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ADDITIONAL FROM EUROPE.
UK LONDON A>D PARIS CORBESIWEM'E. peeth of Kos?uth on the Euro pean War. 'be Mexican Bond Holders ill Loudon, and the American Appropriations. RECIPROCITY QUESflON IN ENGLAND. I THE VERY LATEST, SiC; JlC, 'The United States mail steamer Union, Captain Idaaw arrived at this port at 9 o'clock last even pg. She reports heavy westerly winds nearly all fwada 3?e ^ **** ? ant,ciPated the She report, (.peaking the steamship Baltic, hence Ir rJverP?o1' on the 10th inst., at 10 A. M., In lat. K? A., Ion. 27 35. The Union left Havre the morning of the 7th and called at Southampton in the afternoon of ?e same day, to take on board the English mails ad passengers. 1 he royal mail steamer Avon arrived at South aptonon the 5th from the West Indies and Gull Mexioo, with specie valued at $2,000,000. A public meeting was about to be held at South pton to raise a testimonial to Capt. Fitch, of the raahlngton, for his gallant conduct in saviBg the l&asengere of the Winchester. Donua Valerie Gomez, from Madrid; Nari Baraldi id Graziana. from the Italian Opera, Paris, are ^ ang the passengers. These artists form a part Maretzek's operatic company, which will shortly ommcnce the season at Castle Garden. Our London Correspondence. London, Friday, June 9, 1854. he English Minister of War?Duke of Newcastle ?Sir George Grey?Royal Congress at Tetschen ?? Botien\ia?More Shilly- Shot lying?Denmark Traru/u t/, 4e. In the Home of Commons, last night, Lord John saell gave a half and half explanation of the de |iaion come to to entrust the War Department to a eial minister. His explanation was not quite itisfoctory a1* regards the financial department of lie new ministry, the budget of which he said would Iome under the general expenses. Nor did Lord ?hn inform th? House who is to be ear Minister of Tar. It seems, however, that it has been left to the |hoice of the Duke of Newcastle to select the War ' Colonial Department. His grace will select the aer. Tn that case, the Colonial Department wilL i all probability, be handed over to Sir George irey. The Six Million Exchequer Bond bill has been #.third time. The present European war?for though the fight ng takes place chiefly on Turkish account, yet all i States of Europe are connected with it, more or -is the most extraordinary war that ever took There appears to be a general secret under iding that lack of energy is to be the order of the ay. One would have thought that things had gone >far that two great nations like France and Eng ad would have ere this presented a cartel at the pworo a point, demanded positive answers from Aus 1a anl Prussia, and have smashed or attempted to ali>he jjossian porta in the Black Md Baltic Seas. ixot a bit Cf it. We are to have another conference like that at Jwantz. Austria has sent a milk and water eum iopsiscmuiation is too strong a word) to Russia, i has attained, at the same time, leave from the U to occupy the Turkish provinces of Albania, Ionwnegro. llerzegevina, and eventually Servia. Jnce there, it will be a difficult matter to get her i i . And the Western Powers sanction this. Austria, it is true, will only seek her own interests, and declare against Russia if indispensably neces aiy, but not otherwise. Though hostile, Prussia is aort honest. The indefatigable telegraphic wires ave brought the news that the King of Prussia, ac companied by M. Gerlach (decidedly Russian,) and the Austrian Ambassador, has suddenly left Berlin |for Tetschen, a small watering place in Bohemia, there to meet the Emperor of Austria, and, thoagh not known, very likely the Czar himself, incog. The iiult of this conference will, of course, be food for peculation for some time. We have not yet received full details of the occu ation of the Piraeus by Anglo-French troops. A telegraphic despatch from Copenhagen states . 5th of June passed off quietly. Great mul titudes Mumbled. The Court was absent. Oar Parts Correspondence. Pabis, Thursday, June 8,185i. \8peculations as to the Varna Plan of Campaign Its Probable Objects the Isolation of the Russian Army and a Naval Advance on St. Petersburg Our Minister at Paris in fresh Perplexities State Questions not the only Troubles of Diplc Suicides on the Increase among the French ?In*erti:<?t by an American Engineer for the Deftnte of Pnmstadt?The Court, fyc., fyc. Among ft lively and ingenious population like that of France, all sorts fti" speculations are afloat to discover, if possible, the secMi pf the campaign, which ia presumed to have been 'mined upon at the meeting of Omer Pacha, St. Arti^id and Lord Raglan, at Varna. The press, it is true, dare not utter a syllable without authority, but a French man s tongue is almost a match for the censorship; and from the boudoir to the Boulevards, from the purlieus of the palace to the cucriers ot the Porte St. Martin and the Faubourg St. Antoine, that nnruly member, is, at the present moment, in viva cious agitation. All Franco is, in fact, a soldier. While in America lisping hopefuls are taught the tqual rights of man, and in England they are taught nothing at all, in France the youthful Gaul steps the gardens of the Tuileries and the groves of the Palais Royal, girded with a sword and armed with a fusil. The future liero may be seen any day marshalling his men, selecting his ground, flinging up his re doubts, oharging to the onslaught, or defending to the death: and whether in after life he measures the Appian way of his loved Paris, ribboned, and starred, and gilded, or opens a brilliant maga^in on the Boulevard, like M. Froge, the eminent tailor, he hai his opinions on military affairs in general. It was indeed a remark of the soldier Napoleon, that his peasant soldiers seemed, by a sort of intuition, to have an acquaintance with the great principles on which the most scicntific military combinations often turned. '?Frequently,1' said he, at St. Helena, ??when unexpected, I rode around the camp, would ' cne of these men, from some uncontrollable impulse suddenly rush forward, and seizing my bridle hand, whisper, 'Hire, you must occupy this or that position, or vour flank will be turned,' and straightway back again would the heedless fellow run, as if shunning the very echo of his exuberant mother wit, and often it happened that the suggestion was either really :tew to me, or one which f had partly formed in my mind, and was about to act upon." The prcva'llng conclusion seems to be that the in tention is, if possible, to isolate the Russian armies and it is thought this wld be done by a general move ment on Silistria while a naval advance will be made on St. Petersburg, cutting off the Russian force which is in Finland?that Austria and Prussia are to keep au eye on Poland, and !!:at if the fortress of Silistria. laielv so wonderfully aided by the rise of the Danube, can hold out for the seven we^ks first assigned as the duration of its resistance, the French and English troops will before that time ? have been enabled to unite with Omer Pacha?that this personage would probably in a month have 25,000 of the flite of the French army on his left, aii<l l.?,00() of the of the English army on his right; bith in immediate and close conjunc tion, and ready to co-operate with him. In other words, there would thus be in the field an a liny of the allies at hunt 120,000 strong readv to advance to the relief of Silistria. Much importance is laid upon the late dispatch of Admiral ?!atnelin,ns showing the great changes that have already occurred in mint and reir of the itassian 9rmv; and it is even thought, that the Czar had better see to his communications with the Cas pian Sea in ense of diflicultics. These are the ru minations current at the Etat Major in the Place * (ndome, with Napoleon's famous column before C* to tkif intellects. too, I ia the gowip of the guide? : and similar opinions have leen dropped from Baraguay d Hilltsrw now (reed from Eastern official rcej-OMibilitj. Butw rebut bell iris ma rime domtnanir fortuna, aad toe w isest speculations are vain when the swell of a river, or the shadowy mist of a vaporous fog may suddenly convert the machinations of one side, all to tue advantage of the other. ?. Mr. Mason, tne Minister of the I nited Mates is? to turn to another subject?juat now the object of unfeigned sympathy. . 1 Wilh that Simplicity of mind f-o worthy of an ho liest republican und true believer, the honorable cr.utlfman has, doubtless, been in the habit of thinking that t'i? more numerous " the Olive branches round about his table," the happier anu wealthier man wa? he. But, unfortunately, the French, to whom be is an accredited amr>awa tior, lia*. e odd. and certain!v very improper notions oa this head, aud seem much inclined impiously to reverse the royiil psalmist's benwticite, aud. in icu of saving " Hanpy," to cry " Wretched i^ the nan ( tbat Wh his quiver f?ll of them. bo. at all events, we must presume, thoupht Madcme Huillif% the re-pe<-table landlady of No. 36. avenue (iabrielle, , where the American Minister had hired an apart- : incut for himeelf, his wife, and live children. A non trous fnmilr, however, in the landing's opinion, j accustomed'to the spare b%'.-< h.ilds of her rtrmj>a- | trifles, whose vounper scions, from some mysterious causcs, seldom exceed two or three. Hut one day. when the sun was shining brightly, and the white whiskers and ample features^ of Mr. Mason were | glistening with unwonted liveliness, a carriage drove to the door, and Madame Huillier, attracted | by the cheery aspect of the weather, was thereto , see. Down rolled the steps of the voiiure de place, and out bouueed a blooming cherub, the miniature i portrait of the United States Ambassador, then ano- | ther and then another, till the number amounted to five; who. to make Madame Huillier'a assurance doubly sure, were at once leceived ana weloomed ; with open arms by their benevolent father. But the landladv saw something else; she saw Mr. Mason actually conduct the new comers into nifl apartment. and heard orders given that the last live olive branches should dwell together, in unity with the former five, and then Madame Huillier's wrath got the better of her. She pro tested that her chairs, her beds, her fanteuils and , her house were let to cany five, and five only? , nay. she swore in broad (lallicao, that she would not stand it; and poor Mr. Mason, with all the mingled cares of diplomacy and matrimony on his head?unaccustomed to the lingua franca?unable to express the troubles of his affectionate heart was seen for days together wandering about the back streets of l'aris, his olive branches dangling at his heels, seeking for shelter and a home. Ob, cruel Madame lluillier! But I rejoice to My that after innumerable difficulties and most ruthless re fusals, Mr. Mason has found repose in the solitude and classic shade of the quartier Beaton, where amid the sympathies of his large family, he breathes forth the sorrows of a man who has nad greatness thrust upon him. I do not mean that family great ness, which caused his extradition from the avenue (Iabrielle, as that would be to reflect ?Mn. Ma30"' the excellent and valued partner of his joys and woes, but doubtless the bushy Minister often thinks that President Pierce was more kind than wise when, from among all the citizens of America, he called upon him to watch her interests and repre sent her dignity at the Court of the Tuilenes, where large families are thought as great a bore as a heavy ^Thefreouent suicides committed in this city are becoming a most glaring feature in the French cha racter. Not a day passes but that the columns of the daily journals have two or three to record, and the touching air of romance which is cast around the narration, it is to be feared, does not tend to mitigate the evil. For instance, to-day we have the followingr-Ernestine, a young woman of an ap pearance singularly prepossessing, has been carry ing on a liaison* with a iourneyman printer in the Faubourg St. Martin. She had suspicions of his fidelity, and at once furnishes herself with a pan ?f charcoal and a pint of brandy. Having careful y closed her bedroom and guarded against the admis sion of air by sheets and blankets attached to the doors and windows, she lights up the deadly fire and swallows the lethean spirit. In due time, one of her female friends calls, and becoming alarmed, has the door forced, when the poor girihs foiind calmly reposing on her couch of death. On her bo som is placed, as if it had received her lastgaze.a daguerreotype portrait of her lover, and on the table beBide her are the following words addressed to him ?" 1 am about to die. Pardon me, as I do von. Youhave made me suffer a good deal during the last three weeks. Adieu!?take carc (>r the little dog!" The said little dog being a prcsent from the man, which the poor lovelorn creature had taken the precaution of securing in a room adjacent, that it might not be injured by the fumes of the charcoid she had prepared tor her own death; aud not a diy i asses bv but similar incidents occur. lTmay remark that marriages are not frequent w th the working girls?the ouvriire* of tins me t otio1w except as a spccies of commercial specula tor Thov love, and as is seen, love passionate y, and spite of prayer or sacrament, without scruple, unite themselves to the object of their affection, F ? t^ino aU eoes on well-the peculiar custom of liv ing in flats und sets of chambers in large houses, preserves, if necessary, the externals of society from iriurv, but the thing is too perfectly4 la mode? to ouire any super-reflncment of delicacy. In the horning, each resorts to his or her occupation in their respective ma gas in ; and in the cveniug.the) meet again, to form their mlvage, with ad tire regularity and sobriety of married lite. If this con nection, as it too frequently does, has not come to a violent end. the birth of a child brings the affair to a climax. The little one is immediately?comme 4 Vhnjptudt J>a;/^l,acked off to ft 91 nnree, and tha pattuership ia amicaoiy dissolved? each party contributing towards the nece^ary ex pense-'. the young woman has by no means lost Mth, and probably soon after makes a ^ convenancc, while the gentleman seeks his fortune eli AnSerican engineer has invented an apparatus for obstructing the passage into the port 01Cron stadt which the Emperor of Russia, and his son, ibe Grand Duke Constantine, have been liusnecting. It consists of a square wooden frame work, fined with enormous stones, and presenting sharp stakes Btickinr out, and coming to nearly the level of the water, 'it is said, however, that the immersion of these machines is a difficult matter, and that it is not probable they will answer their purpose. The Czar's visit to Cronstadt docs not appear to have '"'FhTcwirtof th^Tuileries are in perfect seclusion atThe weScrhas'lSStfiil in the extreme. After fM^ht and forty hours of incessant rain, it lias leu the atmosphere so cold and winterly that flieshave been kept burning in private dwellings and many ^The building and demolitions of Paris are in no wi^e interrupted by the warlike state of aff.irs. One woul.l rather suppose that the Emperor s sole Sion was to erect'anew city, so unremitting is the labor. Kossuth's Speech at Shtfflflil. ENGLAND'S POLICY IN THE PRESENT EUROPE AS' WAR. On Monday evening, June 5, a public meeting was held in the Music Hall, Sheffield, at which Kossuth made a speech. Kossvth said?I felt it my duty to accept the honor of your invitation, because I thought it due from me* to do what I could for l'oland. (Hoar, hear.) I considered it a solemn duty on my part to bear testimony by my prcsemce of the community of the cause of l'oland and that of Hungary; to bear testimony by my presence, that 1 take our cause to be the same. (Hear, hear.) Nothing else would have induced me to rise once more before an English assembly. I get a fever at the very idea of making speeches again; but if you command me, sir, to submit to the habitual rules of the occasion, then you must give me authority to be rather free and true thin to be "flattering. (Hear, hear.) I will 1 will speak calm words, but I will speak of faults In the past and of present duties. Still, I am glad, sir, to see that you nave carried tlirce resolutions, without interference on my part. What is there re maining for mc but to try 11 1 can e-.tablsh sympa thy, and it may be strengthen you in the determina tion to act energetically ami consistently, accord ing to the spirit of those resolutions which you huve carried spontaneously. Sir, there has been, perhaps, never a political problem the solution of which would be so clcarlv and completely deflned by historical precedents as "the Oriental question. In this you will agree with me if you will recollect that "the supremacy of llussia against which, and the independence of Turkey for which, you have taken np aims, is not a miostion sprung up over night. It is an old one, remounting to centimes, but especially to the battle whicli the heroic Charles XII. of Sweden lost at Pultowa, in 1709 ; aud to the second fact, that the Orand Vizier, Mehemet Bultadshi, bribed by the blandishments and the diamond* of Cathe rine, let escape Peter the Czar at Falezi, in 1711 Since that time there has been a continual concate nation of the same drama going on. The partial ccnnucFt of Turkey, the subjugation of the inde pendent Tartars of the Crimea, the dismemberment of Poland?Finland torn away from Sweden?Na poleon's campaign to Moscow in 1812?the occupa tion of Moldo-Wallachin, in 1848, and the invasion j of Hungary in 1847, are all acts of the same drama. I The history of those events offer such a clear indi cation of the policy required on the occasion of the | present war, that if its monition be disregarded wc may predict with perfect certainty that your cause must be unsuccessful, and that your sympathies will be in vain. Gentlemen, in the public life of nations never anything is accidental. There everything is cause and effect; and whereas like causes" produce likeeffbcts.it is only from the practical lessons of histotj that we r/.ay learn what faults we have to avoid, and what means we have tocinploy.aad what couti-o-\seh.ivetoadopt. Now,there aretwoaxioms t'olaM out foi tUc prc&m thg precedent* of the great political drama in the Eut. lhe tirst ia, that tbe duty of an act of political mo rality never can be Delected with impunity?(hear, Lear)?that every MKh negleot is fraught with the necessity of atoning it, with aacrific** increasing ft?p by step?(hear, hear)?which, however, never will remedy the evil, unlet** tbe wroog occasioned bj that neglect be redreased. (Cheers. i In politics a fault i* equivalent to a crime, ani therefore no false political step can ever eacapo punishment. The necoud axiom id, that not every alliance is tdvaa tagtoua; that sometime to bava one enemy more is tbe burcat way to victory; and sometimes ta have one ally more the moat positive way to ruin?that to entangle onoeelf with an unnatural alliance and to neglect natural ones equally dangerous. Allow ice to illustrate these assertions by Home pertinent facts. thf time tlmt lUwsia to grow it l effua;- an liereaitary maxim of west i/n Turkey u necessary to Karope Hut hngland and 1 ranco committed the mistake not to comprehen i that a free and independent Poland, and_ a free and independent Hungary, in their turn are indispensable an well for the existence of Tur key, as also for that higher European aim for which the existence of Turkey is thought to be necessary. (Cheers.) Instead of comprehending that truth, they have erred in two tbuigs: that the despotic ruler of that anomalous compound called, collective ly, Austria, is to act as a barrier against the pre ponderance of Russia. Prom that error Austria be came the pet of many of England's ministers and Parliament; but not of the people (Hear, hear ) Of this 1 myself, my own humble self, am a living testimoiy. And happily ministers, whatever be their personal merits, and M. P.'s ar& passing, the IK?ople remains. (Cbecra.) The quo*fon is, which are right?tbe people or the government? In my opinion, facts are tne best criterion of the soundness of a policy. If u certain line of policy ha J full and free scope to exert all its efficiency, then, if we see that the propo.-c<i aim has been attained, we may say that the policy has been a sound one. But when we see that just the contrary has happened, we must judge that the policy was a wruu/ one. That is clear, 1 think. Now, I ask, dil all the fond lings and pettings of Austria prove eflicieut for the aim of securing the independence and integri ty of Turkey, or of checking the preponderance of Russia? No, you are now compelled to go to war for this very purpose. There is the answer. Now, for God's sake don't allow your government to per sist in a course which has had such a fair trial, and which has proved so eminently wrong; nay, which has proved Itself subservient to tho growing supre macy of Russia. Right about, gentlemen. Let your policy tum upon it* heels. That would be good se*se. But to persist obstinately iu marching in that direction that would bo something other. And again, I say, it is a fact that Poland had to be quar tered and the very constitutional existence of Hun gary bad to be abolished to make that overwhelming preponderance possible. These two unjustifiable crimes have been the stepping stone to the growing ascendency of Russia. If that be a tact, then it Is likewise a fact that if Poland would still exist, and if Hungary wore free, neither Turkey would be in danger now, nor Russia would be overpowerful. (Cheers.) Now, if that be a fact, then help Poland and help Hungary to be what they ought to be, ani your point is gained. (Cheers.) lfnot,not. There is no shuffling of the inexorable logic of events. There is the linger of the Almighty in it. Turkey alone? tbe acknowledgment is tdue to her perspicuity and good seuse?Turkey alone did comprehend that truth both as to Poland and as to Hungary. As long as the Sublime Porte was left free to follow its own impulses, there never has been a constitutional and anti-Austiian movement in Hungary which the Turks have not supported. And as to Poland, so much was Turkey anxious for the maintenance of the Polish nationality that, up to the partition of Poland, there scarcely was one treaty concluded" between Turkey and Russia Yshereby the Turks did not stipulate for the independence of the Polish na tion. lx>ok to the third article of the treatv of Falezi, to the first article of the lirst treaty of Con stantinople in 1712, to the twelfth article of the second treaty of Constantinople of 1720, and you will see what care Turkey took to have it stipu lated that the Czar never should appropriate to himself anvthing of the Polish territory, aor in any way interfere with the affairs and gorern ment of the Polish nation, but unite with Tur key for maintaining the rights and independence of that republic. (Cheers.) That is a memorable fact, gentlemen, worthy to be remembered just now when you have yet a choice in Axing upon a course for the present war. (Hear, hear.) Had this policy always been acted npon consistently and reciprocally Russia would never have grown dangerous to the world, nor would Turkey have been in danger now, and Europe together with it. Unfortunately, both Poland and Turkey departed once from that wise policy. Poland, at the time when the Turks, sup porting one of the national movements of Hungary, advanced fo far us to besiege Vienna, in 1683, then it was Sobicski, the gallant King of Poland, who saved the dynasty of Austria in that war. W oe to the memory of that woeful day! On that very day the fate ot' Poland was sealed, and the basis laid for the decay of Turkey, and for the growing ascen dancy of Russia. Had Sobieski then taken t'.ie Hungarians and the Turks for allies, instead of allying himself with Austria, Poland would be exist ing, living, free and independent, and Hungary also v ould be free, and both, in my opinion, would be Christian not less than now, probably more, because ?I speak these wordsnow upon calm reflection?the crescent has always proved moie Christian, as re spccta Christian toleration and freedom of con science, than the cross in the hands of certain dy nasties?(loud cheers)?who tall themselves Chris tians, but whose joiigioli is ffot ulc gospel, Tmt despotism. (Cheers.) However. Sobieski, reaort ingto the unnatural alliance with Austria against HuBfehfy and Turkey, then deprived Turkey of the strength neccssary to make effective her solicitude for the independence of Poland. As to the house of Austria, whose history is but a record of lies and broken oaths and violent ingratitude, it rewarded Polani by assisting in the crime of the partition. Turkey, also, did once depart from that wise'policy. It was in our own late struggle .in 1848! Then it not only did not support us, it did not even maintain the neutrality of its territory. It rather allowed the territory of the Turkish provinces to be usurped, and the means of transport and provisions to dc made sub servient to Russian aggression. And look, scarcely five years have passed since, and for that one fault Turkey has now to atoue by a supreme struggle of life and death. You may see by these two facta what it is to make unnatural alliances, and what it i ' to neglect natural allies. Vet as uo fault in poli tics ever can escape punishment, England itself is obliged to share iu the retribution, because in 1*48 Engiantl also had its share in the fault, if it be not more than a fault. a? you will presently see. The Czar did occupy i* 1*48 Moldo-Wallachia?lie did violate the integrity of Turtey?lie did trample upon its in<!er.cudeticc. Tu a word, he did every thing which his having repeated now again has uroused, alas! even too late, your indignation? into war. Nny, he did more; he carried on war againtt the very Turkish territory, and yet the Eng lish government advised Turkey then not to pro offi cially?these are the very words?not to go into any hostile collision with its stronger neighbors for the maintenance of its neutrality. (Cheers.) Oh, I have feen the wisest and the best of Turkish patriot? tear their lioary beards in despair, and weep nifter tears over the fatal necessity of having had to yield to this advice of England. (Cheers.) Had that advice not been given, you would have been spared all the dangers and sacrifices of the present war, for on that very day that that advice was given, the present war was'horn. And yet England did not even 9iop at that one step of unfortunate impolicy. When the Czar of Russia had accomplished hU ambitious crime of armed interference in Hungary .he did it l>y not only advancing one gigantic step in hi* ambitious career of supremacy over Europe, but eaue ciaily prepared his present blow b> usurping Turkish territory. Yon remember in what manne r the English government met that tremendous Mow. It declared solemnly,officially,thut her Majesty's government did not consider the occasion one that would hive called j for any formal fxpre-sion of Um opinion >\ Great IJri i ti.in on the subject. Why, the impei i ?tis necessity of the present war shows that, not for any sympathy for Hungary, but in the interest of England, it wouhl heve teen the doty of England to prevent that dangerous encroacoment by aruu. (i/iud cheers.) Instead of that, they had no opinion to exprc-s on the subject. W in, in my himble opin ion, that was a manifest encouragement; it was a let ter of impunity granted to the Czar for encroaching upon the liberties and independence of En rope. But, pentlemen. yon are now wondering, when yon hear that the Czar finds somewhat strange and unexpect ed the affected solicitude of Fnriww for what it now calls "the Independence of nations.'' Why, lie liad done all there things before. He had done worse things, witl^ut haviiyj met the opposition of Eng land?nay, having further the encouraging assu rance that England had no opinion to express on the tubjcct. And yet, gentlemen, the Janger, and the pi e?ont war with it, could have be?n prevented without any sacrifice on your part. At an early period of our straggle, I sent n govern ment agent to England to apply for the mediation of Englar d. England had but to speak thus to Austrial:?"We desire you to settle on equitable terms yonr quarrel with Hungary; we cannot allow the neutrality of the Turkish territory to be violated, and its provinces to be usurped by Russia,''?and the question would have been settled at once. Austria could not have helped yielding, and we, who were certainly a modct and peaceful j eople, would have been then well contente^with j Keeping our laws such as they were. AnoWhad t\en a precedent for my application for the media tion of England. England had already, on a simiiar application from Hungary, in revolution, negotiated pence between mv nation and Austria. It was in 1711, an 1 England's honor was pledged In guaran tee of the rights an! constitution of Hungary. Tliat has been done In a mere domestic struggle. Ours in li43, according to the statement of Eord l'aimentoa, had tuc eharocter of, aud tha im rwt tuu yw pcopo^iviw ?c w iwpoitwtf Eww nM* transition And atill. do rmi remtaber what vu tb? answer of England s government to my application for the mediation of B? land In oar time of need. The anawar was, Her Ma jest y 'a government can receive no eonunimica tion respecting Hungary only by the diplomatic or gan of his Imperial Majesty the Emperor ofAartria, at the court. (Cries of "shame.") Thus h*? been treated by England that Hnngary in whose battles ?he freedom of the world, your own peace and po sition up to-day, had been at *take. (Chen*.) And mark still that progress. When I, a.* ohiel trate of Hnngary. applied to England for mediation, I presented an opportunity to yovr government lo -pare vou in the inevitable dangers of the coming war. Did I a*k vour m<iney?did 1 a-k your blow ( Not a shilling ; not a drop-only one word?(loud cheer*) one word, which, without tlie sacrifice or on- (-hilling und without the shiddlng of one Fng li,h drop ot blood, would have spared you the jue went war. (Cheer* ) That word was refuaed. Wc were f-ent insultingly to the door* of the Austrian minister. It wa* certainly a si gnal compliment, bu. vou have now to pay for it in yout^lood in tor rents, and your money in innumerable millions. I he storm has coma home to yoursel ves, and it h?"KB like a black cloud over Westminster Mall anil l>owQ" in a street. (Cheer*.) Now, I would ask you, gen tlemen, shall it.lie recorded in history been the hereditary policy of Eio^dand tcJ the cuih of Austrian despotism! With these warn ins facts of history Wore your eyes, will vou per ei* in the false policy of courting Austria?that Austria which already has been so mischievous, and the alliance of which, be ye victors or vanquished, could be but fatal to you ? Only please to consider how this mischievous policy embarrasses tne ac tivity of England's course already at the present moment. If there ever was a truth atnkmgWvoud anv doubt,undisputed, such is the truth, that, ei cent Finland, it ia only in Poland, and by I o iftnd, that Russia is vulnerable. Bombarding Odessa, Sebahtopol, Cromrtadt?taking mixes* boraiog the Kiwsian prize?, burn tne ttmflUm fleet, if you can get at them: nay, burn ;lu; st. Petersburg itself, may be all very noisy, good food for newspapers, but merely palliative, nothing of permanent eul-ct. The Russians mav. perhaps, themselves burn St. Petersburg aa they bumt Moa cow once. You will be none the better for it. If vour purpose is to tight and vanquish Russian desc 'potlsm-if year aim is to check the ascendancy of Ls-ia?if Jour aim is to reduce the overwhelming preponderance of Russia. it is in Poland, it is by Poland that you mu?t act?(loud cheers)?or else you will never attain your aim. To<J't>" stiuclion of l'olani into an independent nation is not an act of compassion lurking somewhere behind the screen of future diplomatic arrangement at the eud of the war. To you the resurrection of 1 oland ar. urgent, pressing, .strategical, tactical neces si v at this very moment. To you the resurrection of Poland is not only a rational aim in tais war?it is a means indispensable to attain ing anv rational end at all. Now you are at war with Russia: therefore it is certainly not for any fond indulgence for Russia that Knaland has not vet done that which instice. riffht, the expiation of" former faults, and the wisdom of present necessities advises to do. Such an indul gent would be weakness. bordering on collusion: roaoness bordering on ridicule. How is. it, then, that these gentlemen are still standing here (point ;Uf7 to the Polish refugees present) to plead for the cause of Poland before a Sheffield audlencc. instead ofXing larded from English war steamers in Samositia, and culling from their native aoilbraye Poland to resurrection and liberty. (Cheer.) Why is it V It is out of sheer complacency for A'wt-ia and Prussia. Your government knows verv well that the pulsations of a national resurrec tion c??ot be restricted to a toe. or anv other limb. but mnst spread to all the national body. Your government knows well that the mere structIon of what is Russian Iolan p ?0Jift h??>art mere mo- inrbine, and as Austria and Prussia hold part of the plunder which will have to be disgorged to make auain an independent Poland, then out of re gard for them, but cniefly for Austria, you still neg fect to do that without which you cannot succeed in vonr war. Be forewarned, people of England, be forewarned T ook to history- Ttiere in the mirror of the past vour own future is dangerous. I.'-'nem ber the campaign of Napoleon in^ Moscow in1*01. Mv brave friend here. Colonel Jhasz, was there. (Cheers) Napoleon undertook to check the grow ing aVcendancv of 3uasia just as you do now. And sjdAVd jffV'ift ??,4 i'StMwBoS.?8 aU? Ue.toew .bat Hu?ia though not formidable abroad, is anything but weak in defence. He prepa redalargearmy. SSM if?"? ?.*W3sE B? "a He went on by land. He knew-and he to have much ofVavaS?. The cavalry of his centre alone wus 40.000 strong. How much have you bj ttie bye in the East? He did not even neglect the' I?ltl'1^ expedient to substitute for Polish nationality ti e idea of Polish legions, just as you be trip to do in the Fast Besides, he also looked for alliances jiu t (is vou do, only less a politician than a soldier: lie addre^ed hirmelf to wrong He addressed himself to whom' To Austria ata C precisely as your government does. I V a-rs m?r tit ? Into he iiiirried the daughter of the Emperor Sciy Sria Both? Prussia ^d Austria \ielded to the courting of the mighty C ipsar, Ixjcame his allies, and sent two auxiliary armies to aid him in his camn&'Kn against Russia, ^.ou know the rest i Skon lo.st J.V2M00 men, 107,000 horses, 2nd 1,222 fnns. One of his dear allies betrayed him safest rs'srt sr as ',Vd Famine which defeated .Xapolcon. No: lie was ts t Barsag*? and independent nation,^reduce the 8 rater* rSil to pjopoitions innocuous to Euro ceMi frcedoMu I rewat^ Uiat without Poland be ng fcconstnicted an independent nation, no expedition against Russia can succeed, the aim ot which Is to reduce the power of Russia to proportions innocu ous to European liberty. ^Cheers.) Mi>w, would yon think that Napoleon, with hifl comprehensive genius, did not understand that truth? Certainly he did. How, then, came it to pass that he ad vanced uprainst Russia without having, in the very onset, reconstructed the independence of Poland ? Why, it was simply a tacit but necessary con.sc (jv.cncc of his having takeu Austria and Prussia for allies. To reconstruct Russian Poland has been till now,and willbeinallfutnre.a ridienlous compromise between heaven and bell by whirb no ?o'd is to be saved. It would be a second edition ofthc Cracow re public, doomed at tlie very hour of its creation 4i> torclgn dependence and reiterated absorption. Na poleon l.tiew this?lie dlrl proton*}}. But to recon struct Poland, without (iallieia and Posea, its \ital limbs, he could not. because he was allied to Aus tria and Prussia, l'hus this unnatural alliance de prived h.'tn of the possibility of realizing that mea ? me wit?u.ti< which. in my hrrmhl? opinion, and 1 l ave studied history, there was and there is a mid nesa ia belie, ing that Russia is to be vanquished. Mink this striking lesson of history well. You are hi the same predicament: the situation is the s.ime, tfce condition* indiVpeostrWff to success are tbe same. the danger* ot unnatural alliances the same: the only difference in the situation is that Russia ha'* (jrown stronger in the meanwhile by your own fault, and that y>u have nnt tin aimv of 000,000 men in the lield. If with ait these evkeut practical warn ings 11 hlfctoi v.l nglai d stili persists in courting the fabe favoisof*Austria. and ibus persists in parali/. inntfio-e (wo nationalities, without the ro-openllon of which neither Turkey can be con-ervcd, nor Rus ?la's power reduced, nor a solhl attd durable Eu ropean peace gained. Knglaud trill, step by step, entangle herself into increasing difficulties, tumble from one fulee nituatiou into another, as die has li?en tumbling from the very beginning up to the present day: and (he end trill Ik rjin .sacrifice*, ruin andme. (ientleraen, I have lately read lu tin' Fast day sermon of the Rev. J. Cronipton. of Norwich, thete'words " The sins by which Po land. Hungary and Italy have been sacrificed, doubtless ate now come down upon England. T.et us not diigui.se the fact, nor fritter it info tin meaning phrase? and li;> worship, but acknowledge that we have sinned by seeing, in silence. Injustice doue. and our brethren crashed and liberty Broken. Let as pray (iod that for our sins of national policy and neglect of public duties we may not be punbhed by freedom suf fering defeat in onr liauds." (I.oud applause ) l>c lieve me, there is profound wisdom in these truly Christian words.' Th? <iC C&i p&si *re < i>me down npon England. In the case of Poland, it was the sin of neglect of the duty of political morality, the lesujt of which had grown to Mich an ;extent that without redressing the wrong done, yon can enteitain no prospect of success In your war. In the case of Hungnty, that neglect has already drift ed England to a most anjnstinable impolicy, i ou have already to lament the effect; vet I, strong in my right and speaking to freemen, who will know to bear the truth, 1 exclaim?"Proud England, mind! live years age, from sheer complacency for dt--poXic AwiXiia. Vhoa viivW prevent the Alliance be twee i Turkey and Hungary, historically proved to be natural to both and necesaarv to Europe s liber ties, ta!?e care aot to coaunit th? name error uow (9 tUc wwuiWS'i LatoT s (mad that a fault repeated with conscious premeditation become# a poiieical crime.? And no fault in politic* Of ped punianinyat, ana none ever will iteaiMnber tlut inexorable fate, which pre?uiert over the logic of events, will not always oe content to limit the expiation of political error:- to mere poumin, shilling*, and pence. For the unbound and filw policy of hindering natural alliances, and courting unnatural ones, there nitty be yet o*her evil* in store of retribution, than a doubled mcome (at, or an augmentation of the national debt, though thin already be not a flight malU-r any how. An.1 really,gentlemen, to uo people haw the course to be followed been more clearly traced, by I >oeoent*. thau to uMianu on the present occasion. All you wiut !s to h* in your minds, with acrupti lou- precision th< aim which you desire to attain by this w jr. He notlfcoiiteutjto shout?" W e fifrbtfagaiust ?spothm- we light for iuatice?we fight for the ..?.?iti~?s ol Europe" That's all very weil said, l l if vour nutioii'ju policy does not answer taut BBving. it is mere lip-worship. Liberty is ? iii/h ar.'d sacred name;still not bo high ani ?acrid as the nsimeof the Almighty and vet this \<r> name is taken often n vTtiu. I'ettne what you mean by tbat liberty whicli yon intend to tight for. l'ou wish to ma'iatuin thei|independence of 1 urkev. You wish to reduce the inordinate ascendancy ot Russia. Ihai's all ver good; but how! iu what manner shall this be achieved' This you must define. Have you detiiu'd this r Then you can but come to the i-ame conclusion? t > which I come and they ure the following:?lf\oi' ni'-na.to iipht for freedom you cannot siJe w'tli Austin*. He who si.lea with des potic Austria, aides with desnotism. (Applause.) If you mean to fight for the right* andinuependeuce of nations, you cannot side with Austria. Au>tria is thcimpersonilied violation of the rigiiti4anil indepen dence of nations 11A on desire to vanquish despotism, oppose libert* to it'aud not Austria. Austria i? des potism. (Loud applause.) If you desire to secure the I inJ pendence of l'urkev do not hinder the indepen dence of Hung irv; and as a means to this effect mind not to prevent Turkey from taking the Hun- ( garian nation for an ally, as yoar government was and is pre\entinc at C011 .tantinople. (Hear, hear: and cheers.) If you mean to che' k the prepon derance of Russia. you must help Poland to re construct itself su indP|>endent nation, or el.?e Rus sia s preponderance will not be checked. But 1 do not aav, '? re-construct Poland,'' 1 say "help Po land to re-coiihtruc l herself," There is an essential difference. Nations manufactured by diplomatic treaties tever have lusted, and are of no use. (Ap plause.) A gift of to-da v may be retired to-morrow. "Who would be free* themselves must striko the blow." (Loud ehsera.) Therefore, if you desire to see Poland re-ooustrueted an independent na tion. help Poland by fighting for it. To adjourn the (ine-tion to ?orue future diplomatic manu facture at tie end of the war, would be a great mistake. It would compromise, not only the issue, but also the operations during the war. Besides, who knows how matters will stand at the end, should England neglect the means indispensable to successAnd 1 was saving help Poland to recon vict itself an independent nation. She whoso ex istence is depending on foreign protection, is not independent. Nations mu-t know to stand by thjmseives. and having friends for neighbors, united to them by community of interest?neighbors with whom they form, one for another, a reciprocal bar rier against foreign aggression. Therefore, please to mind this, a patcli of land, invested with the name of Poland would not be a reconstruction of the I Poli.?h nation. It would be a mere fiction?nothing else. Only Poland can be Poland--nothing less. (Appian-e.) Whoever remembers 18-18 will ac knowledge mr right to 3ay that if there be one man | all over Europe who may boast of having proved himself to be a friend of Poland. I can say so much. (Applnu-e.) Now. I know, backed by some English state-man. there are some pretended diplo matists. with Polish name, who are now fawning ou Austria, at Constantinople, with the purpose of gaining her over to their scheme of patching up ; some portion of the quartered limbs of Poland. I don't know for what turn. Well, let them fawn! As to the form of government of reconstructed Poland, 1 have certainlv no riarht to interfere. It is the Polish nation alone which must be left free to decide this. It is meritorious in the party to which these gentlemen belong that,by calling itself democratic,it moans solemnly to acknowedge that it is the nation at large which has exclusively to legulate its own domestic affairs. (Applause.).But, though 1 have no right to interfere with the domestic ntTairs of any for eign nation, still, as a true friend of Poland. 1 may sav so much.that such an idea of patching up one portion of Poland might well suit, perhaps some personal or party purpose6: but the idea is neither polish nor national. We have all heard of Poland being partitioned by foreign powers, but I trust to Polish honor we never shall hear that thai nation has lent her own suicidal hands to partitional body. (Cheers.) No, Poland only can be Poland: any miseiabie subst itute would not ever, be an advantage to Europe, a-, without foreign protection, it abso lutely could not stand. And. again, please to con sider that if even such a Poland, as it should be. were patched up between the three great despotic powers?Utr-sia. Austria. and Prussia?a free coun try it nc-ver -ould Ve. and would soon perish again for wo ot oi free air. But Poland, reconstructed with its national territory, and having for its neigpbor Hung, v, i?e? and independen, such a Poland thus piaced. will be secure, independent, j fiee. and an insurmountable harrier ogainst Russia's encrcftclimeuts upon Europe. (Hear, hear.) Thus onlv is Russia's tiower to be reduced?thus only is Turkev to be eecurcd. If you wish Russia to re crws the Pruth, and patch up some miserable >V \? ! ?/ho paper trervtv. and then come home to sleep npen far iaurcls. it wcie better to go to sleep at once, Without anVlaujfcfc. But if you are earnest in the profes8;on "of vour "better Aims. then, in my humble opinion, whet vou want is, first, to have the war popular with vour own people. Now. either I am srosslv mistaken, or else the ca?e is all over Eng land the same a3 we have to-day witnessed iii Sheffield: the war is popular with the people of England because "t means to tight for freedom, and ; it hopes lhat som? real advantage moy be brought , about bv the war for the oppressed nationalities. I have taken great care in ascertaining th.it fact, and I am perfectly convinced that it is only by tin., reason tbat the war is popular among those who do not measure gieat objects with the short yard ot sma'l paitv purposes: with all those who know of I ! some wise and nobler aims than to help either the tories or the whii;j to make j?olitical capitifl out of whatever object, "and with all those who bear not a j sordid piece of coin, bat a sound heart, in their true . English breasts, (l.oml cheers.) Now, if England i I is joined bv despotic Austria, and tliiw KngLind sacrifices Poland, ana Hungary. and Italy, in my 1 opinion, in th;> long run. it would be impossible t > throw dust in '! e eyes of the people. It will bp c.<- ir. ! and the war will li-Ve erased to lie popular. (Cheer.-.) Wlint vou ftaitbcr want is the support <-t p>i>i - opinion abroad, ion will lose it by takiu.c ?! ? po:ic Austria for an ally, because he wiio tights -i'i I by side with Aiu-tiia lights tor Austria: ami to i for .Austria is to fif-'ht against liberty. However w I may cab the word.thut is the issue. (Ciicer< ) oai tou further wnnt is, if !iot co-operation, at len-t :^c ?jood will of the Christian provinces of t?>e TnH.pr empire. Now. if yon draw Austrio to yourselves. i will drive Servia. Buljjuria, and, iu all probability, also Wallacliia, to the < /ar. No Enropeati Mate- ia a who pretends to know anything about the real cndi tion of the world can deny the fact that, in ail t.iose Turkish provinces. Austria is by far more hated than i Russia i". I want not to reason on this subject, lean i point to the declaration of the Servian government. ! n Uiressed to iieschid Pacha, on the litli April last I There I find these w?uds. The government of Scrv'n writes to the Sultan's government:?'"Even u niit'in-that the Cr.ar should attempt to enter Helvia. we can boldly iliirui that the entrance of Austrians wool I bo' ? v.-rv unfortnnate nieasnre. \r,v auxiliary foice >v!. ever would be preferalde io t'liote #f Austria, The Servian nation enu-r ains ?'i neat a mistrust, not to say pronoiiuced hatn d, ol \r?tiia, that the whole action of the Servian: would i e turned against the A us ri an troops, and all the inei .-y of the natiou would be employe I a.;," ust tus enemy, in wnotn wc ihuoiu the jKTsoinfieiiUoa ! <?. a gracing ambition." Xow, is tint clear fnongh? : Vint rccollect, it is ;lic government which -ipcak I this, aud governments r.so alwjya, of course, ssme ! receive in expre.'-sitir popular sentiments. IJut?:or- | iaJnly I know MnI tuff Servian can speak calmly of I 'Jc L'y.ar, whilst lie c.'::a >' ven pronounce the n.iiue of Atimi without a cin*e. .Vn<l that Servla is . thiie. ou tbe thtat.e f war, :itm1 can riise j l.",oi)<iO men, is <ert:?iu. Xow. will England, by taking Austria for an allv. force the brave Servians to light asaiuvl Turkey, by forcing Turkey to have ? i Austria for aa allv? what you further w;>nt, in my opinion, is to enl'ist on your side, heart and soul, i tberolif li and Hni/garian nations?Poland, without which the power of Ru>?ia is not to be reduced; Hungary, without which neither the integrity nor the In fepcnilence ot Turkey is to be secured. ' (lb ar. acar.) ??W(?t MM) you will |M> them both if von take Austria for an ally. And whatyon ftither'want is the alliance of Sweden. (Cheers.) In a>v opinion there is no existing government, the i alliance of which in tbe present war would be more natural and equally advantageous to you than that of hetoic >w? den. (Cheer?.) Xow "what is it yon I want In older to attain that end? You want togive Sweden a palpable pie Ige that you are earnest in your I intentions of reducing the overwhelming power of Jfti ssia so as not to leave it exposed to the revenge j of an overpowerfnl neighbor. That is not a vain apprehension. Sweden has already once trusted its , ioitunea to England. It stood by you to the last at ? your worst moments, and in reward England left it ' :n ilie mire.; she r.nctioned the loss of Finland. : Now, in what manner can yon sive this pledge to brave bwede h '( Bombarding Odessa, Bebastopol, CroDitadt ? That you may do to-day, and make yoar peace, notwithstanding, with the C/.ar tomor row, having H(veden exposed to his avenging grasp. There is only one means, gentlemen. Call i'oland to arms?(loud and prolonged cheering)?and. by calling it to sumo, you will give a pledge to Sweien that jou are in ea:ne*t in the intention of reducing the power Of lttuaia. (Cheers.) Call i'cUuid to arms. MJ m viiibftit sewed U*e ?UiaiK? of torn den. WHhont such a palpable pledge, I, at least, believe that King Oacar will hare a right to re flew before ho trout* his fortunes to England. but thitS PJ?7 .i*l perhaps, some who flatter you with the idea that for the low of all these you will find Ml ample comix?n?*Uon in the active oo-operatioa of the Austrian annie*, whjie they warn tou that Am tna, though pruue to with the Czar, will to dangerous to you. N(,w^he Austrian compound of armies u certainly conspicuous by bravery and intelligence. I wouldntver wish to Lave a lettv army to lead, provided they were heart and soul enthusiastic for the for wlroh they were left to fight. But \.rvn-< iy there ia the* rub with England on the pie*ent occa sion. If the dynat>tv of Austria will be dganait you. the nation* subject to Austrian oppression and pontuig for d>ii\\*rance, will be with yo?_ (Cheers.) If Ati -trinu despotism will be agamM. you, the freedom ot the national allies will be with you, the opinion of the world that you aie really'fighting foi th" freedom and independence ol I'm rope, and not for the security for the priuoiple ot di?|K.ti.-m on the continent in one of it* worst shapes. < Hi there is an Immense power in that opinion. (Cheer-.) No Austrian alliance can compensate foe it. With this, and anch a lien on your eide, you oan not be earnest in thinking Austria* dangerous. Only look to Poland, and from Poland uiross liunganr and Croatia, down to Italy, and from Italy baoc to Switzerland. Hind Switzerland, gentlemen. (Cheer.-.) No danger, gentlemen. Tin* Austrian d\natty, within th.ee months, would vanish like A dream, amidst the exultation of all humanity, and to the lasting advantage of Kuropeari liberty, in compatible with that dyne.-ty. (Cheers.) No; the dauger is just the other way. Suppose Austria should dare to join ) ou sincerely?I rejK-at the word* sincerely?against the Caar. her saviour, her de liverer. Why. in justice we must own it would be, the most monstrous ingratitude after all. The worst of bandits, whatever they may be towards t)i? rest of mankind, are at leas* 'faithful one to the other. Bu*. vile ingratitude is the leading feature of the character ot the llapsburgs. Poland save4 them?partition was the reward. Hungary saved them?the abolition ol' religious liberty and the suppression of her constitution wu* her reward. Napoleon saved thein, and he was sent to .St. Helen* in reward. 1 myself saved them. Yes, gentlemen, in March. 1848, aud having had the power thus te speak to them, within the verv walls of their owe imperial palace at Vienna, " Be just to Hungary, ana I will give to the House of Hapsburg paste and security here at Vienna." (Loud cheem# Having ba?t the power thus to speak to thee 1, unattended and alone, and they tremblinglr ac cepting the offer of my generosity?who can aosbt of my right to say I had their existence in the hsi?> low of my hand '! and from an excess of loyalty I saved them?woe the day!?and, look to my counter, what is the reward'( (Cheers.) Some months later, as I have explained in the beginning of ?? bumble speech, Lord Palmerston's diplomaov saved, them?hated to the very heart, in reward. The hangman, Haynau, saved them?driven away is re ward. The Czar saved them?now, suppose they fight him in reward. (Hear, hear.) You mnat ac knowledge that that monstrous ingratitude cannot fail to push the Czar to double his energies in doing what, an Ce.ar. would l>c lawful tor him to do acoord ing to the acknowledged laws of war; he will ad dress himself to some of those nationalities, and of fer his, and claim their, concurrence for pun ishing Austria. A strange concurrence, yen will say. Strange, indeed. 1 tremble at the very idea of the possibility. But atiC. not a bit stronger than Eugland pretend ing to fight for the freedom and independence of Europe, and still taking Austria for Its all/. (Cheers.) Now, will yon think it so strange thatlf by England's impolicy, driven to extremes, them shall be no choiue left but to compare Kusaian and Austrian despotism. Perhaps there are to be foswl some who will think that if Russian despotism re sembles the bold violence of a political highway-! man, certainly Austrian despotism might be oooa pared to the miserable business of a political piok pocket, who occasionally gives a stab from behind. (Laughter and cheers.) Be forewurned, people of England, be forewarned. Though you oannot lalhtes all the depths of the terrible feeling of seeing one's self betrayedd)y those who ought to have helped, if England, by taking Austria for an ally, shown that it is not fighting for the liberty and independ ence of European nations, but for making Austrian oppression and despotism on the Continent sore, if it is England that takes from the lips of the oppressed the ripe fruit of deliverance?if it is England which prevents Turkey from recurring to its natural allies so necessary to Europe, and if it is thus that Eng land drives some of the oppressed nationalities to des pair, then England will certainly have no right te blame them, it some of them accept the concurrence even of the Czar in delivering themselves from Aus tria. There is the real danger. Oh,it would be madness to believe that the oppressed nations will. in passive submission let pass such an opportunity?the provi dential opportunity?of such a complication aa the present is without trying to break their chains. One way or the other they must do it. They will do it. It rests with England to decide the direction. (Loud cheers.) Save despotic Austria you ought not?you cannot. There is no help for that " slok man." (Laughter.) But in one case, the fall of That execrated dynasty would profit freedom; in the other, it might profit Russia. There is yet another danger which England cannot escape if it takes Austria for an ally, and that is the danger of Austria's insincerity. But of this danger I wifl not spenk now. Perhaps f may do so soon in another plaT. (If- ar hear.) The subject which has occu j.Iid err . Itcntion this evenjng, is too great and too comprehensive to be disposed of on one occasion ia all its bearing?. And besides, I feel confidence ia yonr own penetcation, that you will understand that Austria which stands in history as the personifica tion of faithlessness aud insincerity, even when it had the choice of being faithful and sincere, in the piesent emergency innst prove faithless and msinceie to England, not only from its here ditary nature, but from necessity. My words are not. required to prove tfcat which time an! apoec and heaven and earth testify. Besides, it was not on the ground of Austrian insincerity that I deciied chiefly to pla:e my argument of to-day. .My argument is, that alliance of Austria with Eng land would be unsound, unnatural, and subversive of any rational aim which England might rationally contemplate to attain by this present war; and I have only to add, that the worst of all possible alliances is that which must prove a sheer embar rassment In ease of victory?must prove a certain danger and ruin in case of defeat, and whick* lef icles, is fraught with the danger of fuithleasnese ami insincerity, and sueh is the alliance of Austria; sri h w?uld it he to England on the present ocear si? r. (< lien-.) Sir, 1 have humbly to thank the aidci.te for the gcr.erons attention they have i ? 11 iiri mc with :o. more than an hour. I certainls v. ot !d h it h you to bi v.. r::i and enthusiastic for theft t i oi poor < ppr'-s-ed Poland, and for the cause of t ??;. < d liberty in general. Stil I claim credit . i ! have not uitieuwxd to overtake your reason 1 _ it :li?'g into yom I.eat t. It is by the light of ? n at:a bj reasoning that 1 try to find my way ?i it h? *i ?f. (I.oud chcera.) I may have been and trdiou ("No, no," and cheers)?but if I ? . ? e : d< d in allot ding some material for com :. i\ <? ft flection 1 shall bless the hour when we t, gir I lev* does. I have not recited a lamen tation <\cr my own country's sufferings. 1 hsve pakin of Englatid's honor and England s interest. As?) oursell I certainly am full of confidence; hip pen what may, lll-erty shall rise from the immortal giave. (I/Ou"d cheers.) lleniember that the Saviae once tone mun'ercd, but not dead: sol would, in conclusion, repeat the very words which Sheffield lieu told me in one of its atldri sses in 1861 "There )t a future for every nation which has the moral reatuesa to love national virtue in corrupt times.'* (Protracted cheering.) Our filiation* tvltli Cnba. *!fai!rM (Way 81) Correspondence ot London OlnonMa.) I understand that no faither despatches hare jet I mi icctived at the United SUtcs I -egatlon respect inif the I'luck Warrior affair, but tlut Mr. Soale ex ] ects ,'liortlv to n reive ilinetlou on the subject. A* regard* "li e Spanbh government, they have no i.'orbt given full instructions to Senor Cueto, their in v envoj at. V.'afhington; and the matter will pro Iiii ly be settled by mutual concession, unless tto i riian government are d< lermined to have a ,u i .el about it. The <ii*mi.-tsal of (leneral Pe zi fin was not asked for by name b.v Mr. Soule, thou h, iih ilie dismissal of all the autbori tii s who inteiv?kfl in the aeiKure of tlie lllack Wnitior was demanded, he was necessarily in cluded as the chief authority. It in thought, bow over, that the American government may be satis fied with ihe dismissal of the custom authorities, whodescive punishment, not for seizing the Black Wairior when they did, but for "conniving at that .-learner entering so many times before in the aana way, and thereby evading the transit dues, for which they doubtless received a consideration. The gnat 1 increase of the customs revenue at Havana sinoe General I'eauela's arrival is considered by official | persons here as a proof of the great amount of cor ' rnption that existed in that department of CutML The n mission of the fine of $6,000, in accordance with the petition of the consignees of the Black Warrior, is considered here as a great concession. On the whole, it is most likely that Senor Cueto has power to arrange the aifair, unless the opposite par ty ait; bent on a quarrel, which, however, many pcifcons here consider to be the case. The Gadsden Treaty. LAW grAV.il! 1. Mil.AI.IVH TO THI SPOILS. [From the l.oDdon News, June 8.] DM'ORK VlilX HANCKl.t.OR SIR WILLIAM PAGK WOO* ?M'iiARfcl. r. BAIllNU AND OTUEUS?Tllh BONDHOLDERS. Mr. Uolt and Mr. Coldsmid moved ex parte tn restrain the defendants, Messrs. Daring Brothers, from parting with a sum of 57,000 dollars, and a btil of lading for 7.000 dollars, whicfrhadcome into their hands tinder the following circumstanoes. In 1S4C, i the various classes of Mexican bonds were consfUda ; ted into one debt bearing interest at five percent. 1