a
B f single State of the Union a defendant In the
f & arbitration of a foreign claim concerning
ft-. f that particular State, tho umplro being the
'.V ; I arbitrator appointed by tho King of Sweden,
that umpire's decision being final.
(S :' Thus the Jurisdiction of the King of
I ' 2. Sweden Is practically extended to foreign
; -' claims covering particular States of the
. jf Union; notwithstanding the fact thnt the
& '. Constitution of tho United SUtes, In the
W : S Eleventh Amendment, denies similar Juris-
., V diction even to tho United States courts
jj J themselves.
fc i b. This wonderful feature of Mr. Olney's
PIH I W treaty has nothing whatever to do with tho
, i, merits or demerits of the Alnbama arbitra-
1 $T tlon, whereby Great Britain paid $10,000,-
000 net for tho destruction of American
jr I' commerce, nnd escaped further liability.
- r Minister Roilrlffncx nnd the Canal.
By ' An unexpected obstacle has been placed
J, k ' In the path of the Nicaragua Canal hill
' f. during the past week, through a communt-
h ' R cation from Mr. Bodiiioukz, tho Minister of
ft -j?. the Greater Itepuhllc of Central America,
m. S whoso credentials were lately received by
'f out Government.
S, f Nicaragua Is a member of the new con-
5(1 ? federacy, and Mr. Bodriouez, In his protest
A h to Secretary OLNBY, says that the Canal
fj, J bills pending In Congress would, If enacted,
; ?, abrogato tho concessions made by Nlcv
f, , k ragua to the company whoso interest Is to
bo purchased by the United States.
& That this communication came as a sur-
$ prise to the Senate need hardly be said, and
jfc, j that fact may account for thobaaty Inference
Vf ' I ofsomehearersthattheblllunderdlscusslon
f at the time had been killed. We must say that
' Vn this conclusion seems to us unwarranted.
fT ' 5, It Is certainly true that the substitution of
hi ' '"
the United State for the Maritime Canal
Company, as tha builder of the canal, waa
not contemplated In tha grant from Nica
ragua, and a now arrangement with that
country would very likely be necessary.
But when It Is reflected that tha en
terprise will be on an Immeasurably
more stable footing through it assumption
by the United Slates, and that, in fact, in it
present state It la hopeless, why should
not a proper arrangement be reached with
Nicaragua f
Her interests, as well as those of Costa
Blca, He most obviously In accepting a
proposal of tho United States to con
struct this great waterway. Perhaps It
was this palpable fact that caused it to
be too hastily assumed that sho could be
relied upon to favor tho change of plan.
But at worst It would appear that It Is only
necessary to make a provision in the bill
covering tha point Just alluded to. It
would then be a condition that the
bill should only take effect, and
bonds should be issued under It only
on the granting of tho stipulated
concession by Nicaragua and Costa Blca.
Since the pending Senate bill, as well as tho
House bill, has set apart millions of dollars'
worth of stock for the ownership of Nica
ragua and Costa Blca, It would be strango
Indeed if they should not accept thsm, and
should kill an enterprise which, In many
ways, will be of vast value to them.
But If it should turn out that this new
element In tho canal question will prevent
a general bill for tho conditional construc
tion of the canal from being passed at this
session, we trust that at least Congress will
provide for that fuller survey which
the Engineer Board recommended, and
which, In fact, ought to precede the final
committing of the country to the enterprise
in Its existing form. If all friends of the
enterprise would unite on that preliminary
step, a year would be gained.
American History Distorted for South
ern Use.
For several years past there has been a
significant movement In tho old Confederate
States to Inculcate In their schools a spirit
of sectional hostility to tho States which
saved the Union from disruption.
This movement has been In charge of the
Confederate Veterans' Associations more es
pecially, and tho means by which Its pur
pose Is to Ira accomplished is tho exclusion
from the schools of all text books of Ameri
can history written by Northern nuthors,
and the substitution of histories by South
ern nuthors only. About two years ago
tho United Confederate Veterans' Histori
cal Committee unanimously adopted 11 re
port which described the use of our stand
ard school histories to bo an evil, " active
steps for the correction" of which should
betaken. It accordingly prepared n list of
eleven histories, and recommended them
"without hesitation" as "suitable for
present if not permanent use " in Southern
schools and families, toteplacetho "objec
tlonablo books." Others of tho same
character were announced as In preparation.
We have taken the pains to procuro and
examlno carefully theso Southern histories
of our common country, written for the
avowed purpose of giving a peculiar mould
to the sentiment of the children of the
States which tried unsuccessfully to break
up the American Union. Our first observa
tion Is that they treat tho hlrary of the
republic by States rather than ns a whole.
Next, they all distinguish sharply between
"Southerners" and "Northerners," as If
they were two distinct peoples, attributing
tho civil war to the aggressions of the
"Northerners" on the "Southerners."
The march of the Union troops to enforce
Federal authority and rescue Federal prop
erty from would-be secessionists is spoken
of as an "Invasion."
For Instance, the "Higher nistory of the
United States," by Henry E. Chambers of
Tulane University, says flatly that " there
grew up on American soil two distinct peo
ples, each evolving a civilization of Its own,
each bound to (he other by the mutually
constituted Federal Government." The
"School History of the United States," by
Mrs. Susan Pendleton I,ee, says that
" from colonial times there had been differ
ences of opinions and Interests. New Eng
land, and Massachusetts especially, had at
tempted to dictate to their Southern neigh
bors, and Jealousy of their prosperity and
power had from time to tlmo manifested
Itself." "When the tariff lawa wero
made, as you know, to protect the North
ern manufacturers," says Mr. Ciiamders
In a primary history, "the Southern
people thought these laws unjust. Then
the Idea begau to grow In the North that
African slavery should be done away with.
As slaves were property, to free them would
be like destroying so much property: so tho
people of the South could only look upon it
as an attack on their Interests." The fact
that the Whig party, which advocated these
laws, was n national party, extending
through the Southern States, is thus
Ignored. Nor Is the circumstance consid
ered that llEXiir CLAV, tho great Whig
leader, was a citizen of a Southern State.
In " A Grammar School History," by J. S.
Blackiiuun nnd W. N. McDonald, South
ern children are told, In a discussion of tho
Missouri Compromise, that "the Southern
members of Congress, truo to their prom
ise, voted to admit Maine," " but when tho
time came to admit Missouri nearly all tho
Northern members broke their promise nnd
voted against her admission." Mrs. ANN
E. Snydkii of Tennessee, In the preface to
" Tho Civil War, from a Southern Stand
point," describes her history as "a simple,
direct, well-connected, fair, and modest
statement of tho Southern sldo of the con
flict by an earnest Southern woman, an en
thusiastic lover of the Confederate cause,
who relies upon truth ns Its defence." She
acknowledges that " tho work Is Intensely
Southern," In which respect.it may be said,
all the other hUtorieS resemble it. Instead
of being colorless narratives of facts, thoy
are colored by partisan feeling.
Here are n few examples of this bitter
Southern sentiment taken at random from
thn different books :
"That the people of tha North ihoutdioioon be
come horrlOed at an Institution (latery which they
theraeeUet once countenanced, and allow their oppo
sition to It to aMume the character of a fanatical
hatred, would Indeed be a very problematical quel
tlon of luelf alone) but when one remember! the
Innate Intolerance of the people-narrow and lacking
In breadth of Judgment and liberality of opinion, to
gether with tu old nature nurtured In the mother
country and transplanted to American toll, and which
did not chanianor alter Itself with IU chanted sur
roundings and conditions then the questlou Is no
longer a problem. This American Puritan
could not appreciate that broad, liberal, free civilisa
tion that waa developing the South, for It seemed to
be rich where his was poor. Its prosperity waa a
marvel and a wonder to lilmi the very gladness of Its
life contrasted sharply with blsown, which narrow
creed had settled Into such hard places,"
"The natural and necessary product of a noble
clvlUsatlon lisnobleandaprlnoely manhood. Con
sequently the ilaveholdlng States, by sheer fore of a
superior Intellectuality, dominated the National Oov.
eramenl and affected tho character of all legislation
by the Impress of their masterly minds. The Inevita
ble effect of this noon tha North waa to create and to
foster that 'eliac of Jealousy that naturally xlittd,
'- '
to add fast to tti tires of slavarj agltattoa, ea4 M
widen sectional lines." ,
"Consequently the Southern people woald have In
deed been traitors to all history tad they dona other
wise under the droumstanqes In trying to secede)."
"Xr. Lncour being tha representative of tha moat
violent and hostile elate, the South began to prepare
to separata herself from that Union which had ceased
to do Its dnty toward her, which hadceeeed to guar
antee her rights, or even to give security to bom and
fireside, and which bad become lbs oppressor Instead
of the protector."
"Thuetho heterogeneous mats of foreign thought
sod feeling took possession ot the Northwest and
greatly Increased tha divergence ot feeling and InUr
est between tha two sections of the republic"
"Senator Serena of Massachusetts was very abusive
of Senator Dtrrua of South Carolina, then sbeenl from
tbe Senate. Representative Daooaaof South Carolina
undertook to chastise SmsiE, which he did with a
email gutta-percha cane, breaking It over Bcxiin's
head. It waa a most unfortunate affair, and stimu
lated avlt passions everywhere."
"They tha Southerner n that thst ConsUtutlon
had been openly and twaatingly violated by the North
ern State, and they fell It thlr right and doty to
withdraw from tha Union."
"The origin! preference of the North for a strong
central Government waa Inoreaaed, aa I have before
said, by the large Influt of foreign population, which
bad no State attachments nor Stet pride, and which
gloried In the national Oovarsmeatu being parUy
regulated by themsslves."
" After a while tha poUtlolant Northern) thought It
wise and prudent to take advantage of the Abolition
ist doctrine of 'theeloof slavery,' and engrafted II
Into their creeds and platforms a a popular catch
word to Increase the opposition to the South, which
wa aggravated by a growing Jealousy of her slvtllta
tlon and prosperity."
" A general spirit of Intolerance, toward everything
not In their favor characterised Ik party la power at
tha North during tbe warV
"It wa bitter for the Northerners) to eoafees that
tha Southern leader were better General a and the
Confederate armies, though so much smaller and
badly equipped, better soldiers than the hosts they so
often defeated."
"At the Booth the Emancipation Proclamation
called forth a new outburst of patriotism and devo
tion, as It proved that In the name of 'preserving the
Union' the Northern Administration had reeolved to
trample upon all law, to defy the Constitution, and
to work Ite will by any and every means at Ite com
mand." " Their Lrt's army In Pennsylvania magnanimous
conduot waa In singular oontrstt to the behavior of
the Federal armies In the South, whose oouran waa
generally marked by barbarous outrages upon the
Innocent and defenceless, and lb wanton destruction
of private property."
"In taking Wave of you, my young countrymen
and countrywomen. I must express tne hope that
each one ot you will realise your responsibility to
ward the whole country, and especially that section
of It to which you Immediately belong."
"Thus ended the leng and arduous struggle which
the South made for the rights which she had under
the Constitution, and In thle etruggla Ihoe who or
the gray and stepped to th Inspiring strains of
'DUIe,' tinder the banner of the Southern cross
decked with Its star, have mad their uniform a
symbol of the aubllmett courage ot tbe soldier and
the trues devotion ot th patriot."
Wo have given enough of theso quotations
to show the purpose ot these so-called Amer
ican histories. It Is to justify the "lost
cause;" and to that end indisputable facts
and records are perverted and falsified.
This partisan bias is mado manifest from
tho very beginning, nnd it continues
throughout. Instead of being simple narra
tives ot facts, as such text books should be,
they arc partisan pleas In defence of the se
cession movement, whose animus Is be
trayed in the frequent expression ot mere
opinions and prejudices. They are written
to make out a case, not to Instruct Ameri
can children In the actual history of their
country. Thus they are wholly unlike the
text books of American history In general
use In our schools, from which all mere par
tisanship, unless It be purely American, is
carefully excluded. The offence! against
historical truth and the historical spirit are
so constant and so flagrant that It would be
n waste of words to point them out particu
larly, and correct the obvious misstatements.
Of course, the description of the " North
erners" as a wholly distinct people naturally
hostile to the "Southerners" and jealous
of their superior prosperity and civilization,
Is so far away from the facts as to be ludi
crous. It Is amusing, too, that the Puritans
ot New England should bo held responsible
for the "Northern aggressions" upon the
South because ot their hatred of the Cava
liers, by whom these histories make the
South to have been peopled In large part.
Tho episode of tho Salem witches receives
much attention as an Indication of the spir
it of persecution Inherited by the " North
erners." At the South, as Mrs. Snyder
puts It, there was a "commingling of royal
blood." As a contrast to the Puritan witch
burning, Mrs. PENDLETON Lee rejoices that
Virginia "never was stained with the blood
ot any Christian for dissenting from her pe
culiar faith." "Tbe Virginians' belief In
the liberty and rlgbta of every one," she says
elsewhere, "gave them toleration and
respect for the freedom of thought and
action of their neighbors"; but "as they
the Puritans thought nono but themselves
were right, or bad rights, ttiey felt them
selves entitled to Interfere In their neigh
bors' affairs, and to give advice unasked
for." This remark as to tbo Puritans Is
the foundation on which afterward is
bullded a description of the anti-slavery
sentiment ot the North as nn Impertinent
interference with a custom p'reraillng at
the South. Tho histories generally make
much of tho Abolition movement ns tho
Incentive to civil war, though actually tbe
Abolitionists as such wero relatively no
moro Important politically than aro now
tho Prohibitionists; nnd the sentiment
against them was hardly less bitter at the
North than at the South, "Tbe slave
holding section knew Its rights," says
Mrs. Pendleton Lee, "and was deter
mined to uphold them.; the Aboli
tion region was equally resolved to
crush out slavery." Mrs, Stowe'b " Uncle
Tom's Cabin" receives much attautlon in
all these histories as one of tbe most ootent
causes for this " outburst of evil passions;"
until finally "tho threats and denuncia
tions against tho South utterod In Congress,
throughout the North, and lit tbe publica
tions of tho day, convinced tbo Southern
States that their only hopo for retaining
their rights and Independence wus to reclaim
the powers yielded to the Federal Govern
ment in acceding to tho Constitution."
We shall not undertake to follow these
Southern accounts of the civil war. Thoy
are all written from the Southern point of
view peculiarly, and frequently nro colored
with bitter Southern prejudice, sometimes
with feminine spltetulness. The Union
armies aro described as "ruthless" In their
devastating progress, and tho usual and
necessary course of war ns pursued by them
Is pictured lu a way to provoke a revenge
ful spirit in Southern youth.
Naturally this spirit ot resentment lin
gers among the generation In the South
which was engaged In the long and fierce
conflict, but, ot course, it is wholly incom
patible with the Judicial and Impartial
temper which should control the historian.
Its manifestation In these books is only
Important aa indicating a desire to perpet
uate feelings of animosity which are impo
tent, except so far as they may bring Injury
to the old Confederate States by segregating
tberu la sentiment from tho rest ot tbo
- . , V
. t ys t, .1 , J ,z aW-l-i,T ,
raHaaHariii
Union, and thus hindering thtlr progress
In prosperity and civilization. Seasonable
men In those States cannot regard such an
attempt to isolate the South with other
feelings than disapproval.
Our Offlceholdors.
It may not be generally known that the
present system of age retirements In the
army and tbe navy originated no longer ago
than during the civil war. The laws cre
ating these retired lists were enacted at thnt
tlmo as emergency measures, the purpose
being to place on the shelf those whose years
and infirmities prevented them from prop
erly performing the bard, active duty then
required.
But now we find n bill introduced Into
Congress for the retirement also of " em
ployees In tho olasslfled civil service." It Is
true that tho fund for this purpose is to be
created by withholding or deducting 0 per
cent, from the monthly pay ot all these
persons, this fund being Invested when
there Is a balance unexpended in interest
bearing bonds of the Government. But tbe I
prlnclplo of giving three-fourths pay, as in
the army and the navy, after service Is no
longer rendered, is In tho present bill ap
plied to theso civilian employers.
The laws proposed, too, are extraordl,
nary. A person who has been employed
twenty years, " and who shall have become
physically or mentally disabled for the per
formance of bis or her ordinary duty,
may be retired upon bis or her ap
plication, or may be compulsorlly re
tired." Or, again, a person "who
shall attain tbs age of sixty years, and
shall have been employed In the civil ser
vice for a period of thirty years, may be re
tired upon his or her application ; " while at
70, with thlrty-flvo yeara of service, ho or
she Is to bo compulsorlly retired on threo
fonrths pay.
There are provisions for salaries, to bo paid
out of tho retirement fund, to a "chief of
tho retirement burcnu" and his clerks, and
for the rofundlng of money paid In by em
ployees who may bo discharged or may die
before becoming ellglblo for retirement.
The measure Is nothing but a further
step toward porpetuatlngnnd enlarging the
offlceholdlng class created by Chinese
American civil service reform.
Larry. Common Sense, nnd the Cham
ber of Horrors.
At the spirited meeting of tho Progressive
Civil Scrvlco Association in tho Cooper
Union, two or three Incidents discomforting
to the friends of n progressive civil service
reform occurred, and these Incidents must
be set down In sorrow. It was most unfortu
nato that tbo very active and sonorous band
present should treat tbe good meeting to
" Tho Night Before Larry Was Stretched."
This is, Indeed, one ot the most stirring of
ante-patihulary ditties, but it records that
- Th night before LtEET waa stretohed.
The Uoys they all paid him a visit."
Now, It is as notorious as common day
light that "Larry" is not on visiting
terms with the Boys. He would not allow
them to pay him a visit even if they wanted
to. He would contlnuo stern and unbend
ing until he was stretched.
A en - linn t a fir trs 1 n - AyrHr-MriAi vVie-i
Anoiuer ucpressing occurrence was tne
display behind tho speaker's desk of a largo
blue and white sign declaring that "Com
mon Sense Should Govern Everything."
On the contrary, it is an axiom of civil scr
vlco reform that common sense must be
chucked out of the window as an Intruder
nnd a suspicious character. It Is to be
feared that the Progressive Civil Service
Association Is retrogressive.
These two offences might be regarded aa
minor by an Indulgent public. What must
be thought, however, of tho language used
by the Hon. Abraham Gruoer in reference
to one of tbe most revered and magnificent
of institutions, the Chamber of Commerce r
He permitted himself to call that greatest
ot Witenagemots and powwows a "cham
ber of horrors," and for Borne reason that
flue old lloman, the Hon. LucULLUS Lati
NUB Van Allen, who sat near enough to
twitch the orator's coat tails and call him to
order, failed to do his duty. The flippant
words "chamber of horrors" were allowed
to go upon the record, to the lasting indig
nation of all persons who appreciate the
frequency and valuo of tho advice which
the Chamber of Commerce bestows upon
this town and this country. Such another
trust of wisdom and Improved civics cannot
be found In tbe world. It Is enough to say
that without thl great permanent Legis
lature and Council the State of New York,
the city of New York, and the rest ot the
United States, might be very different from
what they are. Even tbe proud annals ot
Tooley street may be searched In vain for
a record of saving sapience which can com
pare with that ot what tho Hon. ABRAHAM
Gruber has presumptuously nameda cham
ber ot horrors.
The Hon. AnnAHAM Cruder should apolo
gize to tho Chamber of Commorce.
Mrs. Domlnls in Washington.
It appears that Mrs. LYDIA DoMINIS, who
Is on a visit to Washington, tho official resi
dence until Marci 4 of her largo and good
friend. Mr. CLEVELAND, Is registered at tho
Shoreham Hotel as' "Qucon LlLlUOKALAM
of Hawaii."
That, however, Is of course only on ex
ample of tho familiar survival of a tltlo
after the thing signified has long gone, just
as au cx-Aldermau continues to be called by
tho old haudlo to his name. In reality,
LlLlUOKALAM has never been anything but
an ex-Queen since, four years ago, in Jnnu
ary, 1808, tbe Hawaiian monarchy wns
overthrown, and lu its stead n Provisional
Government was established, " to exist
until terms of union with tho United States
ot America have been negotiated and agreed
upon." To Mr. CLEVELAND, nevertheless,
bIio remained a real sovereign much longer,
while tho Government that succeeded her
was for blm only a body of eminent gentle
men who had put themselves Into "a pre
dicament," as ho Informed Congress. Since
Mr. Cleveland is reputed to be a man ot
obstinate opinions, perhaps be still regards
Mrs. Dominis as tho lawful ruler ot Hawaii.
Is that, then, the delicate allusion of the
hotel register
As the opening of Mr. CLEVELAND'S term
of ofllce was chiefly distinguished for its
espousal of tbe cause of Mrs. Dominis, so It
Is fitting that, nt Its close, the presence of
this lady iu Washington should remind the
American peoplo ot the outgolug Adminis
tration's disgraceful Hawaiian record.
It is painful to every just mind, and mn.i
bo particularly painful to tbs particularly Jtut
mind of tho lion. Tom Watsok of Thornton,
Ga., to tee the profundity of woe Into which th
lion. MAnioit Butlir of North Carolina it
plunged by the wicked and stlrt-ueoked conrte
ot tbe North Carolina Legislature In reelecting
th Hon. Jeter C. Pixitcm Alio a Senator In Con
gress from tbsTar Heel State, That Legislator
should bave done what Mr. Butlib wanted It
to do; and If it did not care enonsh for that
protuberant young thinker to do that, at least
It should have cared enough for tho Hon. Tom
2Bi
Watson. It is Impossible for the lattsr to bavs
a happy day as Ions as be knows that Mr. Dtrr
lsb, his dearest friend. Is not rttlllng Id the
clover and kicking up the most Joyons of hetl.
A swindler In this town hns succeeded In
elloltlnc two free past to Buffalo and return
from the Hon. CitAU.icxY Mitchell Depxtt.
Mr. Dxrcw still retains something of the gulls
Use simplicity of Petksklll. Betide, th swin
dler touched hi sympathies by means of a tale
of a slok brother In Buffalo.
The Hon. FniDKMCE: Brrvocn Gmns, how
ever. Is familiar with the ways of cities, and tn
earlier days was suppoted to know something
of wickedness. Yet of blm the swindler got
S10 with tits utmost ease. In faot, the forger
most have regretted that he did not bilk tho
sage ot Chelsea out of a largtr sum.
Tbs Hon. Edward LAUTxnnAcn was ap
pealed to by this Ingenious collector In vain.
Mr. LAUTsnBACit suspected him and would not
rttpond. This shows that the Hon. Edward
LAUTSRBAcn contlnnee to be sraong th coolest
headed politician In this town.
Tbe Hon. JonN W, Lkedy, Governor of
Kansas, begins bis official carer by granting
a pardon to a gentleman In the Btate prison.
Tha lion. John W, Leedt should pardon no
body. It It hit butlnee to be etern and unfor
giving. When I he going to "blow blood la
the ear of capitalists?" Thaears are waiting.
The capitalists are tired ot watting. Let th
grim deed badone.
The Inauguration speech of the Hon.
Bon Taylob, Governor of Tennetse by grace
of th fact that he was not elected, was worthy
of th pathos of th situation and th mutlo of
Bob. "Th will ot th popl," said th melodi
ous Bob, " had been olearly expressed at th
ballot box. II had obeyed tbe aouimon of hi
countrymen, and had turned his back on tho
realm of dream, on whose ahadowy horet th
protests of defeated candidate were never
heard." At the conclusion of Bon's affeotlng
address, a little girl "recited a poem entitled
'Oar Bob,' and the Inauguration was over." A
great day for tho realm ot dream and "Our
Bon."
Eugene V. Debs declare that all men have
an Inherent right to work. lluchttttr Utrold.
'The Hon. Euauxx V. Dens Is one of the few
men who never eierclio that right. Talk pay
blui better.
Tho Hon. PARDON Altof.LD Is trying to
go behind the return, lie Is rather arhetorl
clan than a mathematician. He should be con
tent with th sweet words of th eulogist who
In nominating him at the I'opocratlo candidal
for Senator In Congreta ald that "If the mo
tlvet of men are known In bcavon, his
Altoei.d's nams angel apeak with meetett
accent." It cannot be that Altokld's motives
are not known In heaven. It cannot be that the
accents of the angels are not of the sweetest.
What mora does Altoei.d wantT Why do he
not content himself with the euphony of th
angels, and let th figure ot arithmetic alone T
Uncle Joe Cannon didn't gel a great ways
Into the Illlnolt senatorial Srfht. M'asAfaalm lxt.
Uncle Joe Cannon has other and better
triumph. By continual practice he ha ar
rived at a point ot noble wlieelmanahlp which
enable him to keep hi machine away from tbe
Washington monument, which It uted to have
a regrettable but distinctly humorous tendency
to climb. Mr. Cannon Is now nrmly convinced
that he can give the Hon. William
Eaton CnANDi.cn a mllo a year and
beat the tire oft him. Tblt I glory enough.
Can the Hon. Wilmam Mason rid a bicycle?
The melancholy No mutt bo th answer. Tal
ent differ; and Mr. Mason ha many; hut th
gift of wealth of hair and skill upon the twlft
ravolvlng hone of the moderns are usually and
juttly divided.
The Hon. William A. Tefyer of Kan
sas Is entitled to tlncer irmpMhy. II I the
Lett Fopnlltt In the business. He I a nice old
chap. II spout no fire, and there I no tan
golnary hue to him. He should have succeeded
hlmtelf, and no other Populitt wa fit to tuc
ceed blm. But he Is a little to blama hlmtelf.
He failed to brine up the actual number of hie
speeches delivered In the Senate elnce 1801 to
430. He baited at mm Incontequent flgur
Ilk 140. Ills nccior, IlAnnts. may do belter,
but It la difficult to believe that there It any inch
person as HAnnis.
virita ash lazarus.
Th Ktv, Dr. Ttalnarord'a AttUnd Be.
acrtked na Uabeltrvlnsr. d I'acbrietl.
ToTnaEniTOnor TnE Bcn Sir; 1 can only
Infer from the remarks of the Iter. Dr. Ualns
ford concerning the Bradley Martin ball that
ho does not really believe In tha Gospel he
prtachet.
According to that Gospel, the only treasures
that are valuable aro those laid op In heaven;
and It rlche aro accumulated hero they are
gathered at the great risk of eternal damnation.
We are told br tha Saviour that It I harder
for a rich man to get Into heaven than for a
camel to go through th needle' eye. Dive
went to hell, Lazarua to heaven, yet the
chief. If not the only offence which debarred
Dive from sternal happiness waa hi riches,
and Lazarus went to heaven because he wa
poor. I not that the lesson of the parabl?
Doe it not teach that the obtaining and the o
joyment In abundance of tha good thing of tills
temporary life Invite an awful eternal penalty,
while deprivation, poverty. unerlng. In thl
brief preparatory exlitencu are Infinitely pref
erable became far more likely to reoelre tbe
reward and the compensation of the everlast
ing biles of salvation In the life to come ?
Why, than, hould Dr. Itatnsford stimulate
envy of the rich by the poor, for unquestionably
his unkhrlttlsu war nf treating the subject
provokes such a devilish feeling? Under th
teaching ot Christ It Is the poor who are en
viable; It I tho rich who are th unfortunate,
for tbolr chancet of salvation are few and of
eternal damnatlnn many and awful.
New YoitK, Jan. 23. Lazarus.
BnynrJ Already ISapnlsmted,
from thl Ijmdott Court Journal.
Colonel Hay, the new American Ambassador In
London, has brilliant qualities, having already shown
his dlplomatlo streugth In Tarls, Madrid, and Vli-utin.
He It a One speaker, which fart deepens the regret at
I'resldsnt UacKlnlev's ambtssadorlal Muullng Ordsr.
The Soliloquy of Potato XMnsree.
)ty name It I'lngree. and I'm what
Napoleon Bonaparte was not.
Nor never would 'a' been, by gum.
In forty thounand yeart to come.
Few men have roached tbe point that I
With to much credit occupy;
And fewer, if they had, could be
The tame superior man as ma.
To think of me at Mayor must oause
The tuoit Inalfferent sort to pause
In contemplation of tbii gifts
That gives a man tuch lofty lifts.
And makes him stand out like a light
Which gleams around the town at nliht.
That ought to seem enough; but no.
1o greater lengths of greatness go,
And nnn me witn tbe ettry great.
The Oovernor of this grand old State.
Heboid combined In roe the grace
That fills with credit one high plaoe,
Aud with an ease that's only fun
I step into a higher one.
That's mel That'a I'lntrtel t am what
The mattes think Is truly hot,
And when I go for them that trlet
To cabbage every earthly prise.
For them that hat alrrady, I
Just get there every time. And why I
Because Voe Popull Is Kill
Our great Republic's ttrongett will.
I'm that kind, and I'd rathar be
A thousand ml I re beneath the sea
, Than once to weaken In the fight
I'm making for tbe People's right.
I ain't no orator, perhaps.
And don't know Ciceronian snaps.
Nor am I much on flowers of speech
Hut I csn say Just what will reach
The heart and bosom or the poor,
And none of them can't do much mora
Than this, nor can they eay, Ilka me,
Before lb world, th bond and free,
And eay It, when they eay It, true!
'I tsen the right and done It, too!"
W, J, U
XOS XBJ5ATT AND 8TATB JIIQBT.
Mr. tlr rut- to Hnrreader fr Flva
Tear Hloht Wbl Coatttisll
Reserve ta th mate Tltelv.
To the EDlTonor Tn Stm-SIr: Your de
mand for a mature consideration of tbe arbitra
tion treaty before Its ratification la both reason,
able and opportune. 6uch a conildsratlon will
not only show many objections on th ground of
policy, but It will develop grave Conttltutlonal
question that must b settled before tho Senate
can give Its content to the treaty.
1 with to call attention particularly to thne
articles of th treaty whtoh provide for the
arbitration of " territorial claims." Article VI.
of the treaty provides:
Any controversy which thai! Involvo the determi
nation of territorial claims shall be submitted to a
tribunal competed of ttz members.
Three of these are to be nominated by tbe
Pre!dent. and tbre by her Britannic Majesty.
Their " award by a majority of not let than five
to one shall be final." Artlcl VIII. ntovldei:
In cse where th question Involved It on which
concerns a particular Stale or Territory of th United
State. II shall b open to th President of th Called
Butetto appoints judicial officer of inch Stat or
Territory lob one of th arbttratora under Artie'.
III. or Artlol V. or Artlcl VI.
In llkemtnnsr, In catet where thequettlon Involved
Is one which cono'rns a Drltleh colony or potesion.
It shall be open to her Britannia Majesty to appoint a
judicial officer of euch colony or possession to be on
of the arbitrators under Article HL or Artlcl V. or
Artlcl VI.
Tbalaitclaui of this Artlcl VIII. placet a
sovereign Stat ot th Amarlcan Union upon
precltely th ame batlt as a British colony or
poslon, and gives It the same ronsldtratlon
Incase Involving Its terrltorlsl Integrity. Kew
York and Botany Bay are In th ama category.
The Pretldsnt, In his message transmitting
the treaty, says: "Th provisions ot th treaty
are tbe result of long and patUnt deliberation,
and repretent concessions mug by each party
for th sak of agreement upia th general
scheme."
W can believe that th deliberation may have
been long and mutt bav been patltnt, that
could Indue an American Secretary of Stat
to concede that a Stats of this Union sbonld be
classed with a " British colony or poateaelon."
Thl concession, however, la th key to th
wbole Instrument so far as tbe SUtes are con
cerned. They are treated throughout th
treaty, not a Independent State that retain
for themselves all right of overelgnly which
they have not specifically assigned to tbe Fed
eral Government for Federal purpotet, bat a
colonics nnd notteiilon subject to th nbtolot
control ot tbe Federal Government, Th au
thor of this treaty. In thlr eagerness to agree
upon "the general scheme." seem to have for
gotten that tbe Government of th United
States, unlike that or Great Britain. I one of
limited Dotvars. They seem to have overlooked
the Tenth Amendment to th Constitution,
which declare:
The powers not delegated to the United Bute by
the Constitution, nor prohibited by It to the But,
are reserved to the States respectively, or to the
people.
What clause of the Confutation delegates to
tho United States tbs power to surmlt to arbi
tration a queatlon Involving tbe Integrity of tbe
territory of a StAto? Article IV., ecctlona, of
that tnttro'ment forbid thn formation of a nw
Stats within tbe Jurisdiction ot au old on, or
the formation of a now State out of two or mors
existing one, without the content of tha Legis
latures of the States concerned. If. then, this
Government Is forbidden to tak th territory
ot a State without It consent to make a new
State ot this Union, bow mnch stronger th Im
plied prohibition against taking territory of a
State to give to a foreign Dower, through arbi
tration or otherwise. The same lection declare
that "nothing in thl Constitution shall b o
conttruad at to prejudice any claim of the
United Btatet or of any particular Stat." How,
then, can this Government conttrue thlt Con
stitution to authorize It to submit the territorial
claim of a particular Stat to arbitration with
out its content, and In which It It not repre
rented, and In cat ot an advene decltlon not
only to prejudice but destroy that claim by re
linquishing It to a foreign power ?
Th Federal Government doe not own th
territory of th states. It has no right of emi
nent domain over It except for Federal pur
poses authorised by the Constitution. If It
want a piece of land, no matter how small, for
Its own uses. It mutt pay the private) owner for
It and obtain a cession of Jurisdiction from th
Stat. If, then. It cannot t.r Uutd for Itself,
how can It give It to Great Britain f 80 far as
Its own territory Is concerned, each Stat I
sovereign, and the United State has no mors
right to dispose of It than It hat to dispose of
Venezuela, When tha state entered th Union
tbey yielded no right to dlspot of tbslr oll or
to abstract any part of It from their Jurisdiction.
The history of thlcountry furnishes a notabl
precedent on thl subject, with which th Secre
tary of State should be familiar.
In 1827 tbe United States entered Into a con
vention with Great Britain by which It agreed,
among other things, to submit th settlement of
tbe controversy as to our northeastern boundary
to Commissioners, to be appointed by the two
countries. They were to determine the line In
tended to be the boundary by thetreaty of 1783,
and, in case of their failure to agree, th King
of tne Netherlands was designated as an arbi
trator whoso deolslon wa to be final. The Com
missioners failed to agree, and tbs arblttr Ten
dered a decision In which h itavsd that h was
unable, upon th evidence, to fix the lln In
tended by th treaty, but b recommended that
a certain bcundary line, whloh he detcrlbed,
should be accepted by both parties as most auit
able and convenient to each.
President Jackson tubmltted this dtcltlon to
the Senate on Dec. 7, 1831, as he tald In hi
mesaaga, "that you may determine whether
you will advise a submission to the opinion de
livered by tbs eoverelgn arbiter and content to
Ita execution." The line recommended by the
King ot the Netherlands would bave given to
Great Britain a part of the territory claimed by
tho 8tate ot Maine, and when It wa known that
thl decision had been rendered the Legislature
of that State adopted the following resolution:
Ktsnfrnt, That the Constitution of the United Btatet
does not Invest the general liorernment with unlim
ited and absolute powers, but confer only a special
and modified soierrlgnty, without authority to cede
tu a foreign power any portion of territory belonging
to a State n lihout Its 1 ootent.
IfrtoliYil, That If there Is an attribute- of Slate aov.
erelgnty which Isunquallfled nnd undeniable. It It the
rleht of Jiirldlctlon to the utmost limits of Nut ter
ritory, and If a sluale obligation under the Constitu
tion reals upon the Coutederacy, It Is to guarantee the
Integrity of this territory to the quiet and undis
turbed enjoyment of the Ntatev
Hrtolnil, That thlt Bute protetlt against the adop
tion I y the norerniuent of the United Statet of the
Hue of hnundarr recommended by the King ot Hoi.
Iindns n tiiltable boundary between Oreat Ilrltaln
and the Vnlted Nttft, Inasmuch as It will be a viola
tion or tho rights of Maine rights acknowledged and
Insisted upon by th General (loc---,vi and will
be a precedent which endangers tho Integrity at welt
at liideuriidi-nco of every State lu the Union,
Urtulinl, Tint whllo the people of this State are
disposed tojlel'l a ready obedience to the Constitu
tion and lausuf tho United Mutes, they will never
runseiit to surrender any portion of tholr territory 011
the rccjinm ndatlou of a foreign power.
Coplos of there revolutions wero tent to tho
1'retldcnt nnd Congress, nnd tlio'Henato by u
vole of 113 to 8 refused to ailvl-o the President
to submit to the arbiter's decision. Mr. I.lv
logttun, Secretary of Bute, In communicating
the action of tha Senate to (he British Clmrttu
d'Affalre. tnld In reference to the decltlon ot
thearhltratot:
Notbelug able contlttenlly with the evidence be
fore him lu drclare that the line bo htt thought tha
roost proper to be established was tho boundary In
tended ny the tr aiy of 1783, he seems to have
abandoued the character of arbitrator and assume,!
that of mediator, advising both partita that a
boundary which he describes should be accepted as
one most eonvenleut to them. Rut this line trenches,
as Is asserted hy oueof the States of th Union, upon
its territory, and that state controverts the Constitu
tional power uf the Uultcd States toclrcunitirlbe Its
limits without Its ronsrnt.
Mr. Livingston wa succeeded by Mr. Mc
Lane, and on July 4, 1833, tbe British Minister,
Mr. Vanghan, wrote to Lord Palmertton: "Mr.
McLana ha stated that without th conssnt of
Mains tho General Oovernmnt cannot treat
for a conventional boundary," Wo near no
mors of th boundary question until 18t
whn tha British Government sent Lord Aih!
burton to this country on a special mlulon to
bring abont a settlement of ll. Mr. Wbit
wa then Secretary of State under Tyler, and (,, b
wrote' to tbe Governors of Maine and Mats.
chutetts (which had Joined In the protest of
Maine) notlfrlnr them of the coming of Lo
Asbburton. and saying:
The President proposes, then, that the Oovtramttti
ot Main and Uatiacausettt should ssverallj appoisi
a Commissioner or Commissioners, empowered t '
confer with th authorities of thlt Government upo,
a conventional line, or line by agreement, with Its
terms, condition, contlderatlont, and equlrtteott.
with an understanding that no such line win be
agreed upon without th content of tald Cotamis
sloners.
In r-rdanoe with this suggestion, th Legit.
laturesof thete States were convened and Com.
mltsloners appointed with authority to act for
the States, and with their content the boundary
line was fixed and the Ashbarton treaty wit
negotiated.
Thus Secretary Livingston and Secretary Mo.
Lan recognized, and Daniel Webster etUU
lit bed, th Principle that no treaty affecting th I
territory of a State can bo made without th I
content of that State. 1
The treaty now before the Senate Ignores th I
right of thn State entirely. Daniel Webtter 1
would make no treaty until lie had obtained I
thsconnt of the States ooncerned, Mr. Olncy
proposes a treaty that shall bind the firty.flr
Btate of th Union for five years, without con.
suiting any of them. And President Cleveland
la "to profoundly Impressed by thepromlttof
trantcsndsnt good that It affordt" that h dots
not hesitate to accompany its transmission with
anaxpretilon of hi "earnest hop that It mty
command lUelf to the favorable consideration
of th Senat." It remain to b seen what th
Btnator will have to tay aa to this proposltlos
to commit tbe territorial Integrity of th States
they repretent to the lotbtry of arbitration.
J. 8. T.
Ta XlB of tbs Nthrlasd a Tapir.
To TnE Editor or TnE ScN-Sir; a letter
from sz-Senator Edmund has been published
answering vral objections to tbs arbitration
treaty. No one's opinion Is entitled to grevur
attention tban that of tbe statesmsn whom his
party ought long slnca to hav placed In the
Prttldentlal ebalr. The writer, however, wonld
uggeat that Mr. Edmund has probably la hit
haat overlooked a memorable Initanc In our
history In which arbitration by a European
sovereign was a failure. Hataya:
Th third and latt objection I hav heard Is tbe lot,
poted danger ot leaving It to any European power t
nam an umplr In certain contingencies. It is
enough to eay thai to far a our considerable eips
rlence baa gone In tuch matter we have ester had
oceaalon to complain of th action of any soverttra
In naming an umplr or In deciding a dispute.
During John Qnlncy Adams's Administration
a convention was agreed to with Oreat Brlula
br which tbe long-standing dispute abont onr
northeast boundary was submitted to the arbi
tration of tbe King of tbs Netherlands. Hit
award waa rndrd on tho 10th of Jinuarr,
1831. Thl award wa so unsatisfactory to thlt
country that It was summarily rejected, la
point of fact. It was rejected by the other t'de
alio. Bat in Nw England, especially, the excite
ment and Irritation were very great.
In 1842. a everybody know, thle subject wtt
ettled forvr, not by arbitration nf any sort
whatever, bnt by tbo negotiation of the trettr
of Washington by Daniel WeUter and Lord
Athburton. A part of Mr. Kdiundi't nwa
Put of Vermont, which th award of th King
of thNethrland( gav to Great Britain, was
saved to thl country br th masurtul diplo
macy of New England' noblest ton. Tblt
treaty, you will remembr. wa denounced la
th Ilrltlth Parliament aa tha Asbburton Bar
render. It eem to th present writer that all onr dis
pute may moat afly b lf t for Mttlement as
they arts: by arbitration If they ate of trifling
import: otherwise hy diplomacy or the tword.
I'niLADELPniA, Jan. 23. J. S. B.
XACzAiszir j.xd hackixzex.
Th Dtmts r th SlsntlSeavac r Oat.
lis Ntstt.
To nti Xnrroa or Tbs Set-Sir.- I am glad that rsy
short not oa th name Xaelann and XElnley tsj
not ben unnoticed. Permit me to reply to your ft
correspondents. A to St aclarsn. on correscotostl
tutei with troth that there ar many naati It
which 1. following Mac, haa nothing to do with Us
word for "servant," My eutement, to which I ad
here, wa that In most name tha 1 doe ttand for ttu
word. I did not say all. nor do I refer to obsolets
names, but to names now la actual us. Itlsaott.
Urof sutlstlct, and her ta s Hit. made on theme
tnent, of nam which I. X. will recognise as support
ing my argamanti Maclls. Mclrnand. Macloos 0
Maclana (MacLean), MacLennon, MacLelland. Ms
Lorlnan. MacLewe.
Though th sound ot Mao I followed directly 07
th sound ot 1. nam Ilk McLw are more uisally
spelled with XL aa MacElmeet, MacEIElror. McdaT.
MacElveen. MacElbone, MacElvagne, XacEMerrr.
UacEldowney.MacSlhenney, McElienna. These Utter
I add for Information' ati. a my tuteme&t. tales
strictly of words wner Mac Is followed by the letter I,
Is not supported by them. Your correspondent seem
to have a doubt as to the existence of Krnt but bis
ezlstenc and connection with the names Porimsr
nock and Kilmarnock are well established.
A to th nam MacKlnler. your correiponietl
polnuout that this and MacKlnUy are l.iit mcvlera
forma, atuaipts at reproducing phonetlrallr t&
Oaello name. Tbe question, however. Is wrat trst
Oaellc name Is. and what Is its meaning ourot.
uwarorrespondtnt placet th origin of the nimtls
th sixteenth ctntury; MacKluiev thus mranln: "d,
acendant, or eon of Flntsy. "whene Interesting r.uiory
be gives, I do not deny that there is a name llo s.
nor that Scotch (Jaello writers now write tne inrnsme
MacPhlonnlatdh, as If derived In th' wa) tourrorre
spondent writes. Uut In this matter It ltn"il, Ml
your correspondent and our Illiihiaml frlniscrt'r
ally who are misled hy the pronunciation Treirii
ten records of the eaily historic naelle literature srs
open to us to read, and we rind there that the ntrc
Clonnfbaollldh was In famlltsr use In Ire'sn! tnl
precisely with th famine of th North allied "lit
th erir colony nt to Scotland rltht or nlnecn
turtebrorethtlmaor rmnnl1hMr and ite si.r
nam corresponding to on form. Mcillnler.ws In on
long before tn sixteenth century. I could quoi" one
or two authorities on another occasion, but I am out
of the rrohnf bonks t present . ,,
Tner is a slight difference of opinion betwe n I M,
nd myself aa to the translation or t'lonnflnMIIJn;
he saya It meant the "head of hiuplieiltv " atrsniit'
tlon Jutt at attractive aamy "men with t" cbeernii
countenance " Which of ut Is rtaht ) HMh of aj
know.I suppose, that rnntl'd'i means chrer'u' t-lg
for one have still to learn that It means " hojr-ttiNs.
E. O'U. of the Usellc Lcafts.
Kxw Yens, Jan, IS.
The Beer mil.
To tbe Eorros or Tng Sex-Sir Let us look st t
Horlon bill from another point of view thsn tbsl
taken byC.T. Klein In Tits rU- nf veiirrJsj sod
permit me to tut tnat I bellete It woult cpan1 the
builnntof the New York brewers lnied of mili
tating against It. Are there not ttiouiandi of beer
drinkers tn America who pay double the rrt-'e tot a
small Blast of Imported beer then thej do 'rt Isrter
Class of domettlo brewed.and are glad to haett
opportunity to do to. Not that It Is a f J bat f r th
simple reason they are getting an iina'iu. lasted ''
erage end not one reeking with more r ir rsl;'J
ohvmlcals. the accumulation uf nlilch In ihe ;itein
must In lime he harmful. . . , ,
Aa to Ihe cost. Is tint (lermtn leer nrtfl '"J"
rheapnex and purity! Let the llorton I hi lf.1Ir
law. and NewVirit tke the lend In niaktne pure '"
In thlt country, and her tn-er Industry ,"''''
irutsi. but the demand for pun' h-r lllili; her own
borders will be stronerr than the rree 1 . ne
outsiders will not t loth In rtenmidlni tneir f ri"'
the good cheer produced by Ihe lllilr M".,Jf
price of ixgniHl article la seldom leyvtid tuerrscaui
thnte n"le to piircha a pior one ,
Pure domestic ler meana mrniteh I"" "ine 1
ported article. Olve us beer '..adf ef'ef that or in
fatherlsnd. that can lie liublhe.i. ad I ''m".
lisping childhood to snowy aire. Iealnil"' '''',',; ,1
itmiwe'drank too much hut that we ".,r'... li
drink no more. The sooner the Idea n' ',ur";,,J
malt Honors euumes Its proper plvH" e i '"..l
mind, thuscWr our peoide will ilrlnk iirr tut use
-that It, for Its virtues and not for It I " ,. ,,
MvlUr. Couu., Jan. -. I o u-
Sir. Dlnstlev'e Xewrapnper n .IiiJr-
Klnley'a New Cloth's,
JiMm the twlton Journal
....... . ...aHAa I I
The announcement that during tho Insuron"' Jl
ceremouleiSlr. McKlnley will wearaiull of clothtsg
mad nf wortUd goods manufacture I at a mill I
Connecticut makes the free trade prri eiceed
Ingly uiicornrurtahle. The whole nieanliiK ' ,h
Incident It that freedom of trade securid atlli'''
penseuf wnget or the masses Is the sicrlllce of foils
to things or of thosa for whom wealth eilit". '
wealth. Hence the appearance of a President l the
historic pageant toon to be entcted, In clothes totl
are subsidiary to the man Insl le of them. Si su In
dent rich In Intimations of a new regime.
Tha Ueetlna.
We met, 'Iwaa only yesterday, '
I thought her patting fair, '
And when I left her to her way
lly bead wat light at air.
We mit, 'twat evening In the itret't
She took my breath away.
And humbly falling at her feet, ,
To passion I gave sway,
W mat, but only met to part.
And I tor pain to feel. I
I wear her Image o'er my heart, I
Th. unagofher whteL ,

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