The New York herald. [volume], March 09, 1854, MORNING EDITION, Image 2

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called for. Hi* object, however, neemi to have been to
nform the whole French imputation that he h?<l recourse
o war only a* a last resource, llis adopted watchword,
you will remember, ?t? Empire c'<M In pnii!" I Ii 4
letter has been pouted up at the corners of all the prin
eipal streets in Pari* and in the departments.
In the House of Commons U*t n'ght, Disraeli injuired
of her Majesty's government whether they had ac
knowledge of that letter, and whether It was authentic,
and if so whither any previous communication had taken
place regarding it between the British and i-renchgov
ernmcnta.
Lord John Ruwlt said, in reply, that he had every
reason to believe that the document was authentic. The
British government lia.i l?een inform.-.! by that of France
that they thougkf it desirable that an effort should be
made, by means of an autograph letter from the Emperor
of the French to the Russian Em|>eror, to procure a ter
ni ination of the disputes which had ho long subsisted
Th?- English government, when in possesion of the ua
ture of the letter, replied that they had no objection to
*uch a step being taken, and suggested certain modifi
cations, which had been substantially adopted. Whilst i
perfectly agreeing with the general contents of the letter,
they woutd not say that every particular word or phrase
was such a* they would have proposed. They entirely
approved the step taken, as a most laudablo endeavor to
prevent the outbreak of war.
The effect produced upon the Paris Bourse was a fall
of nearly 1 per cent. We are, in fact, drifting very
fast towards war
It is reported that an English steamer has been wreck
ed near Sebastopol. and. having Turkish troops on board,
has been declared a good prize by the Russians It is
probably a steamer chartered by the Turks, sailing under
the Turkish flag, but the property of some English com
pany.
The question of the dress of the representatives of the
United States at foreign courts seems of a nature to lead ,
to explanations at Washington, and to some decided step
for their appearing in an official costume 1 have already
mentioned the voluntary absence of the American Minis
ter st the opening of Parliament In Loudon, on the 31st
nit., and it now appears that the same question has leJ
to the resignation of Mr. Sanford, the secretary of the
United State* legation at Paris. The following is the ac
count given by the correspondent of the Morning Chroni
cle at Paris: ?
In the midst of tbe many (fruvo subjects which for
mouth* | in. ft have preoccupied the public, an incident hat
occurred here which, though not of gre.it Importance in
itself, ia likely to create a Mentation among our American
neighliorH. Mr. Sanford, the well knoun and popular se
cretary of the United States legation iu Paris, and who,
since the withdrawal of Mr. Rives. tbe late Milliliter, has
acted as Charge d'Affaire*, ha* suddenly tendered hi* re
signation, and now hold* office merely till hi* successor
shall be appointed. It appears that Mr. Sanford's re
signation has arisen outof no more important a question
than that of dress ? a question, by the by, which, as we
have Lately seen, from the series of duels which took
place at Madrid iu consequence of Madame Soule exhibit
ing herself In it quaint costume, has turned out rather
an unlucky one for American diplomatists. Some time
since, the new l*resident of the United States is
sued an order that the representative* of tiiat
country should present themselves, when en
gaged in official business in the courts to
which they are accredited, in the costume in which
they present themselves when they appear in presence
of the chief of their own government. On other occa
sions ? such as court balls, fcc , ? a certain latitude is al
lowed them. Mr. Sanford. while acting as Charpe d'Af
faires, complied strictly with this order He appeared
on all official occasion* in plain evening dress; and he
even attended the balls in the same dress, on the ground
that there was no costume or uniform peculiar to the
diplomatic service of his country, and that be would not
assume a fancy dress. On the part of tbe authorities at
the Tuileries no objection was made, Ha>1 the republi
can Minister has ever since appeared in his simplicity
amidst the sjilendors which distinguish Napoleon's
court, and, in consequence of his very plain
ness, has never ceased to be one of the most
remarked persons in the brilliant assemblage. Mr.
Mason, the new American Minister, takes a dif
ferent view of the case. In conformity with the
4>rder, he paid his visit to the Emperor, and presented,
his credentials, in the ordinary costume of a g<ntleilkin
but he thinks that the American legation should appear
at court balls, &c., iu court costume. He lias accordingly
decked himself out in an embroidered coat, cocked hat
and small sword, and has directed hi* secretary and at
larhrt to do likewise. This Mr. San ford declines, on thy
ground that the prescribed dress is nob a uniform, but a
fancy costume; and his insubordination lias been con
sidered so undiplomatic that he has deemed it his duty to
offer his resignation, which has accordingly been sent off
to his government. This is the version of the affair
which has reached me. and, if correct, as I have reason
to believe It to be. it is to be regretted that so mere a
trifle should deprive the United States of an able and
efficient servant, and Paris society of one of its most
popular members.
London. Tuesday, Feb. 21, 1854.
The War? tnt netting Particular ? ? The Position of Ik'
Powe ri ? Reply <\f the Czar to Louis JVa/toleon.
If any doubts still exist in the minds of any of your
readers as to peace or war the urescnt mail will dispel
there. You are alrfcdy acquainted with the autograph
letter addressed by Louis Napoleon to the Emperor o
Russia. An answer has been received to that letter, an 1
as was expected, it is negative. The Cxar declines all
negotiations. The MoniUur of yesterday announced the
important fact to the French public In terms which are
equivalent to a 'declaration of war. I enclose you the
article from the itoniitur, which is a most important
document, equalled only in importance by the statement
made by Lord John Russell in the House of Commons on
Friday night last. The debate was in all respects an in
terestingone. It was opened by layard. the Assyrian
traveller, in an able speech. He blamed the government
for a want of. energy and blindness to the real objects of
Prince MenschikofT's mission, which wero quite clear to
everybody long before the government thought fit to act
to prevent them. He concluded by saying that, under the
present circumstances, the opposition would support the
government if they acted with vigor. Lord John went
over the whole ground once more, defending the policy of
the government, and, in his speech, severely handled the
Einperor of Russia. Having declared that an exchange
of note* had taken place between England and France,
promising to co-operate in giving assistance to Turkey,
and declaring on the] part of both Powers that no sel
fish interest, no Increase of territory or power wa* sought,
[this elicited immense cheering,] Lord John said : "We
had, further, to maintain the peace of Europe, of which
the Russian Emperor was the wanton disturber,
to throw back on his head the consequences which he
had so violently, and, he believed, so imprudently invoked.
On the uprightness and loyalty of the Emperor of the
French he plaoed the fullest reliance." A* regards the
German Powers, he observed: ? " We have the satisfac
tion of knowing that Austria and Prussia would look on.
not in an attitude of aversion, but ready to use all their
nfluenoe, and if necessary their arm*, to check Russia in
her attempted career of conquest." The debate, which
was adjourned, was resumed again last night, but only
two speeches are worthy of notice? the first is that of
Cobden, who promises to be as unpopular as he was
once popular. He deprecated the Idea of going to war
for the Turk ; he denied that there was any danger to
Europe from Russian aggression : it little mattered to
as whether the Russians were at Constantinople or not.
The other speech was that of Palmerston. ne said that
England and France had armed in a noble and generous
cause, to maintain right against might and justice against
wrong. The noble Viscount was loudly cheered.
In my last letter I quoted an extract from Prince Met
te'rnich, to the effect that Russia would find her vuxili
aries in the Christian subjects of Turkey. Now that the
mask is thrown away, the first symptoms of a Christian
rising begin to manifest themselves.
The Christians (Greeks) are rising in Macedonia. Ep
irus, Thessaly, and in Albania The insurgents muster
already 40,000 strong. Yanina, and other towns, are
?aid to have risen, and Monten^po, ?nd all those sem'
dependent mountainous districts will probably rise
against the Porte. It is high time that the European
auxiliary forces were there.
A telegraphic despatch announces that seven Turkish
ressels have been sunk by the Russians, but I think this
requires confirmation; also that Batoum has been bom
barded. The Ambassadors and the Admiral* do not pull
well together; I should not wonder If Admiral Dunda*
was recalled. Lord Raglan goes out as Commander-in
chief of the 30,000 British troops ordered to Turkey.
The l>mks of Cambridge will command a division. The
greatest enthusiasm prevails, and recruits pour It for
both army and navy. 40,000 French snd 20,000 English,
with the combined fleets to support them, will be no
smsll help to the Turks, who have hitherto coped single
banded. Some persons are trying to get up an anti-war
feeling here on religious grounds; now. as I have before ob
served, this Is not a religious question at all. It Is one
of the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe?
of preventing a strong robber pilfering a weak neighbor,
with a view to still greater robberies Thoro Is no doubt,
howevsr, that the Csar will endeavor to make a Holy War
of it.
We now soon etpect to hear of a nsfral ?ngageraent.
It la said that the instructions to the fleets will tw> to
take Sebastopol, in the Black Sea. and Cronstalt. in the
Baltic. We are on the ere of great events The official
oorrespeedeeee relative to the neutrality of I>nmark
and Norway and Sweden is published. I enclose It As
regards Austria, all men are satisfied with her intentions.
J /mi Is Napoleon alludes, in somewhat ambigaons terms. In
V ? ?rtMe la Uw Moniieur, to that Power. m?ke? an
appeal to the loyalty, to the chivalrous character of the
young Emperor, to the Interest* of Austria. At the Mane
time that be extreme* oonMenee, groat precautionary
moanures ? 111 bo taken to anticipate the worst. Austria
li colbctl?g t powerful army on the Servian frontier
Fancy th# eventuality of 60,000 picked men, regarded a<
friend*, suddenly joining the Russians at a critical mo
ment. an the Russians joined the Austrian* when Geor*v
surrendered in the last Hungarian war. It Is to be hop ? t,
nevertheless, that Austria means well.
Iu consequence of the exportation of arms and amunl
tion by certain parties, a proclamation lias been issued
by the Queen, forbidding the exportation of every article
of a nature to be serviceable to an enemy. The wording
of the proclamation might lead to the supposition that
the prohibition extended to all countries. In reply to a
question put in the House last night by Mr. Bright,
it ?as, in the name of the government, explained that
the proclamation referred only to Russia.
The article in the N?w York Heraid, that the United
States intended taking part in the Eastern question, has
been extensively copied into the English journals. It is
said that Mr Spence, whose arrival on board thu .Saranac
at the Oolden Horn I already informed you of, will offer a
loan to Turkey. It was on the 2d February that Mr. Car
roll Spence arrived at Constantinople. The same evening
the Hungarian and Italian refugee* repaired- to his hotel
ami gave him a serenade. Mr. Spence ap]>eared on the
balcony, and addressed some words of thanks to the per
son* assembled.
The Saranac and Levant, the latter a sloop of the United
States navy, which has been on this station all the Hum
mer. will shortly proceed on a cruise in tho Black Sea.
The finnan for the passage through the Bosphorus ha*
already been demanded of the Porte.
Oil receipt of the news of the negative reply of the Ciar
to Louis Napoleon's letter the funds hero declined X per
c nt. In Paris the full was 2Jg. The Chronicle corres
pondent thus describes the effect on Monday : ?
Tl i- ;< pt.es ranee of the Paris Bourse to-day, in conse
quence nf the article in the Monileitr, was most oxtraop
'Unary. The crowd was tremendous, and at certain pe
riods of flic day the crush of the parties entering aud
coing out was so great that fears wore ontertained of se
rious nccldents. More than once the guardians and gen
darmes were obliged to interfere, and endeavor to regu
late the encountering tides of human being*; and this
they could not effect without the greatest difficulty.
Outside, under the pillar*, a dense mass of person*
were likewise collected, and the greatest agitation
prevailed. In fact, such a crowd has not been seen
nt the Bourse since 1848. Two part* of the interior
of the vast hall were In particular thronged all day ?
(?ne close to the enclosed space where the agent de change
tiansact business, and the other in the vicinity of the
pillar where the quotations of the English funds are
posted up twice during the course of business. From
some unexplained reason, however, the English prices
wore kept back, and up to the end of business the anxiety
of the public, so natural on such an occasion, remained
unFfltisfied. Rentes, railroad shares and foreign funds,
were all offered, and the fall has been universal. The de
cline in the Four-and-a-Half per Cents has been 2}$f., and
in the Three per Cents upwards of 2f. Railroad shares
have fallen from 35f. to 30f. each, and, from the opening,
the proceedings of tl:e day were without a reaction.
THE CZAR'S REPLY TO NAPOLEON.
There are several verisons of the manner in which the
letter of the Emperor of the French wan presented to the
? Czar. The following communication gives some details
which arc not uninteresting: ?
The reply of the Emperor of tho French arrived at St. P#- |
V rHl urp on the 6th inula nt. M <le Caxtelliajar immediately
apprised Cimnt Nesselmde that he wished to present a let
ter to t lie Ciar from the Emperor of the French. Although
it is contrary to Russian Court etiquette to spoak to the
Emperor of "Russia on public business after four o'clock In
tlu' sfternoon, Count Nesselrode apprised M. de Castelbaiao
tlint he might present himself at the palace, although the
Emperor was suffering from the gout. M. de Casteibajas
consequently delivered the letter on the aftornoou of the
flth. Tlie Ciar appeared to he painfully affected on reading
it. TIo then spoke a few words, in a low tone, in Russian,
which M. de Castelbajac did not understand. He recovered
bis composure almost immediately, and told X. Castelbajao
that he would return an answer in a few days.
(From the Paris Monitcur (official) Fob. 20.]
We announced yesterday that the Em:>eror had receiv
ed a letter from St. Petersburg. In his letter to the Em
peror. tho Czar discusses the conditions of arrangement
>s hich had been proposed to him, and declares that be
cannot enter into negotiation except upon the bases he
had made known. Tnls reply leaves no longer a chance
of a pacific solution, and France must prepare herself to
maintain by more efficacious means the cause to settle
?hich the (tersevering efforts of diplomacy were of no
Wail.
In defending more energetically the rights of Turkey,
the Emperor counts upon tho patriotism of the country,
upon the intimate alliance with England, and upon th
m mpatliies of the governments of Germany. Tho.-#
governments have also constantly declared that they de
slred as resolutely as we do to maintain the balance of
power in Europe. and to cause to l>e respected the Inter
rity end the independence of the Ottoman empire. No
other question is engaged in tho contest (daiu U deb,U.)
?Attention is turned towards Austria, whose
I ; ositinn calls upon her to take an active anl
I important part. Austria has always pronounced
herself with great firmness in favor of the
points established in the protocol of the Conference
of Vienna of the 5th December last. We place full con
fidence in the loyalty and chivalrous character of the
young Emperor of Austria. We" find, moreover, a gua
rantee of the dispositions of his government in his peo
ple's interests? interests which are identical with our
own in the general circumstances of European policy.
France, strong in her loyal and disinterested inten
' linn's, has nothing to fear from the struggle which is
preparing; she knows, moreover, that she can count upon
the energy as well as upon the wisdom of the Emperor.
[From the Paris Pnys, Feb. 19.]
All doubt, then, is at %n end. A deaf ear has been
turned to the last appeal in favor of peaoe. Russia is
resolved on war. Be it so: let the destiny of things be
accomplished, and, as Lord John Russell said eloquently
in the House of Commons, "May God defend the right."
Hesitation is no longer possible in presence of this haugh
ty refusal given to the most straightforward of proposi
tions. Moderation has exhausted all its pacific combina
tions; patience has exhausted all its delays. It is proved
in the face of the whole world that the Czar is not ac
cessible to any sentiment of conciliation, and thmt, led
away by his blind passion, he intends carrying out
his ra?)i projects to the end. Be it sol He will find
before him France and England, more united than ever
in action, as they have been in negotiation. It is
impossible that sooner or later he will not behold the
other great States of Europe, deeply wounded in their de
sire for order and in their conservative interests, arise
i against him. The German Powers may, as lome journals
Announce, observe at first a strict neutrality; but will
not the various events and phases of the inevitable
struggle which is being prepared change their resolution
in modifying their position? But if Prussia and* Aus
tria depart from the reserved attitude, which per
haps an honorable desire of pacification suggests to
them, we are well convinced that it ' will be to sup
port with the Western Powers the cause of Euro
pean right against the ambition which compromises
it ? the cause of German interest against the influ
ence which desires to dominate over it ? anil the
cause of Austrian independence against the moral suze
rainty which wants to bring it under subservience. In
every case Eusope, as regards principles. Is at present dl
\ irie.l into two camps, completely separated. There may
be hesitation to act, but there Is none to proclaim the
right of Turkey ami the injustice of Russia 'and the most
Irresolute will soon, by the force of things, be obliged to
make an open declaration. However that may be, since
their duty and their dignity Impose on France and Eng
land the necessity of action, they will yield to the exigen
cy of a crisis which they have not created. They are
ready for resistance, as they were long ready for peace;
they" have only to march resolutely in the way Into which
they have been forced in spite of themselves, and the
more rapid and energetic will be their combined action,
the more will public opinion support them, and the more
will private interests be reassured.
THE WAR QUESTION IN PARLIAMENT.
SPEECHES OP LORD JOHN RCSSHLL AND LORD
PAL1KR8T0N.
The adjourned debate upon the affairs of the East and
the war with Russia wan resumed in the House of Com
mons on the 17th of February, by-Mr. Layard. When
Mr. Roebuck concluded. Lord John Russell spoke.
LORD JOHN RUSSILL'g SPEECH.
Sir. after the rery (Mi'roui and I must say, tlw very
wise speech of the honorable member for Sheffield, I can
liave no hesitation in riling to give the house that infor
mation which he so vary properly ask* In reference to so
irrare a question. (Hear, hear.) However, with reepect
, to mv right hon friend the First Lord of the Admiralty,
and the statement which the hon. member supposes him
to bare mnd? relative to our position, I think the hon.
member has fatten into an error, because it was not my
right hon. friend, but the hon member for Aylesbury
who mistook our position. The events which have taken
: place seem to hare hastened us toward war, and we ask
you to assist us in our preparations for the same, but at
Sreeent do not ask you to vote the estimates. (Hear,
ear.) There appears to me, st the period st which wo
1 have arrived, to be three courses which the House may
adopt with propriety, according to its particular dispo
sition or inclination. It may say, first ? war is im
j pending, but yoa. Her Majesty's present minis
ters, nave committed so many errors that we
cannot allow yon any longer to have the
conduct of affairs ?pon so momentous a question Ths
second course la to say? as I understood the honorable
member for Sheffield to say ? "There may be errors in
the course you hare pursued. We think that at one
point vou should have acted with more decision, or that
at another you should hare made more sure alliances;
but these are questions of difficulty, upon which it Is not
?asj to con e to a decision. We will ware considerations
of this kind and vote further estimates which you ask
for." ThAhird course is to say, without entering into
' the question of the negotiations at all, "We will look
entirely forward; we will give our confidence to the
government, but ws will watch their proceedings,
snd if they enter upon war we will see that it is
carried on with all the rigor and judgment neoe^sary
to bring it to a euccesaful conclusion. Any one of
these three courses the House might take, and any
one would be fitting for the occasion. But my
honorable friend the member for Aylesburr hss
taken a course which I must say. If not satisfactory
to the government, I think can hardly be satisfac
tory to the House, because, after stating certain facts
ableh. he maintains, prore the government to be en
tirely in error, he says ? ''Although I have made out my
ense! I will, in my niagMnlmltr, excuse you; I will par
<lon you for all the errors yon bare committed, and, glr
ing yon a lame and limping confidence, I will allow yon
to take the \otre for the estimates." That course oan
hnrdiv bo ileetned satisfactory. I say, with my right hon
orable frisnd. let us know whether you censure us or
give us your full confidence One of these ooarsee we
ask the House to pursue. I am not arguing in faror of
any particular course; but I may say thai *sy one of
those 1 have referred to would befit the House of Com
mon* to adopt in llil- grave and arduou* eriiii. In
, speaking, a* I am obliged to do, of the negotiations
which have taken pltce, I wish to refer an little a* po*
siMe to particular document*, and will endeavor to con
tine myself to ii grnernl outline of the course of those
negotiation*. My honorable friend. the member for
A.\b*bury, savs, and *ay* truly enough, that as Ion/ an
it was a men- question between France and Ru?
? Ufa respecting the Holy I'laeen, It diil not concern our
govt romeiit to uncertain who was right or who was
wrong; but at- soou aa a menace of force was beard, and
preparation* began to lie made for calling fleet* and
armies into requisition, the matter became one of inter
est to the government of Great Britain. But, if any cen
sure ia merited in reference to this point, it ought to fall
rather upon the government of I/ml Derby aad the
foreign administration of Lord Muiinesbury than upon
upon us. I cast no eensure upon the late government;
but I sny It was perfectly evident that when Ix>rd Malmes
bury was at the Foreign office threat* of force were used,
and. indeed, that the preparation* of Russia were found
ed on the pret< it that the ambassador of France had
threatened to have recourse to force in order to compel
the Sultan to agree to demands which Russia said were
incompatible with engagements into which the Sultan
had entered with her. 1 myself was informed by Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe, in answer to a question I put
to him. that M. Lavalette had declared that unless
his requisition* were complied with he would im
mediate ly send for the French fleet to enforce them.
When such threats were held out, ii became a ques
tion whet licn?t he English ought to seek for an expla
nation from France. I am bound to say that the
French government met us in. the fairest and handsomest
manher. (Hear, hear.) It desisted from pretensions
which it declared to be founded on treaties and in jus
tice, but which, as they might bring into plav opposite
pretensions on the part of Russia. and thus endanger the
peace of Kurojie, if voluntarily aliandoned. (Hear, hear.) j
Such was the state of the case when I/ord Aberdeen enter- 1
ed office. Lord Uslmesbury had written a private letter
to Lord Cowley, calling his serious attention to these
circumstances. I took the same course. On the very
day on which I accepted the seals of the Foreign office I
wrote to tord Cowley, calling hi* serious attention to the
subject. I felt that one of the first, if not the first thing
to be done, was to induce France to desist from her pre
tensions. because, if France and Russia had gone to war
on the question of the Holy Places, not only would the
pence of Europe have been broken, but the inilepundonce
of Turkey would have been at an end. Well, a* I have
already said, the French government behaved with the
greatest fairness. They felt that their -ambassador had
gone further than was' intended ? that he had exceeded
1 hi* instructions and conducted himself in a manner
which was oppressive nnd alarming to the Sultan ?
and accordingly they withdrew their ambaasador, and
abstained from insisting on their pretension*, and, in
consequence*, the question of the holy place* was very
soon nettled in a way which left no party any ground of
complaint. From that moment we gained this great
advantage, that we acted with France in the cause of
Turkey. (Hear, hear.) Do not let my honorable friend
imagine that thro is a matter of no importance. Let me
again state what had been and' was the case when we
entered office. It was this: ? France had claims on Tur
key in respect to a treaty made in 1740; and, although
she felt ? as she doe* to the?pre?ent hour ? that those
claims were founded on that treaty and in justice, we
found it impossible to abet France in enforcing the**
claims, and therefore we felt it to be of the utmost im
portance that the qnestion of the holy place* should be
; settled immediately, in order that England and France
might act cordially together. I am bound to declare?
ana I am ready to repeat it over and over again ? that for
the settlement of this question we are greatly indebted to
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who, having a perfect know- j
ledge of the affair* of Turkoy? having great influence
with the Turkish government and great power, the result ;
of hi* eminent abilities, of enforcing his opinions, aided
most materially In bringing about the desired result*. ;
I now come to consider tho conduct of Russia. The
allegations which the Russian government made to ,
us ? and made over and over again for several months ?
the allegations which it made to Sir 0. Seymour ? the
allegations which it made to Lord Clarendon ? the alle/a- J
tions which it made to the noble lord at the head of the
government were to this effect ? namely, that the con
cession* made to France by the Sultan were at variance
with solemn engagement* between Russia and Turkey
were at variance with the plighted word of the Sultan,
and such as Russia could not allow to take effect. Russia,
therefore, said that she required things to be placed in
itatv quo. as they existed a few year* before, and to ob
tain security that the ttalu. t quo should not be again dis
turbed. During the whole or this time ? during several
month* which elapsed ? Russia never at any time sug
gested, or gave u* reason to suppose, that it was her
| object and intention to gain anything in respect to the
general protection of the Greek subjects of Turkey ?
she never said that she meant ip require anything
further than security in respect to the question of the
Holy Place*. The whole of her conduct was. no doubt,
a deception. (Cheer*.) There were concealment and
deception on the part of Russia towards the government
of this country; but, while we gave credit to the as
surances of the Russian government, we were not blind
to the possibility that it might' be deceiving us. (A
laugh.) Under those circumstances I wrote a despatch
to Colonel Rose ? which mv honorable friend quoted, for
what purposo 1 cannot understand? charging him to give
immediate intelligence to the government if Russia
should advance towards the frontiers of Turkey, and in
forming him that when Lord Stratford de Redcliffe should
arrive lit Constantinople he would be furnished with
more stringent instructions aa to the course he was to
take in the event of the Russians menacing an invasion
of Turkey. A* regard* Prince Menschikoff'* mission,
while !t was pret^ulud to be a mission, having for its ob
ject the settlement of the question of the holy place*,
and while it wa* stated over and over again, both by ,
( omit Messelrode at 8t. Petersburg and Baron Brunow
here, to be a conciliatory mission, It was in fact, as after- I
wards appeared, a mission to endeavor, by some mean*
I or other, to give Russia complete supremacy over Tur
key, and to make Turkey for the future the vassal of
1 Russia. (Hear, hear.) When the Emperor of Russia
nnd his Ministers say that it is not the policy of Russia
; to destroy the integrity of Turkey, I believe that
i declaration to be sincere to this extent ? that the '
I object of Russia has bwn not at present to force on
I the conquest and partition of Turkey, rut rather
I to delay that conquest and partition, and to endeavor in
i llie present rear to degrade Turkey still more than ahe
him l?en l>efore degraded by successive war* and treaties
1 on the |>art of Russia, and it was hoped that by means of
> fori*e, or of costly and lavish diplomacy, to obUin terms
from the Sultan which would render him completely sub
ject to Russia, so that if at any time he should attempt to
throw off his chains, his prostrate and helpless condition
would make the conquest of the country an easy taak.
(Hear, hear.) Brfeh I believe to have been the policy of
Russia; but when Prince Menschikoff endeavored to carry
that policy into effect, we had sent to the scene of his
operations the person best qualified In all Europe to meet
such pretensions and counteract such efforts. We had
sent the nobleman to whom I have already alluded? Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe? to Constantinople, (hear;) and.
let me observe, that if we had meant to be subservient
to Russia, and to compliment away the independence of
Turkey, as my honorable friend seems to suppose ? If
we had intended to defer to what might ultimately be
the will of Russia, we should not have sent to
Constantinople a nobleman who was distinguished be
yond all other men for his attachment to the cause of
the independence of Turkey: who had always gtven
her the wisest, counsels, and endeavored to impart
i to her that internal strength which would enable her
to rescue herself from the state of dependence on Russia
to which foregone circumstances had reduced her. Well,
sir, events took the course which, from the character of
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, might have been expected,
Prince Menschikoff made one demand after another, al
ways, as he states, softening those demands, and making
them less stringent, in order to obtain the acceptance of
them by the Porte. But, at last, without doing that
which. I think, he was bound to do towards Turkey ?
without saying these are the stipulations which we shall
be glad to nave from you, but we have no right to quar
rel with you if you refuse them, if you consider that
they trench upon your independence, and we have no
right to demand the concession of them ? instead of that
respect which not only all men of other nations, but
even, I believe, many Russians think it would have been
more right to evince towards Turkey, Prince Menaohikoff
determined to break otT his relations with the Porte, and
to go back to the Russian territory. But it has been said
most strangely that when this took place, when the Em
peror of Russia threatened to occupy the principalities,
no protest was made against it by the British government.
But, sir, not only was there a protest ? not only was
there a demand made for explanation in the very
able despatch of my noble friend Lord Clarendon ? but
: there was that which was of ten times the value, namely,
thatwithin awet'k. or rather within ten days at least from
the day when Prince Menschikoff left Constantinople,
there was an order to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to place
at his dis]?sal, for the purpose of coming up to the
neighborhood of the Dardanelles, the British fleet, and
there was an order to the British admiralty to sena Ad
miral Dundas to the neigh Itorhood of the Dardanelles.
My hon. friend the member for Aylesbury has talked in a
part of his speech as if there was a pretence made that
this fleet was sent to protect British interests, and not to
protect the Sultan; but the purpose for which the fleet
was sent ere very clearly set forth in the despatch of
Lord Clarendon, of the 81st of May: ?
Nevertheless, the dspartore of Prises Menaohikoff, fol
lowed liy the entire Russian mission, is a fast ia Itself of
?neb grave importance, tbe military pr*parations of Russia
on the Turkish frsnthr are npoa a seals of such vast mag
nitude. sad tbe danger whion threatens the Porte may be
so immiaeat, that it appears indispensable to take measures
for the protection of the Sultan, aad to aid his Highness in
r pelllng any attack that may be mads npoa his territory.
I have accordingly to inform your Excellency that, by Her
Majesty's commands, the fiest now stationed at Malta Is
, placed at the disposal of yonr Bxcelleney. and that orders
! will be sent to Admiral Duadas to conform to the reqaisi
I tions he msy receive from yon. aad to repair to such place
as ron may direct in the event of yonr ooniiderlng the pre
i si nce of a British feree abeolntely essential to the safety of
1 the Tnrklsh empire
? Now, sir, could any written despatch have protested in
more eloquent word*, or with greater firmness and deci
sion, than the transmission of such orders to lord Strat
ford do Kedollffe and to the British Admiralty? I stated
i at the time to the House thai the fleet was sent to the
i neighborhood of the Dardanelles, in order to prove the
Interest which Her Majesty's government took in main
taining the integrity of the Turkish empire. It was,
therefore, clear to Russia, as it waa clear to all the world,
> that in rase Russia persisted in her unjustifiable demands,
and in enforcing them by her armies, England in con
' junction with France meant to oppose such perslstanoe,
? and to repel such fort* (Hear, hear.) I must add to
I this that, when this took place, so far was the Russian
; court from thinking that we were acting in complete
j blindness with regard to their designs, that they com
plained in a circular transmitted throughout Europe, that
j ? e had made a threatening demonstration by the move- '
I nient of the fleets to the neighborhood of the Dardanelles,
, thereby showing that they clearly understood at least
| thnt movement, and, though they had applied most
1 unjustifiably and most untruly the argument derived
| from it, they proved roost undoubtedly that they
understood the in'entions of the British government,
j (Hear.) The next question tliat arose wAs, whether the
j entry of Russian troops Into the Principalities should be
! considered ss a case of war. and acted upon as such by
j Turkey and her allies? Well, sir, upon that question we
csn hsve no better authority, as I conceive, than the
authority cf Lord Stradford de Redcliffe We thought here
i that If Turkey unprepared was at once to provoke hosti
i I ties with Russia, and to use her undoubted rights to do
f'sre that the entry into the Principalities was a ratut
UJU ? we thought, I say, that in that case Turkey would
le exposed to great danger. (Hear, hear.) We must
not conceal from oumljes aU along with respect to this
argument tlie relative condition* of the two untiona ? the
power and force of Russia on the OM hand, u it hail
| been collected, organised and disciplined for many years,
aliout half a million of men kept constantly under arm*,
trained with the greatest skill and diligence, and the po
sition of Turkey on the other iiand, aa we well know it to
be. weak in the state of her finances, in the composition
of her armies, and in the disaffection whieh she might
have to fear from the activity of Russian emissaries un
der these circumstances, therefore, we could not ooo
ceai from ourselves that if Turkey unprepared were
; to rush into that war, it could not but be a very on
i equal contest. Lord Stratford de Kedclitfe took the
; iu<me view. Knowing the position of Turkey as she then
! was, he said that for two purposes ? first of endeavoring
| to negotiate a peace, and in tiie second place for the pur
I pose of preparing her forces ? it was advisable for Turkey
not to declare war upon the entry of the Russian forces
I into the Principalities. Would it have been wise in us?
| only allies in the case, who were not exposed to the dan
I ger of Turkey ? to advise her to expose herself to those
dangers when her best Mends thought it unadvisaltlef
Such, we conceived, was a sufficient declaration that, not
immediately proclaiming that we could precipitate hos
tilities. we should warn Russia that war must immedi
ately follow if she did not recede It is easy to say, with
regard to any jiart of these negotiations, tliat, if you had
j tn Leu a different course ? if you had told the Emperor of
! Russia that you would at once go to war if he occupied
' the Principalities, he would have hesitated before doing
I so. Nothing is more easy than to say that if you
1 bad done so and so, such and sucli a sovereign would
; hate done so and so; but nobody has attempted
to give any proof that such would have been the
caw, or to show that the Em]>eror of Russia, in
the position of his great power, would not have consid
ered this such an affront that he would at once have en
tered into war without further delay. Then came the
negotiations after the entrance into the Principalities;
and here I must say a word with .regard to that
Vienna Note, which my bon. friend the member for
Aylesbury says everybody has admitted to be a mistake.
I am not going to defend the phraseology of the Vienna
Note, (hear;) as my right hon. friend near me has said,
it was no note of ours; but with respect to the spirit or
that Vienna Note, and the intention In which it was
framed. 1 am quifce ready to defend both. To take an
illustration? if you have a friend of your own, of no very
great means, about to 6nter on an expensive lawsuit
with a man of ?50,000 or ?100,000 a year, 1 might very
well say to him ? I see your righto; you very possibly may
l>e able to show that you are in the right; but it is pos
sible that wliile your opponent has the means of carrying
on the contest you may be ruined; and, therefore, I
should advise you to make some concession of your abso
lute and strict rights in order to come to some agreement.
That vas the spirit of the advice of the Vienna Note, and,
for xnj part, I say, looking to the dangers to which Tur
key was exposed, it was good and wise advice that she
should consent to those terms which she was not abso
lutely obliged to pnt. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, from
the momrnt that Count Nesselrode had fixed the meaning
of that note ? from the moment he showed that
if the Vienna Note had been signed it would
have been considered equivalent to that note
which was presented at Constantinople by the
Russian ambassador ? from that moment we not only
ceased to press upon Turkey that she should agree to that
note, but we took the more vigorous step of supporting
by force the independence of the Sultan. (Hear, hear.)
; The flee*, was ordered to go to the Bosphorus, and on the
I 8th of October orders were given that the fleet should
protect the con sts of Turkey on the Black Sea, on the Euro
1 pean nn<! Asiatic coasts. I come now. sir. to the next
| step in taeso negotiations, or, rather, in these transac
tion#; 1 come to what occurred on the 30th November at
Sinope. The orders given to the ambassador were what I
have naned, and the ambassadors thought it advisable
that a certain number of ships should go into the Black
Sea; that they should visit Varna and the mouths of the
Danube iu order that they should take means of observ
ing what was going forward in the Black Sea. It so hap
pened. ho'vever, at that moment, that the French govern
ment had displaced their ambassador at Constaetinople,
and had sent another. Gen. Baraguay d'Hilliers. Under
these circumstances the French admiral declined to take
the order of an ambassador who was leaving Constantino
ple, and the ambassador who followed did not think it ad
visable to take the course which the English ambassador
had desired to have carried out. This was a misfortune, and
we know that ships were left at Sinope, and that they wero
in consequence exposed to that dreadful calamity which
befell them. But I do not think that, under the circum
stances which took place, there was any party much to
blame in the affair, because I do not believe it would
have been possible to provide against everv occurrence
which might take place in that state of affairs. It would
not havo been consistent with the safety of the fleet to
have dispersed it in various parts of the Black Sea; for,
if it had been so sent out, some attack might have been
made at Varna. It was a matter for the exercise of the.
discretion of the ambassador, and I do not believe that
he was in fault in not insisting upon his orders when
they failed to obtain the concurrence of the French am
bassador and admiral. The disaster which took place at
Sinope was one that must hare affected every man in
this country with the most painful feeling. (Hear,
hear.) Sir, I must say I was greatly surprised at reading
the congratulations addressed by the Emperor of Russia
to his officers and his admirals upon the receipt of the
intelligence of the destruction ana the butchery at that
so-called victory (cheers) ? a victory of some six or seven
large line of battle ships over, six or seven frigates of very
Inferior quality (hear, hear,) ? a victory pushed to the
extent of the most dreadful carnage, ana with no sort
of generosity shown.' (Cheers.) That the advantage
of a large and superior force like that should be a source
of glory to the Russians, and a reason for the congratu
lations of a sovereign to his subjects, does, I own, afflict
me with a feeling of the greatest disgust. (Cheers.)
Sir, that event was as deeply felt in France as it was felt
hue, and, in consequence, orders were given to the am
bfi Ksadors at Constantinople that the English and French
fleets should take the command of the Black Sea; that
they should not only protect the ooast of Turkey, that
they should not only protect the flag of Turkey, but thai
they should likewise prevent reinforcements being aent
from one Russian port to another, and that wherever
they found a Russian ship of war tney should send it
hack to f-'ebftKtoj ol or to the nearest port. It is impos
sible to deny that those orders amounted as near to
warlike preparations as possible. (Hear, hear.) There
have been in the course of the last twenty years in Eu
rope transactions somewhat resembling this, namely ?
the blockade of the Texel and of Antwerp, the French
occupation of Ancona. the battle of Navarino, and
various other transactions carried on without a decla- ,
ration of war; but from the nature of the orders
given by the French and English governments, no one
can be ' surprised that the Emperor of Russia should
withdraw both from London and Paris his ambassa
dor*. And thia leads me to our present situation,
which has been justly described as being on the brink
of a war. I have stated as shortly as I could, without ar
Sment and without quotations, tne general course which
e British government has pursued- We have now
to consider the proapect before us. and what remains to
be done. With regard to diplomatic correspondence re
specting terms of peace, there were terms proposed by
tne ambassadors of the four Powers at Constantinople ?
terms very nearly assented to, at least assented to in such
a manner at Constantinople as to be sent to Vienna by
the conference of the four Powers. Sir, it does not ap
pear to me that those terms were derogatory to the dig
nity of Turkey, nor were they Such as were at all unbefit
ting the Emi>eror of Russia to acoept. Yet what course
did the Emperor of Russia take ? Be it remarked that he
is reported to hare said at Olmutc that he had been asked
to agree to the Vienna note; that it afterwards appeared
Turkey herself did not agree to it; that he thought it un
reasonable to put him in such a position, and that he
hoped when the next terms of peace were proposed, they
would be snch as Turkey herself would agree to. The
four gTeat Powers had exerted themselves in order to ob
tain peace, and I must say that considering those Powers
? England, France, Austria, and Prussia-ire presented
all the great Powers of Europe, and that the terms
they proposed were proposed with a view to pre
vent a bloody and costly war, extending all over
the world, the course adopted by the Emperor of
' Russia showed a total disregard of the peace of Europe
| ? (hear, hear.)? an utter contempt of the opinion of
Europe, and a disregard of those sovereigns with whom
( he had been allied. (Hear, hear.) Instead of the ac
| ceptonce of those propositions, other propositions wsre
1 sent to Vienna, which shall shortly be laid upon the table
of the House, containing very much a repetition of the
original demands, and the addition of other terms, one of
which was. that the refugees in Turkey of different na
tions should be expelled from that country. That article
was intended, no doubt, to weaken Turkey, as it would
have been a perpetual source of continued remonstrance,
and would have occasioned war at any moment Russia
might think fit. Count Buol, the Austrian Minister, in
communicating those, terms to the conference, declared
expressly that he did not recommend them for adoption.
(Hear, hear.) I was asked yesterday whether a letter,
represented to have been sent by the Emperor of the
French to the Emperor of Russia, was a genuine docu
ment. No doubt that letter is a genuine letter, and it
is an attempt made by the Emperor of the French and
the government of France to induce the Emperor
of Ruhaia to reconsider the course he has adopted,
to evacuate the Principalities, which he has wrongly oc
cupied, and to draw up articles with a Turkish plenipo
tentiary which shall afterwards be submitted to the con
ference of the Four Powers. For my own part, I say
that, at all events, there is no eonceesion to Russia iu the
proposition thus made. I will not attempt to say I en
tertain a hope that the Emperor af Russia will accede to
that proposition, or that be will abstain from enforcing,
with all the power of Russia, those unjustifiable demands
which he has hitherto made. (Hear.) What, then,
mnst be our course ? There can be but one, and that
must be upon the side of Turkey, defending her against
the power of Russia. If I am asked further, before
we enter upon the Committee of Supply, what are the
means we look to, and. In the terms of the honorable
member for Inverness, (Mr. BaiUie.) what negotiation*
we propose to make, I should say, in the first place, that
there has been an exchange of notes between England
and France, promising to oo-operste in giving assistance
to Turkey, and declaring on the part of both Powers
that no selfish interests and no Increase of territory or
power is sought for. (Cheers.) Such is the nature of
the position in whicn the two great Powers now
stand. Ihey feel that the cause is one, in the first place,
of the independence of Turkey ? a Power which has been
most cruelly outraged (loud cheers) ? a Power which has
resisted with great firmness and with great ability, the
uojust demands of the diplomatic Ministers of Russia, and
a Power which has resisted with courage and skill in the
Europe, of which the fcmp??ror or Russia is the wanton
disturber (cheers! , and It is for i;.ankind to throw upnti
the bend of that disturber the consequence* which he has
so flagrantly, and. I believe, so imprudently evoked.
(Cheers.) And it is to mankind the independence not only
of Turkey but of Oermany. and of all European nations.
The state of (.'ermany for the last few years has been one
if not absolutely of de)>endence upon the Emperor of
Russia, at least one hi which indeitendence has not been
very loudly asserted. (Hear, hear.) I could not but
think, on reading the transactions that took place Inst
year at Paris, that there was too much aoquiescence on the
part of the Herman lowers in tho unjustifiable preten
sions of Russia. (Loud cheers.) This House is aware,
and I have had occasion to relate It with that com
mendation which I thought was due, that, wh<wi the
Karl of Malmesburr found that the Emperor of
' the French meant to be faithful to the engagements of
; the country over which he was called to reign, and that
liia object was to maintain the |ieaee of Europe, on the
I art of thia country, the willing recognition of the Queen
was declared to the new form of government. (Hear,
hear.) But the Powers of (iermany thought it adviaable
i to wait until the Empertjr of Ryasia ha<l declared {(Is
mind on the subject, and the mind of the Emperor of
Russia wan. that the Emperor of the French might be ac- I
knowledped ; but that, not having descended from a line
which had for centuries occupied the throne, he (the 1
i Fmjieror of Russia.) could not call the Emperor of the 1
French his brother (Laughter.) The Emperor of the
i 1 reneh had too much good venae to attach any very great
importance to whether he waa called "my good friend,"
or "my brother." (Laughter and cheers.) But it waa
understood that the Powera of Germany, one and all. da
aired their representatives to wait at Paria, and not to
recognise the Emperor of the French until they wet*
assured that the unusual form of recognition of the Em
peror of Russia hadt been received, so that if the Empe
ror of the French had-chosvn to say, aa he had a full
right, "I will atana upon established forms, and
j I will not have those forms dojiarted from "
j not one of those Powers of (iermany, who were all
j ready of themselves to recognise him as Kmperor of the
i French, and were, moreover, ready to call him their hro
; tlier ? not one of those Powers would have recognised him.
I aay, sir, that that shows a state of (iermany not so in
dependent as one would wish. (Hear, hear.) I cannot
j hut think ? and there are growing symptoms of it every
! day ? that this violent attempt on the part of Russia ?
I that these acts in violation of all right and justice ? have
[ at length aroused, both in Austria and in Prussia, a sense
that they must consider the welfare of Europe before
consulting the will of the Emperor of Russia. My belief
is, therefore, although we have no engagement with
them, and I state it plainly to the House, that they are
not bound to us to resist, in any manner, the acts of- ag
greasion on the part of Russia, still, my belief is that
both those nations, constituting the great empire of tier
ninny. divided as tiermany is into separate sovereignties,
will be too much impressed with the growing
importance snd position of that empire, of its thiry-flve
million of inhabitants, of. its enlightenment, of its
civilization, and of the importance of mainting its
independence ? not to take care that the aggrandize
ment ot Russia does not become so formidable as to
threaten the independence of that great Germanic Power.
I believe, therefore, that in undertaking this contest,
even though we should not have the immediate assist
ance of those two neat German Powers, yet that they
would look on with a view, not to aid Russia ? not to en
gage themselves to Russia ? but, 09 the contrary, to use
all their influence, and, if necessary, their arms to stop
her in her attempted progress of conquest and.of lawless
force, ((beers.) I have said that we have an engage
ment with France. We have now proposed to make an
engagement with Turkey, by which we shall be sure, be
sides other things which are necessary on such occasions,
that Turkey will not agree to any peace with I'-nssia,
while we are giving our aid and assistance, witho.it our
consent and concurrence. (Loud cheers.) That < l^age
mcnt with Turkey has not yet been formed: but i have
no doubt that, considering the manner in which the affairs
of Turkey have been lately conducted, she will wil
l ngly accept the aid and assistance which England and
France can give her upon the condition I have stated.
And, sir, I bt g here to say that, in entering upon that
contest we shall have the greatest confidence in
and reliance upon our French ally. (Loud cheers.)
7 he conduct of the Emperor of the French during
the whole of these transactions, in our repeated and al
most daily intercommunications, has been so open, so
frank, and so straightforward, that it is impossible not
to place the utmost reliance in him and his government.
(Great cheering.) With respect to the exertions it may
be necessary for us to make, without at present speaking
of the efforts that we may hereafter be called upon to
use. but confining myself to what, at the very beginning
of this struggle it will be incumbent on us to adopt, I
beg to state that we shall think it necessary, in the esti
mates for the year, to add no less a sum than ?3,000,000
of money to the amount that was asked for last year. It
may be said that this is a large increase of our naval and
army establishments. But, I say again, as the Right
Hon. gentleman has said, and which I also stated in the
beginning of my speech, that these resources are neces
sary; but at the same time, if you think that the direc
tion to be given to them can be better confided to other
hands, declare that to be your opinion by some early
vote, and place the direction of the resources of this
empire in more skilful and abler hands. But if
you do not take that course, and you confide
them to us, then we shall expect your confidence in al
lowing us to carry on these transactions according to
the best of our judgment, without which confidence no
success can possibly take place. (Hear, hear.) Recol
lect that success in war depends upon secrecy? depends
upon combination, depends upon rapidity, ana that it is
inconsistent with success to explain your operation*.
(Cheers.) I am not asking too much, therefore, when I
ask you to adopt one or the other of those alternatives,
and either place the government of the war in other
hands, or, if not, then to give to us that confidence which
is nccessary successfully to carry it on. t(Hear, hear.) It
is not to be forgotten that war brings with it Increased
burdens. .(Hoar, hear.) Let no man aupposo that we
can enter upon a struggle with the Empera^of Russia
in support of a Power comparatively feeflB without
making considerable efforts, and without calling upon
the people to hear burdens greater than they have
had to subtain during a time when we were at peace
with all the world. (Hear, hear.) If they are not
prepared to bear those burdens, let them not enter
into this war; but let them, if they do enter into this
war, endeavor to carry i{ to a successful issue. (Cheers.)
For my part, if most unexpectedly the Emperor
of Russia should recede from his former demands, and
at the sight of all Europe disapproving his conduct, and
of two of the most considerable nations of Europe being
prepared to aet in arms, if necessary, against him. he
should acknowledge the independence and integrity or the
Porte in the only manner in which it could be satisfacto
rily done ? I Hball, and we shall all, rejoice to be spared
the efforts and the burdens of a conflict. (Hear, hear.)
Hut. if that is not to be, and if peace is no longer consis
tent with our duty to England, with our dutr to Euro;*),
rrd with our dutr to the world ? if the ambition of this
enormous Power has got to such a pitch that even its
moderation is more ambitious than the ambition of othnr
Mate. ? if Russia will not be contented with anything
V ss than the subjugation of the whole empire of Turkey
and the possession of Constantinople itself ? if such are
her f eelings and sueh are her objects ? then we can only
endeavor to enter into this contest with a stout heart.
(Chiers.l May God defend the right; and for my part, I
shall willingly share the burden and the responsibility.
(The noble lord resumed his seat amid loud cheers from
both sides of the house.}
SPEECH OF LORD PALMERPTON.
On the 20th alt. Mr. Cobden renewed the Eastern de
Vnte in the House of Commonii, and wan followed by Sir
Sydney Herbert, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Butt.
Lord Palmerston then rose, and was greeted with cheers
from the ministerial side. The noble lord said: ? Late as
the hour la to which this debate has been protracted, I
should feel that I was not discharging the duty which I
owe to this House and to the crown if I were to permit
the debate to close without making some observations In
reply to. and In consequence of, the speech of the right
honorable gentleman. I am ready to admit that we are
met here on one of the most Important and solemn occa
sions upon which it can fall to the lot of Parliament to
deliberate. The country, by the admission of the respon
sible advisers of the crown, is, I am afraid 1 must say,
upon the verge of war. (Hear, hear.) The House and
the country hare a right to know what has been the con
duct of government, and what nas been the coarse which
has led us to ?his position. We have laid before Parlia
ment the papers, which show what the conduct of gov
ernment has been, and we have produced these papers
for the express purpose that Parliament might have
the opportunity of considering and of reviewing that con
duct and of expressing its opinion thereon. (Hear, hear.)
But, I must confess, Idid not expect to hear from any
member of this House that which has just fallen from the
right honorable member who has just sat down, (hear,
hear;) because, 1 think, that if 1 wi n* to be of opinion
that a government, in tne direction of its public duty, in
consideration of great and important negotiations upon
matters Involving not only the internets of this country,
but the peace and welfare of Europe, had been jnstly
chargeable either with credulity or connivance, I think
that if I felt those were the only alternatives on which
the House could be called upon to pronounce its judg
ment, I certainly think 1 should feel there coald be no
, other coarse open to me and to the House than to with
hold from that government the confidence of Parliament.
(Hear, hear.) Yet we are told that the government, in
relation to wnich this House has only the alternative of
condemnation for credulity or condemnation for
connivance, is to receive the confidence of Parlia
ment by the supplies which may be necessary to carry
j on the war; and that the gentlemen who sit opposite
are ready to entrust to such a government the fortune of
the war. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, a government standing
in the position in which we stand has a right to expect
that its conduct will be scrutinised to the bottom.
(Hear, hear.) There are many charges that mi/ht be
brought against us ? in the first place, we might be ac
cused of having rashly, imprudently, and without due
regard to the heavy responsibilities which weighed upon
us. brought the country to the condition of being
obliged to draw the sword and rash into war. (Hear.)
That charge no one has made against us. That charge
would, indeed, have been a heavy charge; and, if proved
against as, would have manifested us as deserving of the
se> erest condemnation of the country. (Hear, hear.)
That charge, however, no man has as yet intimated could
he alleged against the conduct of the government.
Well, another charge might be that by delay, by credu
lity by absence of sufficient vigor at the proper time,
we l.ad allowed matters to come to a pass at which they
would never have arrived had we pursued a different
course. (Hear, hear.) Now, I think that neither is this
a charge which can he rightly brought against the
government: and. on the contrary. I am ready to
> ii aintsm that the moderation and forbearance by
which our conduct has been characterised, ara
such as to enable us to stand well In the
opinion of the country. (Hear, hear.) If it Is said
that we have foreborne to the last moment, that we
have exhausted every means of negotiation, that we
have clung to every hope of terminating the disputes
which threatened the peace of Europe by amicable ad
justment, that we htfve trusted thoee who were not de
serving or oar trust, that we have bolleved assurances
which events hsve shown were untrue, that we have
postponed to the last moment the decision which it may
now appear we must come tp, these aro not, In iny opin
ion, charges against the government, but rather as a
proof that we live done all in our power, and up to the
latest hour, to avoid war, will induce the country to
rally, as one man, round the government, seeing that
wsr. if war comes, is a necessity which could not be
avoided; and to make every sacrifice which the war. so
forced upon us, despite our utmost endeavors to avert it,
must inevitably entail. (Hear, liear.) We are accused
of credulity; I say that the despatches In these volumes
jastlfv us Irv having for a con ??'??rable period reposed
confidence in the assertions of the Uusslan government.
(Hear, hear.) The right how 'hie gentleman has
accused my noble friend, the !> rotary of Foreign
Affairs, of having misled Parlim.nt. on the 25th
of April, by declaring, at that time, that the
Russian government asked for nothing but the
settlement of the question of the Holy Maces, whereas,
says the right hon. gentleman, at that ' >ry time Prince
HenscbikofT had left Constantinople, rn<l tho English
government knew perfectly well that he hud been urging
a certain treaty on the Porte. What are the fiirtsf Prince
MenschikofT did not leave Constantinople till the 22d at
Way, (hear, hear;) anil as to tho latest declaration which,
on the 25th of April, Lord Clarendon l-.ad received from
the Russian authorities, its date was the 28tli of March,
on which day. in reply to a question from Sir Hamilton
Seymour, whether the settlement of the question as to
the Holy I'laces would arrange everything betweeu Russia
and Turkey, Count Nesselrode with his own Una assured
him thst it would, (hear. Hear,) and that nothing there
after would remain to be settled between tba two Powers
hut some petty points connected with the ehancsry,
wholly unimportant and un consequential. (Hew, ucar.)
That statement was related on the 30th of A|> r^>
Count Ktuwlrult iktcltml most positively to Sir
FfTBiour that the arrangement which was negotiate."* *?
Constantinople contained nothing beyond that whk *?
had been already made known to the British Minuter at
ht. Petersburg, and by the Russian Minister at the Court
of St. James' to the British government. (Hear, hear )
Hr, when such positive assertions as these are made by
the government of a great country like Russia, I say that
the government to which they "are made is entitled to
" place confidence in them. (Hear, hear ) It is said that
we heard of military preparations on the part of Russia,
snd we ought to have inferred from this tbat some other
demands were on foot. We were told by the Russian go
vernment itself that auch preparations were making, but
we were also told by the Russian government that their
Bole object was to counteract the menacing language
which had been used br France, and that they bowsoto
ly and entirely on the question of the Holy Places.
(Hear ) We were told also, it is quite true, that Ruaaia
required some proof of confidence, as well as some repar
ation from Turkey, for offences which she had committed
in connection with the changes that had been made in
the question of the Holv l'lnces, and that the aecurity
was to be in the form of a treaty confirming the Sultan's
firmans for the settlement of that question. But we
had never any intimation that any such treaty was to
apply to other matters. (Hear, hear.) When, there
fore, Count Neaselrode asserted, at a later period, that
government Irnd known from the outset what were the
whole demsnds of Russia upon Turkey, he asserted
that? I am bound to say it ? which was utterly at
variance with the fact. (Hear.) It Is painful to speak of
a government like Russia in terms of censure or reproba
tion, *>ut 1 am bound to ssy, on behalf of the English gov
ernment. that the Russian government, *t>y Itself and Its
agents, has, throughout these transactions, exJiausted
every modification of untruth, concealment and evasion,
and ended with assertions of positive falsehood. (Hear,
hear.) I ask, however, has anything been lost by the for
bearance with which the government has conducted this
question)1 I say, that if in the last summer a course had
been taken by us which would have brought matters then
to the point at which they now are? if we had found our
selves in June or July last on the point of a rupture with
Russia? our position would not have been such as it is now.
(Hear.) It may be said, indeed, that, the present result
would never have arisen? that Russia would have given
way if we had shown greater vigor at first. (Hear.)
That is a plausible opinion, and one which a per
son may be justified in holding; but, after all, it is
but an opinion, and had matters taken the course
I have assumed, and turned out wrong ? had Russia,
instead of submission, urged ns on then to the point
at which we now stand ? we should have been justlx
chargeable with a grave political mistake. (Hear, near.)
There were a great many reasons why forbearanoe
was desirable. ) It was of the utmost imjiortance, in a
matter affrcting the great interests of Europe, that,
though England and France have been from the outset
acting together, heartily, entirely and cordially, they
(should endeavor to obtain also this concurrence of Austria
and Prussia. (Hear, hear.) We know that these two
countries have interests in this matter far more direct
than those of England and France. To Prussia and
Austria it is a matter of vital existence, because, if Russia
were either to appropriate any large portion or Turkish
territory, or even to reduce Turkey to the condition of a
State merely dependent upon Russia, it is manifest ? no
man can doubt who casts a glance at the map of Europe,
and looks at the geographical position of those two Powers
with regard to Russia and Turkey ? that such an immense
appropriation of geographical power on the part of Russia
must be fatal to the Independent action or Austria and
Prussia. (Hear, hear.) Well, it was of great importanoe
to get these two Powers with us as far as it was possible
to obtain their counsel and advice ; but neither of them
could be expected to risk lightly a rupture with their
great snd powerful neighbor. The reasons which might
lead Prussia not to wish to risk such a rupture ?
the reasons, I weuld rather say, why those who wished
well to Ptusmr ? her well-meaning allies? would not
have wished to press her forward singly, are obvious to
any man who looks at the map of Europe. (Hear.) Aus
tria, we know, was under great obligations to Russia. It
was natural that she should he unwilling to break with
Russia as long ss It was possible tbat matters could be
arranged by any amicable adjustment: and if Austria,
seeing tbat England and France were hurrying matters
on, and precipitating a war when she (Austria) thought
that by more forbearance, by her Influence at St. Peters
burg. and by diplomacy, negotiations might have been
carried on, and war avoided, England and France, under
those circumstances, would not nave been entitled to ex
pect her active co-ojteratlon In the war. (Hear, hear.)
ft was therefore of great Importance to avail ourselves as
much as we could of that influence which Austria pos
sessed, or imsglned she possessed, at the Court of St.
Petersburg, and to convince Austria that we consulted
her position as well as our own, and that we were willing
to give every possible opportunity for an amioable settle
ment of the difference, if by any means it could be effect
ed. (Hear.) I believe lam not overstating the facts
when I say that the conduct of England and of
France In this respect has been fully appreciated ?
by Austria snd Prussia, and that whereas, if war
had been entered Into und carried on In the course
of last summer, we might have had no reason
and right to expect their co-operatlon-j-I cannot
persuade myself but that, If matters go on to the
point I fear they are likely to go, the conduct of Austria
and Prussia will be different now to what it would have
been under those different circumstances. (Hear, hear.)
Well, then, I say that the conduct of her Majesty's gov
ernment Is not blatneable either upon the ground of pre
ctpttation or upon the ground of too much forbearanoe.
The House, I think, will agree that the great object of
preserving peace was one which justified every possible
degree of forbearance short of the sacrifice of those In
ei eats which it was our duty to maintain. But It may
e raid, "Is the object, then, for which you are asking
he country now to go to war ? is tho object one of suft
ient magnitude to justify the effort* which you require
the country to makef" I might answer that question by
saying that the opinion of the government that the
object is worthy of those efforts is an oninlon shared
by France, by Austria, and by Prussia? that all these
Powers have recognized, in the roont solemn and distinct
manner, that the Independence and Integrity of the Turkish
empire is an essential condition for the continuance of
he i*ace of Europe, that it is au essential element in
he balance of power, and that it would be a calamity to
1 urope If any attempt were made to destroy that in teg
iity and independence. (Hear, hear.) Why, even
Russia, while she is pursuing a course which it acknow
ledged by all the Powers except herself to be fatal to that
Independence and that integrity ? even Rus <i:t does not
venture to deny the principle that the lnder>e.i ience and
integrity of thefOttoman empire Is an essential element
in the condition and welfare of Europe. Why, sir, it is
manifest that If Russia were to appropriate to herself
these territories which now lie under the sway of the
Sultan she would become a power too vast and too gtgan
! tic for the safety of the other States of Europe. (Hear.)
If she were to bestride the continent from north to south,
possessing large naval Power both In the Baltic and the
l Mediti rranean, enveloping the whole of Genqany, com
manding regions full of every natural resource, and a
population of enormous extent, she would become
dangerous to the liberties of Europe, and her
power would be fatal to the independence of
other States. (Cheers.) I say, therefore, It Is the
duty of the other countries of Europe to prevent such an
enormous aggrandizement as that which wtuld result
from such a change of possession. I shall be told, very
likely, " Yes, bnt Russia don't want any accession of ter
ritory ; she don't pretend or profess to take permanent
possession of any territoiy that belongs to the Sultan;
she merely holds these Principalities as a material pledge
j for concessions which she requires to be made ? conces
i sions which Bhe says are essential to her dignity and
1 honor." What the Turkish Minister replies to that Is a
true statement of the danger. He says ft would be bet
ter that Turkey should have a limb cut off than that poi
son should be slowly but surely Infused Into her whole
body corporate, which would surely soon destroy her en
ergies and lay her prostrate at the foot of her powerful
neighbor. (Hear, near.) That which Russia demanded
was nothing less than the sovereignty ovfer 12,000,000 of
Turkish subjects, because the power which was to pro
tect them in all the affairs ol life, both religious and
civil, would have been the power to which those 12,000,
000 persons would have looked, and the Saltan would
i have been no longer any but the nominal ruler of those
subjects. (Hear, hear.) 1 say, therefore, that that con
cession was one which the sovereign of Turkey was justi
fied in refusing, and which every other l'ower ? which
England, France, Austria, and Prussia ? united to declare
could not be granted without an abandonment of the In
dependent sovereignty of the Sultan. (Hear.) Well, I say,
then, that the object for which we are contending la
one which ft due regard for the Interests of this country,
and a due regard to the welfare of Europe and to the
1 peace of the world, justifies us In contending for.
(Cheers.) We are toldf however, that, setting aaiae the
abstract principle of preferring the balance of power?
which some gentlemen profess to treat with great con
tempt, as a matter wholly undeserving the care and at
tention of statesmen? we are told that, setting thai
taide, there is something in the oondition of the Tarkiah
mpire which makes it utterly unworthy of oar support,
nd that, because it is not in snch an advanced state of
< iviliiation as this country, it ought therefore to be ooa>
i.uered by Russia and blotted out as an independent na
ion from the face of Europe. I was aaked fey the honor
able member for the West Riding (Mr. Oobden) whether
?till maintained the assertion I made last session, that
here was hardly any country which had, in the same
. eriod of time, made such material progress in its inter
nal arrangements as Turkey has done. Sr. I abide by
that assertion. (Cheers from both sides of the house.)
1 am satisfied that any man who looks into the oondition
of Turkey sow, and compares it with what it was at the
time referred to, will admit the truth and justice of my
assertion. It is quite true that Turkey la now far
behind England and France; but we are not on
this account to forget how much further ad
vanced it ia now than it was in the time of
Sultan Ifahmoud. Any man who knows anything
of Turkey will know that in respect to internal naviga
tion, in respect to her army, her navy, and justice or
Klltical administration, great and immense progress haa
en made since that period. (Hear, hear.) Rat Tar
key, fomoolh, is not worth defending, and does not desire
to be defended, because the Christian subject* of the Sul
tan are not in all respects placed upon a footing of equality
with the Mussulmans. I believe that, legally apaaktnff.
the gTeat distinction now between the two races is, thai
the Christians pay the kharaj, and are exempt from ooa
Hcription. Their is also an inequality as to their eyidenoo
in civil eases ; hut, I believe, in rospeet to criminal pais*
they are now placed upon an equality with the Mussul
msns. But, sir, if the fact of any raee in a country
being upon a footing of civil and political Inequality la
any Justification for considering that country as unde
serving of independent politico existence, what would
have been said by the honorable member for the West
Riding, if he had Mved not very lone ago, when there pre
vailed that nroal code In Iretsnd, which placed our Catho
lic fellow subjects on a much worse footing than that on
which the Christian subjects of the Porte now stand? (Hear
hear, and laughter.^ 1 fancy that in thonedays, whon thia
country produced irony men emin?nt in all matters of
literature and science, they would have Ipen very muoh
surprised if they had been told that they were a set of
barbarians, and deaerved to be conquered by France In
order that the Cathodes should be pat upon the same
footing as the Protestants In thia country. (Cheers and
laughter.) Well, I say then, that the condition of the
1 hristisn* is no reason whatever why, npon great peliti
cal grounds, this country and France ? ay, and Austria
i and Prussia too ? should not combine to maintain the
Turkish empire in its present geographical position.
(Cheers.) I believe that the internal progress which haa
comwiono?-d in Turkey will Ixs continued, and that the
Christian and Mussulman sabjeets will be idaced on the
same fooling of equality, lean assure the Houae that
it has been the aaxjoun o?(je?t of the government to bring