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The sun. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1833-1916, October 20, 1912, FOURTH SECTION MAGAZINE, Image 43

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NEW YORK, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1912 . Copyright, 1912, by the Sun Printing and PublUMng Atioclatton.
Near Eastern Ques-j
Policy of Young
Turks Led to Crisis
Which European
Diplomats Aided
Sultan to Avert
I . : . .
tion Explained by
the Editors of New
York's Greek
Editor "f "WlnntU," w York's
(irrrk Paper.
T wa the big privilege of little Tter-
nagorn (to give Montenegro its na
tive name) to start the Balkan war.
'lliix mountainous and rocky king
dom of bra vi men defying Turkish throat
and KuroH-an intervention aimed at the
Sultun i. great army a blow whose results
promi.-' to lio of the history making order.
And only a week ago one of the oldest
and diplomats in Europe, asked
If he believed in the maintenance of peace,
gaid bmilingly: "Yes, diplomacy can do
it; diplomat! can work wonders."
Well, diplomacy in this instance was
rather clow and Emperor Francis Joseph,
who gave the above opinion, has lived to
Bee perhaps the end of the Near Eastern
quei-tion. precisely as he witnessed ite
Another diplomat, Sergiua Sazonoff
of Ruwin, touring the European capitals
in the interest of peace and incidentally
in that of the Foreign Office in Nevsky
Procpeot, when asked the samo question
retorted that there was only one way of
wiring the Balkan difficulty and that
was through a miracle.
Miracles do not happen in our era,
and the Montenegrin war is the proof
of it. .Will the spread of fire all along the
Balkan line be averted? It may be, ac
cording to the assertions of those who
manage the affairs and the policy of the
European Powers. Naturally, wo are
far from certainties when we examine
thoroughly the general conditions all
over the Balkans in the present day.
Not tlie wisest and most experienced of
Euroean diplomats is able to say posi
tively what may happen in what is con
sidered the danger zone of Europe.
Yet peace is more difficult to maintain to
day, when four kingdoms are united for
common action against the Turk, and when
l,0uu,ooo of well armed, well disciplined
troops are animated with the same desire
of crossing the Turkish border.
In view of this peculiar situation, the
general public who reads the daily nows
in the papers wonts to know one thing,
and this may be .summed up in the words:
'What is it all about?"
Many good articles on the subject have
been published recently, and many a
worthy writer has tried to explain the char
acter of the recent events. To Bay that
mot of them failed in their efforts would
be by no moans fair. Ono familiar with
the italkan question might find in theso
articles many notes of interest Still the
people ut large can have no correct notion
of thi eculiar European situation until
it ha.-, been explained to them in a simpli
fied form.
'the Italkan question is thorny and
complicated, yet its general features are
as t-imple as the phases of a well played
baseball game. To simplify the Near
EaMcrn question is the aim of this article.
Die Near Eastern question in 'ts orig
inal and commonest form is like this:
Many i'.uropean Powers are iooking for
the disintegration of the Turkish Em
pire, in order to divide its various parts
among them. But those Powers are
jealous one. of the other and, knowing
that u forced partition of tho Turkish
Empire would precipitate a European
war have adopted tho peculiar policy
of preserving intact what they cannot
divide This policy is known by tho
formuh of -the maintenance of the
status quo in Turkey."
'llu-. K)licy originated with the now
famous phrase of Czar Nicholas I. of
IluMa about "The Sick Man of Europe.
By tla ili.) Russian Emperor, speaking
to the l!riuli Ambassador in St. Peters
burg a few months before the Crimean
war of 1S53, referred to Turkey. The
Turk was the sick man of Europe and the
ItUbttiai, way of dealing with him was to
put luti ,i, the ojierating table.
"W In n wu two agree," said the Russian
l:mp..ror. speaking of Russia and Great
Hntam to Sir O, II, Soymour, 'no ono can
PPom. u-, You British tako Egypt and
Crete wlui wo Russians ore satisfied
with ( tutitinoplo."
And 'lii Knieror went on to explain his
Khenii i. tho British Ambassador:
"W i'.ay or may not have Cons tan ti
nopl' permanently, but I shall not suffer
")' in h or British occupation of that
city, i shall not ullow any reestablish-
f ilio Byzantine Empire; I shall
Greece to ocquiro more ter
"! heroine u powerful nutlon,
'" I am strong ugainst estab
ill republics which would be
tieltering places for the Maz-
"hwuths and othor revolution-
' 1 ope."
I . thus speaking, had in mind
'ort to occupy Tunis and to
protectorate in tho Holy Land,
backed up by Austria, was
'ho plan and asked for Britain's
1 wimiM vrr"mymmm
Mediterranean, took sides with France
and the Crimean war followed. Karl
Marx's letters and leaders in the New
York Tribune tell in exquisite stylo the
Russia was pushed back in her first
effort to invade tho Levant. 8he at
tempted to repeat the experiment in 1878
when she declared war against Turkey
in order apparently, to liberate Bulgaria
from the Turkish yoke and ameliorate
the conditions of life for all Chrlstiaas
living under the Sultan. Russia this
timo succeeded in advancing to the gates
of Constantinople, where the British fleet
put a stop to its advance.
The treaty of San Stefano, signed im
mediately after tho Turkish defeat, met
every provision of the traditional Russian
policy. But Kngland never allowed that
treaty to become effective and so the
famous treaty of Berlin was agreed upon
by the concert of tho European Powers
in tho year 187S.
The Berlin treaty recognized the ex
istence in the Balkans of five separate
kingdoms, namely, Greece. Rumania,
Servia, Bulgaria and Montenegro, all
of them except Rumania bordering on
tho Turkish Empire. The samo treaty
provided for self-government in the
European provinces of Turkey. It es
tablished tho Austro-Hungarian pro
tectorate in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
rmt .
nti . v
ami i
.Viell, I,
''land, firmly opposed to any
' unco in the direction of the
as for as Turkish obligations under it
were concerned.
Turkey never undertook any real
reform in the government of her Euro
peon provinces, never tried to bo sin
cere, never considered the immense
progress that she could assure by making
her various peoples happy and prosperous.
On the other hand Abdul Homid, ono of
the greatest diplomats of his time, know
ing that the day on which the European
Powers should come to an agreement
on the affairs of the Near East his'eMiUltoj
would be doomed used every means to
avert such an agreement, once favoring
England, then turning to Germany, at
times caressing France and alwayB trying
to divide his so-called protectors. By
such methods Turkey succeeded in living
thirty-four years practically unmolested
by the Powers, although violating tho
treaty of Herlin.
But there were tho littlo kingdoms of
the Ba kans, which, contrary to the ex
pectations of the Powers, never felt satis
fied within tho narrow borders Bet for
them by European diplomacy. Tho
kingdom of Greeco never could forget
that against her 3,000,000 free citizens
there are twice as many people of (ho
samo blood, tongue and traditions under
the Turkish dominion. Bulgaria had to
think of tho Bulgarians in northern
Macedonia. Servia dreams of her Old
Servian provinces and Montenegro feels
akin to the Albanian race. Tho parti
tion of European Turkey between these
four kingdoms is the most natural of
things, it being granted that Turkey
never will be a civilized nation and never
will take any interest in the welfare of
her non-Moslem subjects.
i.v&nsp 11
r - . iv)'Anw iii wa&'m
K-ry of Mo-nta nyro Bljny . 6olcUv
English protectorate on the island of
Cyprus and the Bulgarian protectorate
on Eastern Rumelia. But abovo all it
established tho dogma of the integrity
of tho Turklrh Empire and tho main
tenance of the status quo, in tho Balkans,
The aim of tliut treaty was to satisfy
to a certain degree the ambitions of the
Balkan peoples and to keep intact tho
lion's share of tho Turkish empire to bo
divided later on by the groat Powers.
"Hands off I is the European warning
to the littlo Balkan nations every time
when there is a move on their part to uo
qulro what parcel of the Turkish Empiro
belongs to them historically, nationally,
morally and politically.
To preserve Turkey intact the great
Powers assumed tho role of protectors
of the Sultanate. Thoy left it unmo
lested after tho Armenian massacres,
after the Macedonian terror, after the
Adana butcheries. And meanwhile tho
Berlin treaty remained a dead letter
But how Is it that the Balkan king
doms did not como till very recently to
an agreement whereby they could ad
vance their common lnterost? The
answer to this quostion lies first with
European diplomacy and in the aeoond
place with Abdul Hamid. Europe aa
well as Turkey had nn interest In avoid
ing a Balkan conflict, it was essential
for both of them to have tho Turkish
Empiro unmolested. Tho Sultan bv no
means desired a partition of his empire;
curope was ngunng that should such a
partition become inevitable the Oreat
Powers wero to officiate and not the
Balkan States.
Hence the numerous and devilish In
trigues which resulted in dividing ths
Balkan kingdoms, when all that they
needed was to stand together aealnstths
common foe. Tho Serbo-Bulsarian war
in 1885, the crushing of Greeco by Tur
key in 1807, the Macedonian massacres
from 1003 to 1007, the Serlw-Montenegrhi
incidents in the last few years are loft'r
monuments to European diplomatio in
trigue and to Hamidian policy.
Abdul Hamid was dethroned and his
regime went along with him. The Young
Turks came into power and tho empire
entered a new era and took a new lews
of life. The new Government in Cori
stantinople undertook the hard work tl
regenerating tho Sick Man of Nicholas ,L
Europe for a moment felt as if her d roams
were frustrated; what was there to dt
with a new, a strong, a modernize
The diplomats in Constantinople were
still proposing reforms, but the Young
Turks answered that they wero going u
attend to it and, alleging the greatnes
of their task, they pleaded for time a.ii
more time in order to proceed to the ful
filment of their programme. This pro
gramme proved to be the undoing cf
Turkey; the Young Turks by its applica
tion were shown to be worse than their
The old regime, bad as it was, never
thought of making and never tried ta
make Turks out of Greeks or Bulgarian
or Servians or Albanians. And this tl.t
Young Turks attempted to do by mear.l
of oppression, tyranny and persecutirs
unheard of in the days of Abdul Hamid.
Now the national character of the non
Moslem subjects of Turkey was en
dangered in an alarming way; the most
vital interests of the Balkan countries
were at stake. And so against this com.
mon foe, the Young Turk, and his policy
of the Turkiflcatlon of the Christians, tht
Balkan States for the first time in their
ponticai nistory united under t he standar
of. the Cross to fight the infidel under tht
An alliance defensive as well as offen
sive was formed and a practical effort w ei
to be made to compel Turkey to better th
conditions of their brethren living in i'.u
empire. But before the Balkan State
took any step toward compelling Turkf j
to introduce real reforms in the Europeca
provinces, the Italian war broke out nr.J
finally succeeded in overturning t.:
Y'oung Turkish regime. But the war now
is nearly over, and relief for the sufferin?
Christians of the empire is not in sight.
And this is why wo are on tho eve of t:.
great Balkan war.
The main factor in thequadniplc Bilkca
alliance is the common hatred of the un
speakable Turk. Greeks, Bulgarians.
Servians and Albanians have sulferel
alike at the hands of Turkey, and there it
tho explanation of the general uprising
This being tho case, how is the war to be
fought? In order to answer tho question,
let us consider the strength of tho opposin
Turkey Tho standing army of Turkey
consists of seven army corps of a total
401,000 men. The first reserve gives cm,.
000 men, the second, 350,000; tho third,
Kio.ooo; a total of l, 434, ono men. From thii
force Turkey can put in the field 000,0.,
or 000,000 men, provided she guards her
frontiers in Arabia, Caucasus, Persia, Ac,
and keeps strong garrisons in all the bl;
centre of tho empire. Turkey can als
dispose of more than 2,000 pieces of
Bulgaria The standing army consist i
of twelve divisions, 250,000 men stron .
With the full force of her reserves Bulgaria
can put more than 300,000 men in the field
with 1,500 guns.
Servia has five divisions, totallir.s
110,000 men. With the reserves out,
Servia can put more than 100,000 men in
the field, with 800 guns.
Greece According to the latest esti
mates, based on tho new military laws,
Greece has already 130,000 men on Ui
Turkish frontier. Her War MinUier
claims to bo able to mobilize ITO.mki in a
fortnight. To bo conservative, it is Nif
to say that 150,000 Greeks will take part
in tlie war, with 600 guns.
Greece Is tho only Power in tho Balkan
alliance which has a fleet, by far supei ior
to that of Turkey. This fleet comprise!
ono armored cruiser of tho Italian Pita
type, three cruisers, fourteen torpedo
boat destroyers, nearly twenty other ships
of minor importance and two submarines.
Greece has also fourteen army aeroplanes,
being the first among the Balkan State
to adopt aerial warfare.
Montenegro from its 330.000 people.
the Kingdom of the Black Mountain can
put on a war footing 60,000 heroes ui.d
nearly 200 guns.
Thus Turkey faces to-day a united
front of 600,000 well armed and well dU-
ciplined men with 3,300 guns, not counting
those or the new and well manned Greek
There are optimistic writers who put
the strength of tho Balkan armies up to
the million mark, and their artllleiy
to 6,000 cannon. This may prove to bo
the fact as tho war goes on. But at this
writing, even the 300,000 men of tho Bul
garian army would prove a hard nut fcr
Turkey to crack. Tlie various volunteer
bands from all over the Balkans will wnea
against tho Turk a guerrilla warfaie,
distracting tho attention of his army to
a hundred jiointH at a time, and this in a
country where tho Sultan cannot boaH
of many friends.
This is the Balkan situation as it looks

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