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The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, April 28, 1848, Image 1

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WinuU *o? MM
Views of Mr. Cobdcn aod the Movement Party
Id England, on the Criiii.
Affairs on the Continent,
&e>) &e? fcfc
[From thw Manchester Kiarniner, April 6 ]
Wh?-n an intrliigent foreigner first visits this
country, his feelings are evrr ttio.se of surprise
and ndrniraUon. Re flies from town to town,
insnec's grf at establishments, witnesses many
i 1 r _i_: 11 I j.._.
marvellous comuicauuuB ui hiv111 nuu Iiiuuaiiy,
firvi'vs our streets and our public buildings,
mingles with our active merchants and manufacturers,
and in the houses of hospitable entertuiuers
comes into con'act with numbers of men
who owe their wealth to their intelligence and
their activity. Then, when tired of tho din of
Birmingham, or the bustle of Manchester, he
runs ihrough rural districts, where he sees old
ancestral halls, venerable churches, snug rectories
and vicarages, and many a pleasant village
embosomed in hills, and enriching the landscape.
Returning to head-quarters, he murmurs,
" It is a v onderful country, and a surprising
people !"
Nor is the wonder abated, when in the quietness
of retirement ho turns over official documents,
supplied by the liberality of a British
et itisi. The figures are to him puzzling in the
extreme. Accustomed to calculate in the smaller
coinage of his own country, he cannot convert
British sterling into francs, or florins, or
rubles, without a staggering sensation. The
national wealth of Great Britain becomes as
vast and vague a thing as the figures which represent
the distance of the fixed stars, or express
the velocity of light. In thirty years of peace
we have increased the annual value of real property
by forty millions, representing a capital of
a thousand millions sterling. The annual value
of that property is,in round number*, one hundred
millions. O.ie year with another, we build ten
millions worth of houses. The insurance societies
have contracted to assure trom the risk
of fire, property equal to the nominal value ol
the national debt. Life assurance societies have
accumulated a surplus capital of not less than
forty millions. A portion of the community,
including a considerable number of the work
ing classes, have thirty millions in the savings
hanks. While ia ships, in docks, warehouse*,
roads, canals, aud railroads, we have an amount
of capital sunk far beyond our foreigner's comprehension,
to Bay nothing of seven millions a
year for poor rates, and fifty millions for national
expenses, while forty-six millions of fluctuating
capital nHuualiy pay legacy duty.
Were our foreigner a man incapable of penetrating
t>' ncutti the surface, he might fall into a
very natural error. He might come to the conclusion
that a nation so enormously rich must
be iuhnbited mainly by a leiturely people. In
every town he visited he found comfortable merchants
mid professional men, with everything
urouad them indicative of easy circumstances
H* saw carriages, livery servants, elegant
house*, rich lurniture, well-appointed tables,
and was entertained with manic and dancing.
None seemed to be poor, but tne ver/ poor?
none nppeared utterly wretched, but the reckless
Activity, energy, and abundance, characterised
the habits and tne daily life of the middle and
upper class-s. To live comfortably, it was only
necesa-ry to put forth sufficient exertion; and
thoae who did,so seemed secure in attaining
enough to render life a happy mixture of moderate
toil, and attractive, because polished and
elevated pleasures.
K little more intercourse with us would Boon
enlighten our foreigner We are not a leisurely
peopU. The gjeat bulk of the community iu
this country are engaged in incessant toil,
whether it he with the hand or the head ; if merchant,
manufacturer, clerk, or workman suspend
his lubors, or be compelled to suspend them, his
meaua ot existence vanish. The idlers amongst
us ?re comparatively l?w. Few are they who,
by their own exertions, or those of their proJanitors,
can afford to saunter leisurely through
if-'. The sheer?Bt minority of the people ot
Great Britain wmlk their parts; all the rest are
doomed to grim, earnest work, and it is our pecaliar
glory that we have no with to be idle
The m^rrhaut is aasiduous at his desk; the manufacturer
active and uneasy at his mill; the
pen is as busy as the spade, and the bustling
commercial traveller carries in his head more
aaxieties than ever troubled the carking farmer,
fretting about mildew, or aighing for fair weather.
Work is our lot, a lot accepted with unqualifid
cheerfulness, whether it be over a ledger
or over a shirt, provided we can liv# by it; and
ne who riciiuicb mc iuu., ...~
incessant activity of the people of Britain
by the amount of suak capital which they can
snow in their national books, commits a greater
Blunder thai did Louis Pnilippe, when he
thought his hundred thousand troops would secure
his throne, and entrcnch his dynasty.
Here lies the root of the evil We have a
House of Commons?a reformed House. But by
the constitution of society, and the nature ol
our institutions, that House is composed mainly
of the clnssirom whence are derived our minority
of idlers. Thers are eminent merchants in
the House? busy professional men?hard working,
energetic and honest representatives of popular
opinions. But the bulk, of the Legislature
is composed of the* idlers?in the one house all
lords, in the oth?r all gentlemen?the sons, and
brothers, and nephews of peers ; squires 01 high
degree ; wealthy landowners, who delegate to
agents all their duties; half pay officers, whose
talk is of commissions and vacancies. Between
a busy, toiling community, and some four or
fiv* hundred gentlemen sitting in the House ol
Commons, who have nothing to do but attend
what they ostentatiously term thair " public
duties," there ia a "great gulf," although it is
not nscessariltr 41 fixed." We have few points
of contact. W? do not understand each other.
We have no mutual sympathies?no common
ground of comprehension. The idler drives to
hii club in the forenotn, and t? the House in the
evening, and wonders what these turbulent people
really do ivant. True, he has bia letters to write
nnd ins committees to attend; he has to watch
the division bell, and mark himself a unit in a
division. Going through such toils, he resents
the idea sf being termed an " idle" man. But
be belongs to the minority, who, because they
have no othrr business, think themselves perfectly
competent to manage the business of the
noi.^n v., Inr that hiiiiineua th?v ?r? wholly
disqualified by prtvious education and habita
At Harrow or Ktou, at Oxford or Cambridge,
thiry wer* finished young gentlemen ; and in
town they are known in the highest circles, and
are frequently seen at the opera. When the
recess arrive*, they drive off to the Highlands
or to the Continent; and return again to maunder
through another season Sometimes they preside
at a ctiaritable dinner, or at a public meeting;
unci they can make a good set speech on education
and distressed nesdle women, or ihe necessity
for sanitary reform But never were men more
ignorant of tne nature of that great heart which
bent* in the body of the toiling multitude. Tne
millions who live day by day, as they best can;
the anxious shopksepers, who see customers
cropping oil from their doors, and whose books
tire, ovrrcuirged with bad debts; the busy manufacturer
or merchant, who knows that his own
profits are dependent on the prosperity of his
woikpeople?all these are really unknown to the
small minority of idlers who undertake to rule
the uehtiuies of a preat commercial and minuf-icturmg
Tht a ? hy did we not do bettsr, and send men
to the House of Commons at the last general
election, who would truly represent our wishes
nnd o ir feelings! The question is almost au insult.
I'oor men aud adventurers do contrive to
get inio the House of Commons, but their position
is one of constant and irksome struggle
with necessity. To be influential there, a man
rnust he rich and leisurely. We did remarkably
well at the last general election, for we sent into
the House of Commons a larger number of men
positively identified with commerce, manufactures,
and trade, and nuth the interests oj the balk of the
people, than had tvsr previously been seen there.
15m what uVnil these men, wnen their voices are
drowned by h full chorus ot generals, admirals,
colour Is and captains, barristers who hope to
r_.se by Hie aristocracy, and connections of officii!
mi ii, omitting lords' sons, brothers and
n phewsl Every right had we to look forwaid
c.ieerlu ly toilie work which thisliouse of Commons
would do. Orirvoui-ly have we been clisiippoiuted?the
oligarchical influences are too
many lor the jet teeble power ot commerce and
i' .u-, when advocating tne interests of the community.
Now, is it not au irritating thing to aa ani1
ious, toiling community, to see their money
(lung away, at the very time when they have so
little tp spare 1 Manchester R^nds two members
to parliament, and so ilcs Marlboroi'gb* which
h*s only 230 registered JCIO electors. The votea
of th?* members for S >uth Lancashire, with its
?00.000, or rather 1,000 000 of people, and 24,000
electors, may be neutralised by such a filthy hole
as Harwich, where th*- poor wretches, " free and
independent electors," value a vote as one might
estimate a stale fish?to be got rid of as soon as
.......tkl. ... .k,- i i ~:n TU
I' 'Ofl'wir., ai uic HiUurBi pntc At Will iritu
We?t Riding of Yorkshire, with its 1,200,000
inhabitants,and its 36,000electors, has no chance
against Horsham and Woodstock, each of whom
muster between 300 and 400, who vote either as
they are ordered, or an they are bought. Leeds,
Birmingham, and Glasgow, each of them with a
swarming population and large c<>n?tituency, are
on the very Fame level as Lyme R^gis, Bewdley.
Lincoln, or Kinsale, places always to be let, and
where honest men would scorn to possess the
franchise, lest they should be implicated in the
disgusting practices by which seats in parliament
are to be procured. No wonder that generals,
admirals, colonels, captains, commanders
of yeomanry, militia, Yorkshire Hussars, or
" Royal Meath Rrgiment," should be eble to
laugh down the appeal for economy in the national
expenditure, and, with an aristocratic
sneer, to " po.?h-pooh" everything which would
reveal to the legislature the real condition of
the country.
This state of things can be endured no longer.
JVe of the middle classes have a vast stake in the
welfare and well-being of the country. Our factories,
our shops, our counting-houses, and our
warehouses, have cultivated and enriched the
soil, and augmented the value of land tenfoMv?
The brawny arm of lab'or has drained the morass,
reared the streets, dug our canals, and constructed
our railroads. All that renders Eagland worth
living for is the achievement of the middle and
the workingclasses?capital, skill, and labor, are
the supporters of throne, institutions, and public
order. Are we to run great risks, because a few
puerile idlers will not or cannot comprehend the
necessities o f the are. or the exirtneies of the coun
try? Are we foraver to have around ub a dissatisfied,
discontented population, standing as it
were constantly under armfi, and encamping over
against the peace and prosperity of the country!
Or shall we not endeavor to take them out of the
hands of pike and blunderbuss men, of wild theorists,
and dangerous demagogues, and, by preach- j
ing blessed words of sympathy and encouragement
to the manly and thinking portion of the
peopFe, cool the fever of their souls'?
Yes?the hour is come?we want the men. We
require an organization of meu such as those who
achieved the peaceful revolutions of bygone
tunes. There iB no fear of a violent revolution in
this country; for all sympathies are on the side of
order and peace, but there is something worse
than lolly in permitting even the idea to be entert-tined,
of demands to be enforced by riot and
bloodshed, which can be obtained by peaceful and
constitutional exertion. The points of union for
au orgauizition of the middle and working
classes are numerous and palpable. We want
sufficient powev in the House of Commons to ensure
a thorough revision of all taxation, and a
complete control over the national expenditure
We want electoral districts, 111 order to extinguish
th* disgusting bribery which is practised
in small boroughs, and by which idlers and sfaiuon^ers
buy their way into the legislature IVe
require an enlargement of the suffrage, vute by ballot
and substantia?justice to Ireland What elatt
is required tit ed got now be indicated.
Are there honast. earnest men amongst the
middle clsssgs ready to enter into such an organisation?
It there are, let them read what
wbb written in the year 1819, by professor Goerres,
and for which the (ate king of Prussia caused
hi in to lly from his native country They are
vords full of prophetic power, aud though nearly
thirty years have elapsed, most signally are they
descriptive of the great wautot the present hour.
Thus spoke the prophetic Goerr--B i ?
' The persons of whoa history U now in want are not
rnooth^snperflclel, worn-ont o?ni tiers, who pursue unmeaning
insignificancy as a study, and Inanity as a
trade; nor minis t?rs, who eu only set themselves at 1
tne end of long row of olarks, and tfceu display a martery
of tne Utters of the alphabet, but who know notliieg
of the worhd or life ; nor generals, who bold the
seaboard higher than the aword, and who ssfsl the ap
oeariag to advantage in a court drawing-room as the
hiihest blessing on tarth ; nor men in oflloe. and sol i
dlers, whose whole vigor evaporates in empty show E'HaUnt
aaHva And ?*n*ri??nftAfl m?n tra vantud 1r
whom thtrs ii life and spirt , who are ready to svniace
ihemstlvo a?<l their pteaoroi t? the olaime of th?
Hum ?who esteem form* to cording to their worth, bat
disdain to be alavee to them?mea who cm couraKesutly
bestride the rapid courser, end govern Its wild Impetuosity."
f from the Manchester Examiner, April 8 ]
Public affairs bare not, at thia moment, a
cheering aspect, In London and tn Manchester,
a gloomy optrit prevailt, at if tome undefined calamity
were impending ; ind the cold, incessant
rain which has succeeded the sudden and premature,
heat is not calculated to lighten the atmosphere
ot opinion, or impart to desponding
hearts that feeling of confidence which cau rally
a commercial and industrial community
Yet we really cannot see any substantial cauae
for all this despondency. It is true that a chartist
convention has been sitting in London, and
foolish or excited men have uttered threats ot
contemplated violence, and urged the necessity
lor a positive resort to physical force. The government
have also deemed it necessary to issue
a proclamation, through the medium of the metropolitan
commissioners of police, interdicting
the announced great meetinu on Kennington
Common, and the contemplated procession to the
House of Commons. We shall not comment on
the inconsistency of a whig government (which,
at the time of the reform bill agitation, was so
indebted to displays of physical force,) interdicting
a popular assemblage on the strength of
an act ot the reign of Charles the Second. If
they were to carry out that act in its integrity,
liberty would be a mere name 111 this country
The Daily Newt points out that the act of Charles
the Second can be applied to any popular meet
ing whatever, and is so constructed as to be effective
for the suppression of that right of petition
which was secured to us by the revolution
of 1698. But all this we pass oyer, because we
are averse to demonstrations which are not guid
ed by men in whom we can pWce confidence,
-ind because we feel persuaded that a procession
of fifty or a hundred thousand men. bearing to
tht House of Commons a petition demanding n
radical change in th? entire constitution ot the
country, has an appearance of intimiaation not
compatible with tne freedom of a representative
torra of government
Yet even the Morning Chronictt, so long the
4*rvue organ 01 ms wings, auinus mai in? onartiat
petition is drawn up with becoming gravity
And decency.
"The petition," aays tha Morning Chronicle, " if
remarkable for the cUaraesa of the language, the otlm
ueas of the tons, the preelaion of tha thoughts, nnd the
togioal connection of th? reaaoning Oram the premiaaa,
and you are in a dead lock aa regards the lnfareoeea
\llow the first Item and jou allow tba whole account
l'h* auppoaad right of every man to tba elootlva franohiaa
ia tba foundation of tho entire fabrio While that
foundation laata, tha fabrio will atand -the moo?nt ic la
struck away, tha fabrio wlU oume dowa But it muat b
atraok away by argument, not by c tnatablea' atavaa ;
although theaa may be highly u eful to prevent any un?eemly
Interruption of the oontroveray.1'
In addition to interdicting the meeting at Knnnington
Common, the governmrnt, through Sir
(ieorge Grey, the Home Secretary, have brought
in a bill lor " the better security of the Crown
and government of the United Kingdom " At
the moment at wich we write, we are unable to
say what ia the character ot this measure, although
the ministerial Timet hints that it is
merely to remedy the delects ol the law with
respect to seditious meetings, and to extend it to
Ireland. But it must be very narrowly watched
Under a colorable pretence, a fatal blow may be
struck at constitutional liberty?those who
made the grievances ot Ireland their stook in
trade, and afterwards gave it a coercion bill, are
p rfectly competent to perform a similar s;-rvicv
I - iIt a all Ku<hli> orl rni n iaf tatlnria
ministers are somewhat divided nmongst themselves,
althougn the tendency of the majority is
to work en the fears of the upper and middle
clashes, and thus endeavor to carry on the uovernmeut
in a puiely conservative a irit lu thui
case, there will probably be secessii ns, Mr. Miluer
Gibson, who, though not of the cabinet, being
mentioned as likely to be one of the departures
; and even Lird John Russell issrid to be
anxious to esctpe from the pnst of Prune Minister,
to the dunes of which h feels himself
physically and mentally unequal
Ireland it in it* chruntc itatr of innurrtetion,
although the deputation from the Irish confederates,
composed of Mr. Smith O'Brien and others,
with the address to the French provisional
government, was received and answered by M.
de Lainarune in that tone of chi<alric courtesy
and discreet caution which have rendered his
conduct to remarkable. But a circumstance of
W I o
a very u;ly nature has occurre 1 in Dublin, raising
the suspicion that the Earl ot" Clarendon
cannot escape from the old Irish policy of spies,
infnrmty?, and 1-galbloodhounds,?the " Paddy
M'K?a system, which hHs be?-n the oppribrium
< ( Irish government. Colonel Brown^ one of
the heads or the Irish constabulary, officially resident
at Dublin Castle, has avowed his connection
with an individual whom he employed as a
spy, and who endeavored to entrap a blacksmith
into the manufacture of pikes, which were to be
used ht-realter as evi ence of the treasonable designs
<>f a conspiracy. We are glad to see that
the ministerial Timet is shocked by the disclosure,
although its 1 idignation is vented on the
false position in which the government has been
placed by the "blundering conduct" of its officials
With the exception of two interesting but brief
discussions on Monday and Tuesday nights, and
ths coercive announcements of the government,
the proceedings in Parliament have not been remarkable.
Measrs. Gladstone, Cardwell, and
Bright, raised the question of the navigation
ia>v3, and pointed out the tact that there were
cargoes ot cotton lying at Havre, which could
not be brought to this country, because of these
laws Yet, although a government measure on
the subject was announced in *he sprech from
t:ie throne, ministers were, unable to say when it
could be brought in. Discrcet Mr. Labouchere
" fully admitting the hardship, but such was the
law?cotton must i*o back from Havre to America,
before it could be admitted into this country
!" At last, Lord John Russell, feeling that it
was impossible to trille longer on a question of
such importance, rose in a fit of desperation, aid
declared tlint before Eister the co intry would be
put in possession of the iuteutious ol government
Mr. Hindley has given notice that he will,
after Easter, call attention to the condition ot
the industrial classes of this country.
The paralysis of monetary affairs extend* itself
?and the Unglisti funds have sunk lower during
the week thun at any period since ths French revo
lutiort. There h<is been hIjo a great fail in the
value of all securities in Ireland?the panic feur
of an outbreak causing a simultaneous rush to
"sell out." In France, and the continent gene
rally, commercial affairs are as bad as they can
possibly be; and since the announcement of the
intention ot the provisional government to take
tiie railroads into their own hands, French railway
shares have suuk to a very low stage in
The invasion of Lombirdy by the King of Sir
dinia raised some conversation in th?. House of
Lords on Monday, the Earl of Aberdeen affirmi
<g the aet to be a direct violation of express
ireaties, and of public law?as of course it is
The Marquis of Lansdowne said that the Kng1
ish Ambassador at Turin had, in obedience to
instructions, repeatedly recommended neutrality
i5ut Charles Albert is not the man to be diverted
from his objects With a large army, he is in
full pursuit ot Radetzky, who, with twelve thousand
troops, was expelled irom Milan, by citizens
awkwardly handling a lew hundred rusty
mut-kets, and who will probably find it a hard
task to secure hiu retreat from Italy An alliance,
offensive and defensive, has been established
between the different Italian States asainst Aus
tria, whose three centuries of dominion in
iMtnbardy is now brought to a final close
vleantime, tlie provisional government at Milan
is acting with liberality and moderation While
we are still boggling about admitting Jews to
legislative rights, the Milanese have invested
ihem with fu I political and civil privileges Altogether,
although this Italian movement mus<
necessarily recast the framework ot European
nationality, the work of Italian regeneration h t?
proceed -d, aa yet, with aa much moderation as
German nationality occupies the attention of
the Frauklort Cougres*; and in Brlin it is
steadily progressing That raited Diet which
atwelve months ago, was inaugurated with so
much pompous display, meets, lor lhe 1 >st time,
preparatory to that new representative aud constitutional
form of government whicn is to fol(U>w.
Prussia is to have un elective frHnclns",
approaching to universal suffrage, a frte press,
md full freedom of meeting and discussion, iu
dependence of judges, and publicity 9I judicial
tiroceadinga, equality of civil and political rights
10 all religious pereuasiona, a popular law of el- ction,
and various other things, unheard of in
Prussia before. As for Austria, ita future is still
uncertain?there are none to guide it; while the
Emperor of Russia, although he is gathering a
great army on the frontiers, believes that trie
better part of valor ia discretion, and announces ,
iiis intention to preserve a atrict neutrality?unleas
he is meddled with.
[From the Soottlsh Prei*.]
If we were asked to hit off a deacription of the
Daiii.li AAnufiliitinn ura hniilii ant If i? n
miUBU uuuouvuuv?i) "V ouw-iu onjr &? io a
despotism of two electivo oligarchies." Such
might be our approach to the facts. It is a despotism,
undoubtedly, notwithstanding all our after-dinuer
prating about freedom. It is a despotism,
for the people are nothing without the
help of the one or the other of the aristocratic
factions. They are cyphers, unless marshalled
after either whig or tory numerals. If preceded
oy two or three hundred aristocratic somebodies,
the millions of nobodies inay become lor
nidable enough to carrjr a reform bill or a corn
bill. But without the figures which give thein
onsequfnce, they can do nothing, and are nothing
but shopkeepers and mechanics, to be
taxed and despised. The whig and tory oligarchies
do not include all the members of
ihe aristocracy, but only the active and combined
fractions of the aristocracy?the members
of the permanent leagues among the
rich and titled, whose objects are patronage
dnd place Everything, from a chancellorship to
.1 giugership, from a marshal's baton to a policeman's
st*fl', the archbishop's mitre and the beadle's
hat, any berth witn aught of comfort in it
??n earth and se t, is in ths gift or in the possession
oi these factions, the aespotic patrons ot
every 6weet loaf and every fresh fish provided
by the country for the army, navy, church, law,
police, and public olfices. The rule of the oligarchies
is despotic, beciuse it is irresponsible.
The Hanoverians have just wrung from their
Orange king, the Austmns have just extorted
Irom their despot emperor, what is c died the responsibility
of ministers. But the people of the
tnrce kingdoms have it not. The British oligarchic
factions are not responsible to the British
>eople. They can call each other to account,
!>ut the people cannot call them to account. They
have conventions and compacts ol corruption,
.some tacit and some avowed; and while this .r?
kept, they screen each other: and even
vhen these ure fcurp-issed, their interests are
identical Against the people. There is scarcely
in act of bribery, corruption, or venality, respecting
which the one dare throw stones at the
itlier, tor fear ot the (rightful scandals and revolting
exposures consequent upon recrimination.
Dtspotic, because responsible only to each
other, and because engrossing all the patronege
<?f the couutry, they ure despotic also because
ihey have the command of the whole of the
physical force of the country. They officer
he army, navy, yeomanry aud police. Corrup
uon, bayonets, nnd irresponsibility, make th
real, practical, every-day constitution of this
country, a despotism ot two oligarchies.
Headers who will acknowledge the truth thus
:ar, will, however, exclaim, " bu t the despotic
fictions are elective, and tne press is free." li
seems so, but it is not so. The faction?
are not elective. Their powt-r in the Rous'*
of Lords is obviously not elective But
neither is their power in the Home ol
Commons elective. Their acres are their
votes Their ten round houses are their votes.
Their secret conspiracies, called associations in
the Carlton and Reform clubs, and in every constituency
in which thev need such help, ure not
elective. Rupee ting these thing* the. people hive
no election whatever Out these source* of legislative
pouer, enable the oligarchic* to rtturn fully
500 of the (W)'members cf the House of Commons,
thm nsf(?iH/W f A /??' f* a in n?/i?</tj f It f
so fur at to secure the exclusion uj event man whom
they dread and dislike, who it not backed by a powerful
organisation of the people. I it reterence to
lection, they have the power of land, houses,
"kill, ttnd the whole ot the resources ot' the government,
and all the might ot constant comoiintion,
and habitual practice, and unceasing
igi-ncy. But these things are not elective, and
the people, ruled by the despotism they establish,
h'tve neither choice nor voice respecting them.
VVe have said the oligarchs a el^ct about 500 ol
the members of the Hous-4 of Commons under
ttie retorm act The assertion could be proved
by statistical tables, and in ide undeuiable by
acy honest man. But the readiest prool n the
number of men returned, in d*tianoe oft>oth sections
ot the aristocracy, since the year 1832?we
mem, of mea honestly and sincerely in^-n of ihe
p-ople, and men of nny purpose and ability
The oligarchies have not any great objections to
see radical constituencies returning nobodies.
UK fl
)RNING, APRIL 28. 1848.
What they fear it democratic ability. It will b" i
an error to reckon every man a rrpresentutive of
the people who professesanti-aristocratic princi
plea, tor there are no greater slaves in public i
life than some of these personages?radical
tondiettwho can be bought with a small place,
und, though rich, seducd by an invitation to
Mr Ilume is almost unique in parliament.
The machinery of a powerful and organised
agitation brought into parliament Mr. O'Connell
and Mr Cobden. The middle classes are glad
to see Mr. Hume and Mr. Cobden embodying
their feelings in reference to the unjust pressure
of taxation But the middle classes have at present
no organisation to secure an increased supply
of such inen, nnd the oligarchies have clubs
and corruptions in sbundance to prevent their
increase and wpaken their efficiency. The number
of rnca who will vote for the separation of
church and state, and for enfranchising every
m in supporti ng himself by his independent labor,
and an equitable adjustment of taxation?the
uurnncr ui inemoers sincerely Hostile 10 me essentials
of aristocracy?shows the ftrmuth of
the oligarchies, and the weakness of the people
in the Hoiism of Commons.
" lint thepress is free " h it f Persons who
say this do not know any thing of the British press
The oligarchies are the masters of the press. The
daily press of the metropolis, with the solitary
exceptions of the Morning Advertiser Hnd the
Telegraph, are the veriest tools of either the protectionist,
the conservative, or the wh'g s?*ctioB8
of the oligarchies. Small places for elitors and
contributors, and baronetcies lor proprietors,
eullice to make tho daily press of London subservient
to the dirtiest purposes of the cliqucs. Occasionally
there is a grumble heard among them,
but the purport of it is tu-it the ;> my journalists
are very angry at their share of the common
Biioil; and no wonder, when the price of a faithful
editor is only an inspectorship of education
or poor laws, or a clerkship in the Duchy of
The journalists ol the oligarchies contrived to
make simple people believe that the corn bill
was obtained bec?use we had previously had a
relorrn bill. But Mr. Pitt was a Iree-trade minister,
and the first legislative adoption of the
ideas of Adam Smith was in the year 1786. The
fact is, that the reform act secured the monopoly
ol corn so well that the assailants of it were
compelled to use the corruptions and trickeries
of ttie electioneering agents to destroy the corn
Uws Prior to the general election, the anti;
lribery society declared that the reform act had
increased the crimes of the electoral system. No
man practically acquainted with the subject
could deny the assertion, and certainly no one
will now listen patiently to a doubt of it who has
read the revolting exposures betore the election
[From the British Banner]
Nothing has tended more to excite the griel of
patriotic men, and to awaken their worst fears,
than ihe treatment received during the present
session, by Mr. Hume, Mr Cobdeh, and other
pitriotic members of the House of Commons,
whose warnings are treated with derision, and
whose protests ure received with scorn. When
Mr Cobden told them that he despaired, with
respect to the vote of seven millions one hundred
thousand pounds, of being able to " bring them
back to a sense of duty," he was met by a torrent
of " ironical cheers when he told them
there watt great discontent rising up in the country,
?g.tin his voice was drowned by "ironical
cheers when he hinted to them hat the perusal
of his letters received that day from the
country might change their tone, again the
house resounded with "ironical cheers when
he charged them with ignorance of the state of
leeliug among the middle classes, ayain he was
met by "cheers and laughter." When he told
'hem they had lew partizans among the working
class s, again they replied by " laughter
vh^n he asked them, if it was not a reproach
lor them to vote money before they had devised
the means of raising it, the reply was, "a laugh;"
when he askea mem wnetner tuey were prepared
to meet the discontent that was rising up, not
rniong the working, hut the middle class ot socieiy
in this country, the root tree resounded with
loud cries ot "Divide! divide;" when he enierr
d his protest against the recklessness with
winch they voted the money before they considered
how it was to be raised, and hinted they
might possibly repent of the deed, again he was
visited by "laughter and ironical cheers." Now,
<re muft siy, that sued a scene, in such a place,
and under such circumstances, is, in the highest
degree, discreditable to the senate house, and
reprehensible to those who occupy it, with participation
in, or approval of, such proceedings.
Let it not be forgotten who was the speaker, and
what was the subject; that speaker was the first
of practical statesmen, and the chosen representative
of the greatest constituency in England,
and that the subject was one involving not simply
the rights, ttie comforts, but almost the existencB
of millions. Never was -Saughter" so misplaced
But the matter did not end here. Mr. Bright,
Mr. Cobden's great compeer, and fellow-worker
for the good of mankind, followed in a speech
worthy of himself aud the occasion, in the
course of which he met with even more insult
and obstruction than the member for Yorkshire.
Had Mr. Bright, instead of being a speaker of the
highest order, and a representative for Manchester,
been some poor, ignorant, degraded normaer,
sitting lor a rotten borough, he could scarcely
have been treated more contemptuously. At
every sentence he was met with cries of "Oh,
oh!" "Question, question !" "Divide, Divide!"
When Mr. Bright solemnly told them that sixty
millions of taxation could not be continued to be
levied without exciting dangerous discontent,
the response was, "Divide!" When he re-as?ur<*d
them that, trom bis knowledge of
what was passing in the country, etforts to raise
that taxation must be unsuccessful, he was overpowered
with shouts of "Oh, oh!" and "Divide,
uvidf! inuB, u seems, we nave reached a
pass in the people's house, when reason, justice,
md facts, as indicative of the wants and wishes
>f the people themse lves, are no longer to be
neard, and no longer necessary to enable the
Senate to come to a decision. It requires but
small sagacity to foretell the consequences of
such a spirit, and such a proceeding. Comparing
.vhat is passing before us with the records ot
the historic page, we are filled with sadness
Assuredly, force in Senates is the precurser of
force in nations! This is a game which two can
play at; a truth which was never so palpably
brought home to the minds of men as at the present
moment. A large portion of the members give
themselves no concefn with anything beyond
Hie division. During the argument of Mr. Hum",
me people's friend, there were but six persona
?n the opposition benches, which were " well
fitted" when the vote came on; end when Mr
hlume indignantly reproached thvm with this
neglect, the response, as usual, was laughter;"
l>ut when the minister of war had finished the
.tatcment winch involved the expenditure ot
'his sum of millions, condemned by Iiume, Cobden
and Bright, on resuming hit* seat ho was
loudly ctuered from both sides of the house."
This is but a glimpse ot the unseemly Bcene
presented by ihe house 011 what ouuht to hare
beta a very MMU occasion These are noi
days when it is meet, or comely, or sate, tor
> he senates ot nations to become halls of mirth
lul uproar and vulgar buffoonery. It is high time
1 hat the chief performers should give place to serious
men, who will fat that they are engaged in serious
[From th? London Post, April 1 ]
A newspaper of St Petersburgh has published
a stinging and abusive article ou the new French
revolution and the provisional government. It
s in the form ot a letter from l'aris Tue French
journals have atteched importance to it, because
ihey assume that tie Abeille du Nord, in which
t appears, 1* an organ oj the Emperor of Hussia
1'hc Parisians are s?> accustom- d in their own
city 10 the Ufe of newspapers as organs ot the
11,'iaions (ii influential individuals, uiut incy are
apt to nuke assumptions of this kind without
niijr other foundation than tlieir uwn lancy The
probibility is, that the Emperor Nicholas would
no more d renin of Ufing a newspaper to express
Ins views upon any public matter in St Petersburg!),
thin the Dake ot Wellington would in
The Russian journal, or its correspondent,
considers that the revolution whicu overthrew
the monarchy ol July, 1830, whs i erfrctly accidental,
and that it w.s iccoinpanied with horrors
and sc >nd-ilous exct sses. He uccusrs the provisional
government of shameless bossting*, and
scornfully reproves it tor during to set itself up
us the arbiter of the destinies of France. He
says it is a burlesque government, sprung from
the ij'utti r, and that it makes on<i blush lor humanity
to sec eucli a ilimj s- t ing its ll up an
example for other nations. Tne d-crees and
manifestoes of the preaent government he treata
the bowlings of a handful of the vilest rabble. t
He considers it absurd that a government, pick- r
fd up out of the kennel, should pot forth its |
s'ateinents as the legal expression of the will of I
th>* country. i
Having opened with such observations as the i
foregoing, upon the general character of the revo- <
lution and the government?observations which, i
it will be admitted, show a very pretty talent for
aSusivenesa?the writer proceed# to notice some
of the acts of the revolutionary government.
Up Hays:?
" The first aot of the provisional government wm the
proclamation of the republic By what right? By what
right dared they Interfere with the sucred crown of the
Coant of Paris? Forgetting, I repeat, its orlgn ? the
puddle of Paris?it despatches proclamations Into every
oorner, promising order and tranquillity. But who will
answer for Its promises? The first howl?r the comer
who oan assemble a band of men dretied in blouses and
armed with stioks has a right to expel the members of
the government, and place tdemselves In it* place. It
must be eonfessed that the French have arrived at that
poiat that the 11 -et who takes a atlck in his hand is their
master. Such are the floe fruits of their revolutions.
It is true that the Frenoh republio has preserved the
Oalilo cock, the true emblem of thoss noisy and boasting
rallors. They assert tbnt there will bo no war We
shall see that. At all events, it is not with his lyre that
M. Ltmartlns oan repel foreign bayonets, it lavishes
the vilest flattery on the mob of Paris It promises thsm
a million of francs. The people will ut least have as
rauoh money as will afford them means to get drunk !
In a word?effrontery, folly, quackery, such are the distinct
nharaoteristios of this government of buffoons,
whloh is not ashamed to invite the world to follow the
example of Paris It is a real pasquinade. And where
is all this passing? In a country which boasts of being
tho most oiviliMJ in the world, and In the nintoenth
century!" .
* To these severities the National, which they
say in Paris is the organ of the provisional government,
replies that " the republic" has no reply
to make te them. Its contempt is too profound
for utterance. The National, however,
proceeds, on its own account, we presume, to
point attention to Bome facts which are assumed
to give an ancwer oi themselves to the writer in
the Petersburg journal
" Facts, moreover, have replied in thirty days to the
prognoatioa of lmpoteneeot the revolution of Parla. The
Iltitaian publioiati bare only to look ronnd them ?
Vienna revolutionized and constitutional?Lombardy
ereot?the Pledmonteae at Milan?the abdioation of
Munioh?the tranaformationa of Southern Geraaany?
the revolution at Berlin?the empire changing ita centre?constitutions
or republica eetabliahed everywhere,
Hurt th? various armiea of the Oerman Confederation
uniting of their own aooord to eppote the Ruulana
should they attampt to traverse Oermany. Such are
the impotencies of the revolution of February. Pro
pheoiea bring misfortune on thoae who prognoaticate
against the people. Nicholas himself shall seen Isatn,
not at Warsaw, but who knows? perhaps et St. Petersbur/(h
It is not surprising that the journalizing friends
of the new order, or disorder, of tmnjjs in
France, should resent the unmeasured abusiveness
ot the northern critic. Moreover, it is evident
that the critic was wrong in regarding the
revolution of the 2ith ot February us a contemptible
affair with reference to European consequences.
The whole continent of Europe, except
Russia, seeins to have been, some how or
unother, ripe for revolt, and this affair in Pari*
just gave the impulse that was necessary to s?*t
the revolution going. In that point of view, the
conduct of the Parisian populace has indeed led
to, or, at all eventB, has hurried on, most important
changes in the political state ol Europe.
It would be well, however, if the friends of
the new French revolution would so far set aside
their resentment us to consider how much oi
truth there may be mixed up with the abusiveuessoftheSt
Petersburg rtntrment. Whenthe
provisional government was formed, the first
emotion of all calm observers in tins country
was one ot respect for the courage and decision
I with which matters had been apparently taken
| out of the hands of an excited mob, and brought
into som' thing li*0 ord?r. Such a city as Paris,
absolutely at tne mercy of a wild, furious, triumphant
mob, was a spectacle too fearful to be
contemplated with calmness Every one was
thankful tor any rescue from such a position;
hud it was manitest that the m-mbers ot the provisional
government had exercised both c urage
and add/ess in managing and restraining the
wild rabble that had broken loose.
But trom the moment that Messieurs the members
of the provisional government undertook to
' conduct the business ot the State, they appear to
I have managed exceedingly ill. Had they been
discreet?had they shown themselves rational
triends of France, their first obpet would have
been to abate the public terror naturally following
from such a revolution, and to keep up the
public confidence. They were, indeed, pledged
to a republic, but they were not pledged to mobgovernment
Had they possessed prudence and
discretion, they would have labored to convince
France that no more changes would b? made immediately
than w?:re absolutely necessary upon
?h?< fih'unup in th#? fnrm nf fffiVfrnmpnt It Wuh
their business to have greatly extended the basis
of election, but not to have broached the idea
of summoning work people and peasants to
reconstruct the government of France. It
was right, indeed, to recognise the working
classes, and to give them such political privileges
as could be given consistently with justice
toother classes; but the claims of property to
influence and protection ought to have been as
much in the view of the provisional government
as anything else. By neglecting this, aud identifying
themselves with one interest only?that
of the multitude?they have destroyed all confidence
in everything which exists in France.
The destructive propensities of the multitude
are notorious. To admit them alt at once?
without training, without experience, without
habits of observation and reflection?
to the supreme government of the political
concerns of France, is folly such as no language
can too gravely or too earnestly condemn.
We do not see the use of applying
angry or opprobrious epithets to the provisional
government of France ; but, as advocates of
justice and prudence?of dignity, moderation,
and gond sense in the management iind urr mg.'nient
ol public affairs?we really think that no
language can too Btrongly condemn the recklessness
which the provisional government of France
has displayed.
Behold the fruits. Financial confidence and
commercial credit in France are destroyed. All
peaceably disposed persons who can get awny
without ruin are leaving the country. Every
one fears further change, aud not thai gradual,
considerate change which is consistent with
safety, but violent, destructive change. The
revolt of the populace of Paris nny hnve given
the impulse to populsr revolt elsewhere;
but does not the present condition of France,
mat is, of all holders of property in France,
deter every man in Europe who possesses
property from giving any sort of countenance
10 such a revolution as that which Paris his
accomplished \ Does not every honebt and intelligent
mind in Europe turn away with disgust
from the palpable violations ot all reasonableness
and all true liberty of which France is
now the scene ! (
What do we read in the Rtformi? What but
this singular tpecimea ot treedom and justice I?
'-Th? elub of clubs, where dtlrgatea of a hanJreJ
club* had assembled \ tsterdaj, voted the priotiog of a
nlllionof copies of Ibe Rights of Man.' 1 Wj also una
uimoutly votud Imperative and absolute losiructloos to
the members of the National Assembly."
Now, when such proceeding hs thete go on
in the name of "liberty, equality, and fraternity," <
who shall say that, with rcterence to them, th<
IVtcrsburgh writer is lar wrong in accusing thFrench
revelutionisti ot "effroutery, folly, and
quackery V' The fact is, that milder terms of
description cau hardly be retorted to without
tome sacrifice ot truth.
We know not whether the provisional government
hat not advanced too far in ita career of error
and extravagance to make it possible lor it to
retrace its steps; this, however, we are sure < i,
that it France would escape the doom ot becoming
contemptible hi the ey?s ot all Europe, it i
must exhibit very diHVrt nt public acts from >hose
winch, in me last three weeki, hive coat France I
so umny millions of property, ?nd have disgust
< d every liiend of justice, good order, and rational
liberty, in all parts ol Europe.
[From the Londou Cbrouiole, March 30 )
The fumes of revolution, with which the at- ,
motphere ol Europe is now heavily charg'd,
mm. To judge from the overt acid by which
public feeling l.us huturto mabileated naelt, we
*hould be lea Jo suppose that their thiriy-six millions
ol he ids are, t>y tins tint'', spinning round
at a rate which altuge>her blinds their eyea '?<
the suggestions ot sober judgm nt and practical
experience The orginic changes now dfmanded
ol the King 01 l'nmsm.aro >4 the iimat sweeping
character, involving universal suffrage, th
complete aepamuoa ot church ni<d state, und th
iibiolutt* ann i hilation ot the fnodicum ol polit >1
power at til retained oy Hie aristocracy?in shell,
the Belgian constitution, and something m? e.
Nor are the effects ol the powerful stimulant
? /
: ^mmmm
rm o?m.
hey are Imbibing confined to the circle of doneatic
politics; they are but too visible in the
>09ture which the yet undeveloped empir", conedTttion
or republic?be it wli it it mxy?is ey?a
low beginning to assume towards its surroundmq;
neighbor". It is commonly remarked, that
when very sober, peiceable people, allow th^mselves
to be seduced into a drink ing-bout, the first
organ tickM by t'ie vinous influence, as it ascends
into the br-tin, is th* or^an of combati*#ness.
Your regular water drinker is the most
quarrelsome man in the world when drunk. A
somewhat similar result if we may b? permitted
the use of so vultjjr an illustration, sfenn to hav ;
been, wrought Uj>on the (t*rrmn mind by the
restlessness inseparable from political change,
and the inebriating prospect of the speedy realization
of their favorite scheme ot national unity.
Woo would have thou tjht, two months ai<ot of
seeing Germany pqti-iriua up to the Czar sh tkina
her fist in the fac? of the King of Denmark,
scowling at Franc*, and turning her back on England
I who would recognize in the bellicose
personage whom we behold tucking up his coit
cutis with so much emphasis, and expressing his
determination to fi<<lit his huge Russian neighbor
in a mouth, and thrash his diminutive Scandinavian
one "before the harvest," the social, kindly,
s> date, speculative gentleman, with whom w*
lutely moltH our pipe, and talked Greek and
metaphysics 1
The rupture between Denmark and the D jellies
of Sleswic und Holstein offers a ready conductor
to this irrnscible spirit of nationality, and can
hardly fail to provoke a war, unlett the Dane*
submit to the conditions proposed to them, and acquiesce
in the severance of Sleswic from the
a own of Jutland and the Islet. Unfortunately
the quarrel iu too ancient, and too much embit*
tered by animosities and heart-burnings of a
character not merely political, and the lose of
territory involved in such a concession would
be too ruinous, to make it probable that they
will vield except at the sword's point. So early
as 1665, five years niter Frederic III had established
the descendibility of the Dinish crown in
the female as well hs the male liie, that monarch
commenced his efforts to effect a corresponding
modification in the law of succession
in both the duchies The same object was kept
iu view throughout the quarrels in which the
branch of the house of Oldenbu'gh, reigning in
Denmark. WU at erwards < ngsged with the
Dukes of Gottorp, who participated with the
former in the government of Sleswic and Holstein,
and adhered to Denmark's enemy, the
k ing of S -veden. In the course of his wars with
Sweden, in the latter half of the seventeenth
century, the king of Denmark had been compelled
to abolish the feudal connection of
Sleswic; but thin only increased his desire to
possess himself of it entirely?a design in which
he experienced decided opposition from the
emperor of Germany, and several of the German
potentates, who took the part of the Duke of
Gottorp, Thus, when, in 1683, the Duke petitioned
the Emperor for protection against nis
encroaching partner, it whh objected, at Copenhagen,
thut SleBwic did not belong to the German
Kmpire ; and that even Holstein, being
united with Sleswic, w?b equally exempt Irom
the imperial jurisdiction. With regard to Holstein,
indeed, th? oiaim thus set up whs afterwards
abandoned; but tue kings of Denmark
never relaxed their hold upon the sister duchy.
In 1713 we find the Czir entering into an engagement
with Frederic IV., that he "would
not hinder bis Majesty from reaping whatever
luvautuges in- iHiyin, one duv, in muKing peace,
be able to derive from tii* aid" ot Sleswic;" and
two years I tier, th* exclusive enjoyment of the
portion of the duchy c illed the ducal portion, to
distinguish it from that originally pissrssed by
the reigning Kings of Denmark, was guaranrted
to him by the King of Prussia, and by
George I as elector ol H mover. Similar guaranties
were given in 1720 by Great Britain and
France, upon the conclusion of the peace of
Friedensburgb; and in the following year all the
inhabitants of Sleswic, who had up to that time
obeyed the joint government, or had been the
private subjects of the Duke of Gottorp, awore
allegiance to the King of Denmark as ''sole sovereign
lord" of the country. Upon this act of
homnge, upon the letters patent which accompanied
u, and upon the renunciations obtained in
1750 and 1773 from the Swedish and Russian
lines of the house of Gottorp, the controrersy
between the Kiel professors and the doctors of
Copenhagen principally turns?the former contending
that their effect was only to incorporate
the dacal with the royal portion of the duchy;
the latter, that they extended to the absolute
merger of the Sleswic law of succession in that
of the monarchy of Denmark. Holstein has
since joined the German confederation as a sovereign
duchy, which all the states of the confederation
are, and must be, according to its fundamental
laws, whilst its connection with Sleswic,
and trie relations between the latter and
Denm irk remain the same, except so far as tha
recognition of the *tatu? quo at the peace of Vienna
may be deemed to have guarantie d their
Into the various knotty points involved in this
interminable dispute we shall not attempt to enter.
To Euroue at large the question has no further
interest than it derives from the fact, that
the decision of it one way would effectually
cripple the power which at present holds the keys
of ihe Baltic, even if it should not eventually
lead to a new Union of Calmar, and place the
rates of the Sound under the guardianship of
Sweden. But to the party principally coneerned
it is a matter ot lite ana deatn. rue Scandinavian
subjects ot Denmark are firmly convinced
that their sovereign, as King of Denmark, has a
right to Sleswic, whilst the German inhabitants
ot the duchies are determined to break off the
connection. Tne quarrel has been taken np
throughout the length and breadth of Germany,
by men of all classes and all parties, not altogether,
we suspect, from disinterested motives ?
The want of a seaboard it keenly felt in the States
of the ZoUverein, and it could not but be foreseen
that one of the first act* of the new German commonwealth
would be to make itielf master of Kiel
and Rendsburf. Frederick William, as provisional
Kmperor ot Germany, challenges tne King of
Denmark to resist or submit; the King, beset by
Ins Danish subjects, must either take ap the
gauntlet or jeopardize his crown. Russia, too?
Russia, which sees herself threatened by Oermaoy
at home?has an interest, and not a very
remote one, in the issue, and Russian ships have
been observed dodging suspiciously about in the
Sound. Altogether it is a " mighty pretty quarrel."
But a far more ominous cloud is rising over
the Vistula. The speculation, tor such it is, of
resuscitating Poland as an impassable barrier
between Russia and the constitutional princes oi
Germany, is one which involves the heaviest
responsibility to all who are actively concerned
in it. Frederick William has already signed the
warrant which erects Prussian Poland into a
separate Stale?one ot the States which is his in
contingency. To such a proceeding Russia is
not, ot course, entitled to object. But It any attempt
be made to countenance the threatened insurrection
wiiran her own territories, she will,
ttud must, retaliate. Deprived, as she now is, of
. U - ? tV. . J - .1 ? .? U..? L.. A i
me oiauiuru in uri uj nuaum, nuu
menaced with ill" growth of independent Sclavonian
States up.m her frontier, she may posr.i(>ly
think tlie boldest course the safest, and proyoke,
rattier than avoid a war. But she must be
sensible thsU it will be a struggle out of which,
unlrs* ?he b<s victorious in it, ahe cannot come
alive and unmutil>iti-d. Whatever thtuiue, there
ran he no doubt that an soon an a German toUlitr
rro**M the I'olith frontier, the temple of Janu* it
jpened, not for (jirmany only, but for Aurope.
We do not, of course, loae ol the tact
that the voices through .vhich Ciermuiiy, at present,
speaks to lorrmn ears, are principally uttered
on the Rhine. "What may be tne feelings
and inclinations of the bulk of the frussian people
we are unable t? iiiviue by the course pursu d
by the king huiwll, who appeurs, voluntarily or
involuntarily, to bepla)iug tor au imperial
crown in the North, wmlst the wise mm of
lleidelbcrtf, in uie douth, arc probably concocting
something much more like a republic We.
can but truit ihdt the Germans huve uot lost all
their good sense, and that the re-actio \ -*hicii
we m*y hope it will eventually occasion, insy
not comc too late.
Army Iiite.llgance
Darirgthe p??t ween ?a?*r*I buu4r?<l nsw r*croi'.? r
h? >li.?-ouri *i.ci Illinois rfglm^uU, whlrbl'ave b??r. ??
oinbkd *c Jftiamon b?ri*oks. undrr tfe cu?air.?tf<l of
?vl K?rpou>y, bar* left for Koit L?avu.woiltt ~4i.
r. Mtii Ae/mA/u. >?, I7f/l injt.
Tn? atsambnut Al'jmuhr* Capt. Briekl? srrlTfdjreerdty
Irum Ctneini art, bti'gieg to tbla oity on* ouoirvd
?nd tbirtj recruiti from N??p>rt b?rta???. draw
4 for aerflo* in tti? 6 a lndl??a, and Jod and 440 On o
>KUD<*nts I b>M> troops wrrs In tho oharga of i ?j?'
l-'Dn it Hugbev A AodtrWP, H i?r *ruw?r<-r, II W.
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