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Wise Hen of the Seventy Be fore the Governor. Professor Dwight in Advocacy of the Cumulative Clause. HENRY L, CLINTON BACKING HIS OPINION, Ho Sign from the Governor and No Signa ture to the Charter. Albany, April 26, 1872. Governor Hoffman devoted to-day to the hearing ?f the arg^nentB of parties who desired to present their reasons why he should or should not veto the Committee of Seventy's charter. The Executive chamber was thrown open to all comers, but there were few persons in attendance. The audience was quite Informal, and the interchange of opinions chiefly conversational. The Seventy, through their representatives, have stuck to their pet measure persistently to the last, and they have hopes that their untiring efforts, aided by the elaborate argu ment of Professor Dwigiit, may induce the Governor to allow the charter to become a law, and leave the question of constitutionality to bo decided by the Court of Appeals. The Governor listened with marked attention to all the statements on either ?tide, and in the course of conversation called at tention to various sections and asked a number of questions, but ho did not Intimate, one way or the ?ther, what HIB FINAL DECISION would t>e. Both sides feel quite confident?the one that he will sign and the other that he will veto it The Governor will have uutll early next wcok to return It to the Legislature with his objections, If he should decide to do so. Meanwhile be carries the darling document In his capacious official pocket, and both sides await the issue with the deepest interest. During the day the Committee of Seventy were represented by John Wheeler, ex-Governor Salo mon and Mr. Blmon Sterne, and afterwards by Professor Theodore W. Dwight, of Columbia College law school, who arrived In the afternoon to argue In favor of the measure. Mr. Henry L. Clinton ap peared on behalf of those "reformers" (chiefly office holders) who are opposed to the new charter, because it puts them out and provides for the elec tion of new Incumbents. Mont of the morning was devoted to a conversational interchange of senti ments in respect of different disputed points, prin cipally that of cumulative voting, its theory and its practloe. When Professor Dwight arrived he made an elaborate argument in favor of TUB CONSTITUTIONALITY OF THE CIIARTER as it passed both houses, notwithstanding all opin ions to the contrary. Ho remarked In the com mencement that the Governor should not veto It upon constitutional grounds, unless Its unconstitu tionality waB plain, and that It was the duty or a court of justice, after solemn argument, to dispose ef such a question. If the Governor should dispose of It by his veto It would be without proper discus sion and review, and such a decision would not be final. On the othor hand the courts could be trusted to take a careful and accurate view of it In all its bearings, and therefore the Governor should let the courts decide tho question, unless it were clearly unconstitutional. Mr. Dwight proceeded to argue that it was NOT UNCONSTITUTIONAL, dwelling mainly on the subject of cumulative vot ing, that being the principal ground upon which the claim of unconstitutionality was based. He re ferred to the two clauses of the constitution which. It was asserted, conflicted with the provislous for cumulative voting. Tlio first clause was in article X section 1, to the effect that every male citizen of the age of twenty-one years who shall be duly quali fied, as described, shall be entitled to vote "for all officers that now are or hereafter may be elective by the people," and the second clause was In article 10, section 2, to tho effect that all city, town and village officers, and all other officers whose election or appointment la not otherwise provided for by the constitution, shall be elected by tho elec tors of such cities, towns or villages, 6r appointed by such authorities thereof as the Legislature Bhall designate for that purpose. lie then explained tho evident object of these clauses. That of the first was simply to define ? ? TIIE QUALIFICATIONS Of Vllfe' VOTER fts to ago ana residence, and to exclude all com ftaratlve property qualifications which had existed n earlier constitutions. Thut of the other cluuso was simply to transfer the power of electing locjll officers from the central authority at AJbuny, wnere It formerly exfcten, to the Joeal ftuthoritles them selves. Hence he contended that these clauses had no reference to the subject now under considera tion. The only limitation in the constitution was that officers in cities should be elected by the electors or appointed by the proper authorities, and consequently that the constitutionality of cumu lative voting depended solely upon the inquiry whether an election under that system could be Bald to be an election or not. He argued that It would be an election in the true meaning of the term, because all tho ordinary modes of election wore adopted, the qualifications of the 'electors were uniform, and the mode of collecting and can vassing the votes was according to the usual prac tice at elections. The only remaining inquiry, therefore, would be whether this cumulative sys tem corresponded with the general ideas Involved In an election in a representative form of govern ment. This naturally led him into an examination of the essential elements of A RKFBKSKNTATIVK FORM OF GOVERNMENT, and which, to preserve the continuity oi his argu ment, he pioceeded to define. The representative system, he said, must be so shaped that tho major ity, If they were so disposed, should have greater weight in the representative body than the minor ity. He claimed, however, that the representative B.vstcm did not require each elector to vote for all Sub representatives: for, if thut were so, all the members of the Legislature would have to be on u single ticket and each voter would linve to vote for the whole Legislature, Instead of, as at present, for memtiers In designated districts. It had long been conceded that the electors might vote in districts; thus the cumulative vote did not differ from the or dinary vote, so far as TIIR ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS OF REPRESENTATION were concerned, except that it allowed a different mode of grouping the votes. He argued that If there were 9,000 voters who voted for nine men, any system by which 1,000 voters could concentrate their wills on a single man would be a representa tive system; that it would not be possible for 4,000 to have as much weight in a representative body a* #,ooo, as that accordingly the majority would liavo precisely the weight they ought to have, and uo more. This, he said, was one of the leading excellencies of tho cumulative system. Pro fessor Dwight proceeded then to show some positive advantages which might rea sonably be expected to follow the adoption of the cumulative system. Ono of these was that it would be likely to increase the lutcrest of the minority In Hie government of affairs. If the minority wero absolutely excluded from a vote, in the Hoard of Aldermen, for instance, they would soon lose much of their INTEREST IN THE ELECTIONS I ?While, on the other hand, if they were sure of having a representative who could protest and raise a voice of warning, when anything was wrong, they would be more likely to see that such repre sentatives were elected. The minority would bo likely to be discounted If they were ent irely excluded from a voice In the representation, if, for ex ample, all the Aldermen should be electcd <>n a gene ral ticket In a city like New York, and all were of one political character, the minority would be res tive, uneasy, and the ultimate result might be a serious disturbance. The easy working of the rep resentative system being a thing greatly to be desired, the true statesman should s<vk to frame laws in such a way as to remove as far us possible til CAUSES OF MSOONTKNT. Such discontent he claimed would bo practically removed by having a proportional representation In the Hoard. He contended further that It would be to the advantage of the representative body It Hell to have difference of opinions among Its members. That would lead to discussion, argument and some times denunciation; but the majority would In this way bo menaced bv tho minority, and would be likely to give more careful consideration to measures than If the body were nil of one political character. There was also a strong tendency tn public, opinion towards this cuiuulutive system as a means of alle viating existing evils. Leading political thinkers Advocated It. and that wan one reason why, If It were constitutional, It should have a fair and prac tical trial. The results of these general considera tions, he said, was that cumulative voting was only A PIECE OF POLITICAL MECHANISM to bring about a more complete svHtem of represen tation. It belonged to the modes or methods of rep resentation, not to Its substance, and there was nothing in the constitution to interfere with these modes. He held that It devolved upon the oppo nents of the system to show its unconstitutionality, because the ruling of the courts was to the effect that tho legislature had fhll power over the entire Held of legislation, except so far as restricted by constitutional provisions, and was accordingly necessary to show that there was some constitu tional provision to restrain the Legisla ture from enacting laws governing the manner of holding election. In this connection Professor Dwight answered some objections that jiad been made to the cumulative system In the ?obl?tfie<! opinion of Messrs. Lawrence and Clinton. he Drat objection was that THE CLACS1 IN ARTICLE TWO, ?ectlon 1, to the effect that the elector Is entitled to vote for ''all" offlcers elective by the people means that he mast be allowed to vote for every candi date, and that the cumulative vote does not permit him to do so. His answer to this objection was that the clause In ques tion was Inserted In the constitution for au entirely different purpose, and simply to coun teract the provision In the old constitution of 1777, tint there should be dlffereut propartv qualifica tions of voters lor Assemblymen and fceuators?a voter for Assemblyman being required to be worth ?20, and a voter for Senator ?100. This dis tinction occasioned mnch dissatisfaction among the people of the State about the year 1820, and the con struction given to the old constitution uuder it ex cluded from the full exercise of the elective frun chlsc 78,000 persons who had property and who were otherwise entitled to vote. This dissatisfac tion led to the formation of TUE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1821, and the framers of that amended constitution pro vided by this clause that there should be no dis tinction between a voter for Assemblyman and a voter for Senator with reference to property quali fication. That such was the Intention of the clause was clearly shown by the debates in that Conven tion, and particularly by the speeches of Van Huron, Van Vechten, Eiisha Williams and other prominent men. This clause, therefore, said Pro fessor Dwight, does not lend the least countenance to the objection, and It was in corporated in the present constitution for the same reason. The second objection of those who were opposed to the cumulative system was that the word "vote" in the present constitu tion meant casting only one ballot for one man. The answer to this clause was not intended to de fine a vote; that point was only alluded to inci dentally in connection Willi qualifications of tho elector. The whole object of the section was not to determine what a vote Is, but to proscribe that an elector having certain qualifications should have A KIOIIT TO VOTE, whatever the vote might be. The third objection was that the elections must be uniform in all the cities of the State, and as this cumulative system was contlncd to the city of New York it was not uniform and consequently was not constitutional. Tho answer to this point was that there was nothing in the constitution requiring elections to be uniform In all cities, that tins construction was only inferred from the words of article 10, sec tion 2, and there was no more good reason to infer that the elections should be uni form than that appointments should be uniform. There was no reason why the people should desire to have elections In the different cities uniform. There might be very strong reasons why they should not be, as a mode of election which would be w?ll adapted to a large city might be quit unserviceable in a smaller one. It was unreason able to suppose that the people of a large city would tie themselves down so closely in the constitution that they could not, from time to time, vary forms which did not Interfere with tho sub stance of elections. In conclusion. Professor Dwight referrod to some of the evils which he said those opposed to the charter had conjured up, such as that the cumulative plan was A MAMMOITU SYSTEM OK KEPEATINO. and that it was "a grand game of chance." To these he answered that there never could be any repeating under it unless by outlaws; that no honest citizen might fear the charge ol repeating who cast the vote which the law allowed him anil no more; and that It was preposterous to call It a game of chauco, because tho result could be made a matter of calculation. Finally, he repeated to the Governor that his veto would not settle the matter, and that the wiser course would be to leave it to the Court, unless he were clearly convinced that it was unconstitutional. Mr. Henry L. Clinton, who during the day had been disputing mooted points with Messrs. Salomon and Stern, for tho edification of the Governor, briefly replied to the argument of Professor l)wlgnt, who, he contended, had not answered any of the points In the opinion prepared by Mr. Lawrence and himself against the constitutionality of cumulative voting. He held that the learned Professor had en tirely begged the whole question. Mr. Clinton argued that the proper rule of construction of a constitution or organic law was that language used In the Instrument should be interpreted in the sense In which It was understood at the time of its adoption. At the time of the adoption of our State constitution, he said, voting meant that one eleotor could cast ONE BALLOT FOR ONE MAN, and that It never had any other meaning. In Illustrating this proposition he referred to the Canclme case decided by the Court of Ap peals, In which the Court had held that tho word "jury" meant twelvo Jurors; that tho provision of the constitution which guar anteed the right of trial by Jury secured a trial by twelve Jurors, and no less number. Tho phrase "trial by jury" had no more tixed and definite meaning than the phrase "entitled to vote" In the State constitution. It followed necessarily that voting in a constitutional sense meant casting one ballot ?or one candidate, lie contended that the constitution gave every elector the right to vote for "ull officers," aud that this, hy necessary implication, carried with It a prohibition against any elector voting more than onco lor one officer. If an elector were obliged to nse several votes for one candidate in order to oflfoet a cumulation Of Beveral votes of another elector for a single can didate, ho conld only vote for part of the whole nine Aldermen to be elected and would be deprived of his constitutional right to vote for all. There was no express provision In the constitution against women and children voting, and yet inas much as the constitution provides that "evfcrymale citizen of the age of twenty-one years'> who was othoiwlse duly qualified. might vote, women an<l children were by implication forbidden to Vote upon the same prin ciple, Inasmuch as thS constitution permitted every elector to vote for "all officers," which meant that he might vote onco for one officer. This pro vision contained, by the same BeeeMIT implica tion, a prohibition against nn elector voting more than onco for one office. It might Just as well be argued that statutes expressly authorizing persons to commit crime would be constitutional because there was no provision In the constitution which expressly prohibited the enactment of such statutes. He contended that cumulative voting was I CI.RAKL.Y unconstitutional; that it would legalize repeating and prevent the discovery ami exposure of election frauds. In illus trating this part of the subject lie said that under the present system, If the inspectors refused lo give a candidate credit for the whole number of j votes cast for hlin, the candidate could prove by the electors that they had voted for him; but under the proposed system of cumulative voting It would be Impossible for any candidate to prove that the Inspectors hail cheated him, because the electors could not remem ber to any great extent how many times they had voted for any single candidate. If the inspectors should perpetrate frauds and award a certificate of elec tion to the person not entitled to it the frauds of the inspectors could never be discovered, unless they exposed each other. A great many other ob jections to tho charter were pointed out by Mr. Clinton during the day, among tnem the provisions by which so many citizens would be disfranchised who changed their residences out of their Senatorial districts on the 1st of May, and all THE SCHOOL TKACIIF.BS would be legislated out of office on the 1st of July, with only a chance of reappointment. He pointed out the provisions in relation to the Commis sioners of Public Safety, and which appeared to him most extraordinary. The Department of Pub lic Safety embraced the Departments of Fire, I Police, Health and Public Buildings. Section 47 or the charter provides that the Hoard of Aldermen may remove anv or all of the Com missioners, and section 44 provides that va cancies occurring by removal, resignation, death or otherwise shall be tilled by the remaining Coin l nussionors. The Hoard of Aldermen might remove i all the Commissioners, so that there might be 110 re , maining Commissioners to till the vacancies. Mean 1 while there would be no Commissioners at all, I and there might be 110 heads to any of those departments. He also claimed that the j provision in relation to tho Finance Department ! was absurd and dangerous; that the Comptroller I conld be overruled by tlie four Commissioners of the Treasury; that the Mayor could remove the Comptroller at any moment on a mere caprice, aud TBI FINANCIAL INTEUKSTS OK TIIE 01VV be thus placed In the greatest Jepardy. Messrs. Salomon and Stern stuck to the C.overnor all dav, and went over with him nearly every sec tion olr the charter, explaining the objects of each us Intended by the Committee of Seventy, and an swering the objections that were urged against certain sections of their dar lug document. After Mr. Clinton concluded his rcfly to Professor Dwlght's eluborato argument all the gentlemen present withdrew, and the Oovertior retired to meditate upon all the wisdom that lie has listened to so at tentively to-day. MUNICIPAL REFORM. Thf Charttir DImomc4 by Reform Wnrrt UcUgattN?\ Home to Hon*" C'aitvaa* to Cnmmrn<!?-Th? Charter Endonwd. A meeting of the officer*, exccutlvo boards and election district committees of the several ward councils of political reforn. was held last evening in the medical college, corner of Fourth avenue and Twenty-third street. Mr. William H. Nelson pre sided. There were about two hundred and fifty persons present. Mr. Dkxtkh A. Hawkins was the first speaker. He discussed at great length the new charter, favoring it In every par.icnlar. He also claimed that those whom he was tlen addressing were act ing in conjunction with tha Committee of Seventy. A convention has l>een cal.ed, he said, to meet at ChlcKertng Hall, which will be composed of seventy gentlemen, and who will present a ticket that, if elected, will do honor to tho city. The nominations 1 would not be given to either professional politicians or professional office-holders. Mr. olassby, of the Eighteenth ward, followed, ne took the ground that tlie Council of Political Reform had no right, to rnako nominations, as their delegates had not been chosen for that purpose. Mr. Day, of the same ward, thought the body had a right to make nominations. During the discus sion several decidedly compromising compliments were bestowed upon the Committee of Seventy. Mr. hourne, from the Ninth ward; Mr. Jackson, from the Twonty-flrst ward; Mr. Warner, from the Seventeenth ward j Mr. Stricter, who came aU the i way froiii Albany to attend the meeting, an?l several others, took part In the discussion, which aa* uuiril a somewhat general character. Mr. Vance offered the following preamble and resolution, which, after considerable discussion, were passed unanimously Whereat! the Committee of Seventy have requested the Council of Political Reform to aamme the duty of effect ing a proper organisation of ail honest citizen* tor the coming election, anil w (teres* it is advisable that all per sons acting In the Interest of reform should be brought together and a strong organization perfected, therefore be It Keaolved, That the ward councils be urged to Imme diately take effective measures tor securing the enrol ment of all honest citizens In their respect ive wards by opening suitable enrolling offices at convenient locations, under charge of reliable men. where all honest citizens of the ward shall be in vited to register their names; that the enrolment he made dining three days, and that the hooks of enrolment re main open for public examination until the day of elec tion, and that active measures be taken for visitation from house to house to ascertain the sentiments of the citizens in respect to municipal reform and to secure the active membership of all citizens to the organization of the Council of Political Beform. After the passage of a resolution requesting the Governor to sign at once the new charter the meet ing atljotirned. PRESENTATION TO BISHOP M'NEIRNY, Large Meeting of Priests at Archbishop McClos key's Residence?The Address Bead by the Rev. Father O'Riley?Presentation of a Purse, Containing $3,850, by the Rev. Father Quinn?Bishop McNeirny's Reply. The majority of the priests of this city, and very mauy from the country parishes of the Archdiocese assembled last evening In the parlors of Archbishop McC'losky's residence, in Madison avenue, to pay a tribute of respect to Bishop McNeirny, on the eve of his leaving for his new home In Albany. The venerable Archbishop McCioskey was present, and moved around among his priests with a pleasant word of recognition for nil. Bishop McNeirny appeared vested In his new episcopal robe. The Rev. Father E. J. O'Riely, of St. Mary's, pre sided, and, at about nine o'clock, called the meet ing to order. He said that when the bnlls for the consecration of Bishop McNeirny came from Rome the priests from the archdiocese felt a unanimous desire to testify In some suitable way to their old associate their high appreciation of his merits, and to carry out this idea a committee was formed, con sisting of five pastors and five assistant pastors, whose duties, pleasantly onerous all through, were now about to come to a conclusion. In behalf, then, of the clcrgy of tho archdiocese he would read the following address and present it to Bishop Mc Neirny as containing an expression of the good will and esteem felt tor him by all those with whom he had beeu so long officially connected:? THE ADBKKSS TO BTRHOP M'NKIRNY. Right Rkvkkv.bd asd T>kar Kriknd?Tho priests of New York cannot allow the occasion of your leaving the arch diocese and of being elevated to the high office of Coadju tor Hishop of Albany to pass by without giving some manifestation of the sentiments of affection and respect which we have for so many years entertained in your re gard, and which wc now take pleasure In publicly ex pressing to you. Occupying from the time of your entrance into the min istry, almost without interruption, a position of peculiar delicacy and high trust, your relations have been neces sarily anil almost exclusively witli our archbishops on tho one side and on the other with tho clergy. With justice and truth wo can congratulate you on your faithful and zealous discharge of duty, as well us oil your faultless attention In all your Intercourse with ourselves. It is complimentary in the history of any one's careor as a priest that, having been selected for Important duties lu the beginning, he Is found year alter year retaining the game position; but the compliment becomes very much enhanced when there prevails a universal agreement that no other Individual could till the place so unexcep tionably. We are not unmindful of the great burden and the re nnsihiiity of your cplscopal olnce, and while In the llrst Sure we would Invoke In your behalf tho fulness of the vine assistance, in wishing you health and happiness we venture to olfrr encouragement to you and those who will now come under your lntiucnco, that In the future, as it has been in the past, there will be mutual satisfac tion and ample cause of commendation. Right reverend dear sir, we cannot call to mind any priest of our country chosen to be a bishop who had spent all his time, from ordination to consecration. In a better or purer or nobler school than that from which you are now going forth. Again, then, and with trust In our Heavenly Father, we renew the prayer, "ad muliot anno*." The purse, with Its contents, which accompanies our brief address, and which wc beg of you to accept, Is offered as arising naturally and freely In conjunction with the feelings of friendship and sympathy to which we have desired to give utterance in a simple and unpretentious manner. THB PDBflB. Tlic Rev. Father Qulnn, pastor of St. Peter's, then stepped forward and said tlia^ as treasurer of the fund subscribed by the priests of tiie arclull^so as a present to Bishop McNelrny, it afforded hlin great pleasure to bear testimony to the remarkable una nimity with which the priests of the archdiocese had CO-QpUBt6d with the committee. He knew that there was a general desire felt to know what VM the total amount subscribed to this nift, and he would therefore announce that tho purse he was about to hand to the bishop contained 13,850. Father Qulnn then banded the purse to Bishop McNelrny, who, on receiving it, made the following reply to the address:? bishop mwbibny's kepi.y. Tho pleasure which I experience thlH evening in be holding gathered here together the priest* of the arch diocese of New York In not unalloyed. Eighteen years of oflicial and social intercourse have taucrlit us to fove and respect one another. It is not. therefore, surprising it the words which have been just uttered should evoke from the depths of my heart feelings to whkh I fain would, but to which I am really unable to give expression. To-night our official relations as between brother priests are to be formally severed, and forever. But even so, I may bo allowed to express the hope that the ties of friend ship and affection which have hitherto united us In tho past may become in the future only more strong and more close. ...... .. If memory can dwell with so much delight on the re miniscences of davs gone by, I attribute it not to any good quality of mine, but rather to your own charity and kind ness and forbearance. Evidences of these on your part have never been wanting, and I feel that In the future I shall never, if needs be, bo deprived of them. They will, I am sure, prompt you to follow me In my new career with unvarying interest. They will Inspire you to beg of our Father In heaven to bless and protect me. Indeed of all this 1 am already as sured. And need 1 say how for it all I aiu deeply grate ful ? Never, never will I lorget it. I am not unmindful that It has been our common privi lege to live under prelates distinguished as lewnreiates arc distinguished In the Church, and to enjoy nil the bene fits that their guidance and Illustrious example were so well calculated to confer. I cannot hope to imitate them. It will be much If, when the occasion requires It, I can follow them at a distance not too great. Kor this, too, I doubtless will have your prayers, as well as the prayers of man v. The gift which accompanies your address isainunlll cent one. It has, doubtless, its own special value. But its principal value in my eyes lies in the fact that it Is the ex pression of a friendship and a sympathy which t value above all else. Thus offered, It becomes doubly acceptable and Is doubly prized. I have to regret that my utterances are not more worthy of the occasion. Such us they are, they are the outpourings of a grateful heart. Bishop McNelrny then Invited his friends to par take of a collation which had been prepared for the occasion, and In a short time the priests dispersed. THE NATIONAL GAME. Return Game Between the Baltimore* and Mutiials?A Splendid Contest?Vic tory for the New Yorker*. Baltimore, April 2ft, 1372. The return game of base ball between the Mu tual* of New York and the Baltimore nine was played this afternoon at Newington Park. Con trary to the general expectation, after the most closely contested game ever played In this city the Baltimore Clnb was de feated, tho score standing?Mutuals, 13; Bal timoros, 11. An immense crowd assembled to witness the game, and the shanties, sheds, brick plies and roofs of houses In the vicinity of the Park were thronged with people. A large number of ladies were present, and the utmost enthusiasm pre vailed. The beautiful plays made by the members of the respective clubs were applauded with perfect Impartiality, and the triumph of the New\orkers duly acknowledged by hearty cheers. At the close or the ninth and tenth Innings the score stood 9 and 0, but In the eleventh Inning the Mutuals made four runs, while the Balti more boys scored but two. There were six runs earned by the Baltimores and four by the Mutual*. Moth clubs played admirably, but two members of the Baltimore nine were suffering from Indisposition. The following Is the score ?xiNue. Cbif*. 1*. 2V. ith. VA (>M. 7th 80i. 9th. 10t?. 111*. Mutual. ISltiflllO 4-1.1 Baltimore 0 1 3 0 0 2 3 0 0 0 2?II Bane Ball Notei, Next Monday the Mutuals and the Mansfield, of Connecticut, who have recently beeu admitted us ! contestants for the championship whip pennant, j play on the Union Grounds. This will be the first professional game In this vicinity, but will not be ! a championship contest, as it takes placc before the first of Slay. To-morrow (Saturday) the Kckfords open plav on the Union Grounds, their opponents belug a picked nino. KU KLUX IN KENTUCKY. Cincinnati, Ohio, April 2ft, 1872. A special despatch from Louisville, Ky., says:?On Saturday night a party of twelve or fifteen disguised men went to a house occupied by colored people, who are employed on the farm of James Church, a few miles from Frankfort, and demanded admit tance, which was refused, whereupon they began beating In the door. One of the Inmates fired a pistol through a window and ran out through a back door, out was shot in the right arm and severely wounded. The other Inmate, seeing that resistance would l?e useless, opened the door, when the mob rushed In, dragged him out, l>eat him In a brutal manner and ordered him to leave the country, nnder pain of death. The next day the colored men packed up their things (tad went to Frank/on /or safety. LYMAN TBEMAIN. Interview with Him on His Position Toward the Liberals. HE WILL NOT GO TO CINCINNATI. What He Thinks of the Liberal Move ment and Its Leaders. SOFT WORDS FOR SOREHEADS. No Hope for the Success of the Cincinnati Ticket Without Democratic Assistance?The Peo ple Take a Broader View of Af fairs than Politicians. Albany, April 26, 1872. The announcement made in the LIkiiald letter fTom Cincinnati, published on Tuesday, that Lyman Tremain would be the probable presiding oilleer of the Liberal Convention to be held In that city on the 1st of May next, hat* created considerable ex citement among the political friends of the Judge In this nectlon of the State. Common rumor of lato has placed Mr. Tremain in the ranks of the liberal republicans; but no one at all familiar with his views as to what (he republican party ought to do at the next Presidential election has suspected for a moment that he had already "pronounced" in favor of cither the Philadelphia or Cincinnati wing; for, with all his political liberalisms, tho Judge is a shrewd politician, and knows as well as the shrewd est how, when and where to keep his own counsel. He is, however, a TrtoRoron republican in every sense of the word, and not exactly the sort of a republican who would, If he kuew It, do any thing to help along In life the democratic party, which he denounced from the stump during tho war, and assisted In keeping under after the war was ended. I called upon him last evening at his elegant residence, in State street, for the purpose, If possible, of'ascertaining whether or not ho had really consented to preside over the deliberations of tho Convention, and at the same time learn from him jnst WHAT nE THOUGHT OP THE CONVENTION, the men who gave birth to it, and Its probable re sults. He received ine with his usual urbanity of manner, and, after a little general talk about mat ters and things of no public Importance, I referred to the letter in the IIekalh, and asked him If tho probability mentioned In it was likely to become a certainty, as far as he was concerned. Tho Judge looked at mo rather sharply when I bluntly put this question, as though he was half Inclined to flatly re/use an answer, or at best "beat the devil round the stump" In a way that would be perplexing to his inquisitive visitor. However, if this was his determination, he finally "chose the better part" and frankly replied "Well, sir, I know a great many of my political friends arc going to Cincinnati. Many of them are going there simply to see what is to be seen and Hear wliat 1h to lie heard, and a large number of them intend to take an active part 'nthepro iin?a rnwiv linve unreel mo to (?o witn tiiomy ana the Invitations, coming [vola tile won tlivy BySS".1"--, Foollnu Sflsss J? 2VSS5*. Mr* e. ,0 c Thln ft^wfr^ame quickly and In a determine.! voire effectually settling the aueption of the Cln SnVSmunBhlp an far asllr. Tremaln 1b con cerned INTENT) TO OO, and, a? a matter of course, 1 will uot preside ovei tl'e < - >.ooi\ at any time approached on the BuSTthe clmAanJdp by my of the liberal re?AHUICBald'before, I have been very strongly urged that h<* \i;ul not committed himself to the plans o Ihc liberals' -what do you think about the Cinciu Da"l hear Seat'deal of talk about It among my S?S ss" ^E5 good men will follow In their wake. I do uot think rz35?3fesst - ? HHirirsts ItiMsKli fore a good republican Joins their ranks. 'W&t&SEZ IMt tti? present ""jmln BSSSiss i iMKii us Tom Murphy to the Gollectorshlp of ! .w York w*H a very nice exhibition of statesman ! ip; but .tier Be ?? W!!>?2?J "Vof."K t o rottennenrt exinuun *?? huve iiHSSIfSS granted that the lTesident was anxious to graiuui thi pofi lak wiix, _ vssi ''????" Trvsri saw ??? i ment is being ^Trted^?]ver,T?J?oTfiwl that the ; SSBW5W wiui an ! w..wlll or i but I cannot say things may happen uot. for you know many th ngs^. ^ # i bet ween now and the day oi^ wluU way wm ! man make up h? ml , nature(1 Binile, i vote;" and the Jmlge sum ?<? ? * . full of meaning, w ho uuu MkC(|* ?tr)at th0 ?i n nMh?^Clnclnnat\ Convention will have any i Philadelphia Convention?I mean, I effect upo th l .! P u> t certaln planks In In the roattei of l J K overboard the candidate ^KM?S.SKro.l?e.un, U.c no,,,, "^lUlinnt think It will have much effect upon the rt JudDhla Convention as far as the tatter's can uii/i I- oneerned. Indeed, I think It matters ?uttii. who the man is whom the Cincinnati convention will nominate as far as the other Con S concerned. Even though the former should take hold of the most prominent, and purest republican they can find, the other Convention wll nominate Orant. 1 think t hat the indications point To his certain nomination no matter what tho other Convention may do. As to the effect the ono may have on tho platform of the other, that Is another question, it may make such a good, sound platform that the other Convention will be found to put some of the planks in its own platform; but there would be nothing out of the way In Its doing this. It would bo simply an act op noon potior, aud tbe Philadelphia ConvcaUvn wyuid be very un | wise, Indeed, If It did not take advantage of every* I t hi it j' possible to make its platform sound and i strong, even though to do no it would be forced to take a plank or two out of the platform of its rlvalH." "What do you think about the chances of the tit I timph of the candidates of the Cincinnati Conveu i tion ?" "That Is a question which may be answered lu various ways. You see the Cincinnati Convention , is an experiment, aud the history of past experi | ments or the kind shows that success does not fol low them. You, doubtless, remontber the Cleve land Convent lou, and how the candidates withdrew before the electlou took place. Then the Miila delphlajCouvcutiou wan another example. It Is very liaTa to get the people to believe in these ex periments. The Cincinnati Convention may be an exception." "Have you any Idea, Judge, that the liberal republicans can, of themselves, poll enough votes I to defeat Grant, supposing the democrats run a separate ticket of their own f" TAKE GRANT REtoiltf A DEMOCRAT. "As to that I think the case Is a very clear one. Every good republican will prefer Qraut to a demo crat, and the only chance the democrats would have of electing their own ticket would lie lu the power of the liberals to poll a strong republican vote for their candidate. This they cannot do if the democrats run a ticket of their own." "Why do you think so?" "Because, as I said before, a (rood republican will prefer (.'rant to a democrat. Now, my opinion is that the only hope the candidates of the Cincinnati Convention wlH have of an elec tion rests with the support of the democrats, if they can poll a large republican vote ami be sup ported bv the democrats Grant will have a close run of It; but If tho democrats do not support them 1 do not think they will have a ghost of a chance." THE "LIBERALS" NOWHERE WITHOUT THE DEMOC RACY. "Then the success of the candidates of the Cin cinnati Convention lu the long run will depend upon the democrats V" "Precisely. The democrats have the whole thing In their own hands. The Indications are, as far as 1 have been able to learn, that the democrats will not nominate any ticket If the action of tho Cin cinnati Convention is satisfactory; but what their ideas of that "satisfactory" are Is a question which I don't think anybody can answer just at present. The liberal republicans are well aware of this, and will, no doubt, endeavor to so shape their action as to draw the democrats to their support. To do this, and at the same time make a platform that good republicans can stand upon, is no small task, nnd it will doubtless exercise tho ingenuity of the framcrs of tho resolutions to a considerable ex tent." "Then you believe that alone by themselves tho liberal republicans are powerless to defeat Grant ?" "I believe so, for this reason:?If the democrats run a ticket of their own every good republican preferring Grant to a democrat, and seeing that by dinging to tho fortunes of tho liberal candidates they Indirectly help to elect a democrat, will go over to the other side and SUPPORT TUB BEOITLAR REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES. "Tills Is m.v candid opinion, nnd If the democrats run a separate ticket the result, I venture to say, will bear me out in what I have said. Indeed, I will go further, and say that If the democrats run a candidate of their own the liberal republican party will go to pieces and the rank and tile go over to Grant, so as to prevent beyond a doubt the electlou of a democrat." This ended the Interview, and, thanking Mr. Tre maln for his courtesy, your correspondent with drew. MISCELLANEOUS POLITICAL NOTES. Speaking of the Cincinnati gathering, tho St. Louis liepublican (passlvlst) says no convention for the lost fifty years has met under more favorable aus pices. It is, In every sense of the phrase, "a peo ple's convention, owned by no party, directed by no faction, hampered by no selfish Interests, but seeking only the greatest good of the greatest num ber." The Cincinnati Timm thinks the mass meeting In Porkopolls should bo called tne "Dolly Varden Con vention"?it win be composed of so many different colors. | A Western paper asserts that tho democratic managers at Washington have sent money into tho South to pay the expenses of delegates from that section to Cincinnati who will vote for Davis. General Slgel goes for Grant. The Milwaukee Sentinel says the liberal republi can meeting held in that city on the '20th Inst, was a failure, and adds that "whichever way the oppo sition political cat Jumps, Wisconsin will give a heavier republican majority next fall than ever be fore." General Ix>gan, Rome of the quid mines say, does not sympathize with the Cincinnati movement. "Grant aud Wilson" is the Presidential ticket of the Missouri Drnuxvat. Which Wilson? Tioga county republicans will send a large dele gation to Cincinnati. Matilda Fletcher is stumping Towa for Grant. A .State that is governed too much?Florida. St, Louis is moving for the honor of holding the Democratic National Convention. Defrees goes back on his old friend Colfax, and Colfax is trying to go back on Dcfrecs. The Chicago Times (democratic) asserts that Charles Francis Adams could not carry a singlo Western State for President. Helper (of "Crisis" notoriety) has started a lib eral republican campaign paper in North Carolina. The "Cincinnati conundrum" Is the latest title for the Liberal Convention, aud Iloracc Greeley Is ex pected to solve It. All the members of the Wisconsin delegation are candidates for another term in Congress. In the First district (new) C. G. Williams, of Janesvllle, is most prominently named, and iu the Eighth Messrs. Barrow, Pound, Mclndoc, Kingston, Miner, Alban and Stevenson are already entered. John P. C. Shanks, Member of Congress, lias car ried the republican primaries In the Nlntli District of Indiana. J. N. Camden, of Parkersburg, beaten for Gov ernor of West Virginia in 1808, is likely to be the democratic candidate again this year, Governor Jacob going upon the Supreme Bench. In the Klectornl College of 857 votes, this year, the former slaveholdlng States will have 134 votes, the Western States 102, the New England and Mid dle States 109, and the l'acltlc States 12 votes. Therefore, according to geographical apportion ment, the South is still the leading political power in the Union. The St. Joseph (Mo.) ITerald thinks the "Cincin nati movement will compel the republicans to be tolerant; to permit a wider latitude of opinion and expression on all topics than has heretofore been allowed by dogmatical and narrow-minded leaders." Ex-Judge Jerry Black, of Pennsylvania, has no very exalted opinion of the Cincinnati movement. Connecticut will be largely represented at Clnctn- I natl. Delegations will go from Hartford, New J Ilaven, Watorbury, Norwich, Norwalk, Stamford, New Canaan, Plalnfleld, Danbury, Wlnsted, and many other placcs. The Hartford I'ost refers to tho sentiment in the State as follows We are so far acquainted with tho sentiment of the State In relation to the movement as to feel warranted In saving that It has the support aud has received warm expressions of sympathy from citi zens occupying the highest political, educational, financial and theological positions, who by the very I reason of their position have felt unwilling to pub licly endorse a political movement. The St. Louis Republican thus maps out what the Cincinnati Convention should do:? The platform framed for it ought to he brief, sim ple and pointed. There Is little danger of leaving | too much unsaid, for, when the movement gets fairlv started It will have its own say about all vital questions liefore the people. Its real platform will be framed by Itself, and will be sin aggregate of tho whole national and local opposition to the policy of the present administration. It is of much Import ance that a good ticket should be presented?a ticket representing, as far as possible, the virtues which its antagonist does not possess?Intelligent statesmanship, respect for the laws, stainless per sonal repntation, and high oitlclal probity. The Boston I\mt (democratic) speaks of the Cin cinnati Convention as a tide of enthusiasm that rises higher dally all over the country, and regards It as a movement of the peoplo, "silent, steady and determined." The Cincinnati Enquirer (democratic) says the contest for the Cincinnati nomination for President seems to be narrowing down to Charles Francis Adams, Lyman Trumbull and Salmon P. chase. Mr. Horace Greeley, J. Gratz Brown and Jndge Davis, of Illinois, will not be without friends; but the concentration of the pnbllc sentiment that Is in this movement Is upon the first three named candl dates. I The Cincinnati Commercial (antl-admlnistratlon) | remarks, In regard to tho Convention, that It is the i political enigma of the times, and that there will be more excltemcnt and feeling about its proceed ings than there has been In regard to any popular assemblage or representative body since tho war. The Washington mvuNlcan, administration, re marks that a Northern democratic paper believes that the Cincinnati convention is "another Sumter call " Yes the rebel call to fire on the Star of the We?t, which la Grant, we suppose. ! THE CINCINNATI CONVENTION. Influx of Liberal Pilgrims to the Shriue at Porkdom. A TEUTONIC-AMERICAN HODGE PODGE. Rich Cargo for Sale, with Pig Iron at the Bottom. THE DAVIS AND PALMER TACTICS. Trumbull and Grate Brown Both "flailing In"? Fenton and MoCluro Diioarded?A Bough Shot for Charles Franoia Adama?The Proposed Soldiers' Convention in Hew York. Cincinnati, April 28, 1872, A large number of delegates have arrived, and the dlillculty of evolving order out of this chaos of In dividual and irrepressible angularity seems to strike all. Everybody, no matter how Insigni ficant? Gorman or American?has his own notions. Ah a leading spirit said to-day, "There Is too much* Intellect In this movement." It is now generally believed that Davis is not a possible candidate, tho arrogance and activity of the Congressional and editorial democrats having expended them selves and opened the eyes of the Convention to the .suspicion that the Davis .movement Is a matter of bargain and sale, with ubundaut pig Iron at tho< bottom of It. Davis will get on the first or informal ballot the full votes of Maryland, Indiana, and per haps Pennsylvania, with part of the votes of Iowa and some of the Soutaeru States. PALM BR' a FRIENDS SELLING Oirr. The friends of John M. Palmer, who Is Davis' most bitter rival, have concluded a sale with Reuben E. l-'enton and A. K. MoCluro, by which, after the first ballot, Palmer is to get solidly New York, Pennsyl vania and Indiana, with us much of Illinois as ho can carry off. It seems that Palmer despatched M. 11. Brown, Instantly after he endorsed tho liberal movement, to hold this conference with tho Eastern political merchants'. Greeley Is understood to have transferred to Fen ton attorneyship In the premises, and Palmer, re ciprocally, Is to go back on revenue reform and consent to have a protectionist for Vice President. It is general talk here to-day that Palmer and Fentou have made this negotiation. TRUMBULL'S CHANCES. The Western free traders have taken tho alarm and will rally alternately to the support ofTrnmbull or Drown, both of whom are unmistakable revenue reformers. Trumbull will show considerable strength at the outstart. Schnrz, Koerner and tho leading Germans aro for him. He will havo tho bulk of tho support of Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota and tho whole of New York. (JRATZ BROWN WILL PROBABLY BE NOMINATED. If thero bo any faith In the word of Henben E? Fenton, Gratis Brown will come In with Missouri, Kansas, Kentucky, Tennesseo, Arkansas?per haps Mississippi and Louisiana?and at tho pinch Maryland and some scattering South ern votes. It looks very much as if Brown might be nominated. He will bo present In person, and, It Is urged, he will encounter less op position from the democrats than any other candl date, Davis uot excepted. TOO LATE AND TOO HOI'OII. George E. Pugh Bays that If A (lama be the candi date lie will stump Ohio for Grant. Mr. Adams has no other strength than Ohio and New England, and perhaps a few votes from Michigan. NO SHOW FOB KENTON, M'CLURK OB WARMOTII. The original movers of the Liberal Convention are already disgusted with Teuton and McClure, and look upon them as political speculators, coming here to peddle for power. The Convention at Cincinnati will be composed of original and Indignant men, and peoplo like Fenton, McClure and Warmoth will be handled without gloves if they attempt to cut up shines. Adams' letter is looked upon as a piece of "High Joint1' snobbery. Ml I.ITAICV CONVENTION IN NEW YOItK. A Soldiers, Convention will be held In New YorK in May, to protest against Grant's nomination at Philadelphia. The call is signed by Generals Kllpatriok, Bartlett and B&rnum. J. D. Cox or Judge llrlnkerhoff will preside over the Convention. THE NEBRASKA LIBERALS. No tlflf Mcnsnrri for the Prairie State? Philadelphia Must ICxpcct No \Knistance from Her Domains. Nkbkaska City, Neb., April 25, 1872. The Convention of Liberal Republicans of this State was held here to-day, and twenty-one dele gates were nppolnt<>d to represent Nebraska In tho Cincinnati Convention. Resolutions were adopted declaring themselves as friends of independence and reform, the purposo of tho liberal republicans to express their will through other mediums than a "packed" conven tion of ofllce-hol dcrs of the administration. That no good can bo expected from the Phila delphia Convention, manipulated as it Is by an ad ministration star chamber which is using the ma chinery of a gr<>at party for Its own selfish pur poses and with the money of the people. That tne interests of the country demand tho presentation this year of a Presidential candidate | thoroughly versed In civil affairs and well schooled In statesmanship. That we demand an administration which shall insure thorough civil servicc reform, and as a bash* for such reform, the passage of a constitutional umendment restricting the Presidency to one term. That we decline to fight over again the dead! Issues of th" war at the bid of the sycophant 60,000 who flourish the party lash and threaten us with a political guillotine if we refuse. That It behooves us to bear such a political party to the ground, and do awav with corruption, favor itism and nepotism In oillce and Insure a republi can, not an oligarchical, government. and to this end we send a delegation to the Cincinnati Conven tion. 80UTH CAROLINA DELEGATES TO THE CIN CINNATI CONVENTION. Charleston, 9. C., April Ji, 1872. A delegation has been chosen by the liberal re publicans of this city to represent them at Cincin nati. Among the delegates are R. E. Dereef, Rich ard Ilolloway and George Slwewsbury, three of the most Intelligent. ?Hd influential colored republicans. A movemcui Is on foot lu Columbia to scud dele gates to represent the state at large. NEW JERSEY LIBERALS. ScotcU1* Refusal of a Nomination for Vice Prrtiilmt. Camden, N. J., April 25, 187Z A delegation of reform republicans called on Mr. James M. Scovell to-day with a letter, signed by 100 republicans, who desire to present Mr. Scovell'a name for Vice President. Mr. Scovell replied that he was not a candidate at Cincinnati. "This con test,'" ho said, "requires an older and an abler sol dier than myself." __ THE GERMAN LIBERAL REPUBLICAN8. The German Delegation to tl?e Olncln natl Convention. The fJerman delegation to the Cincinnati Conven tion, appointed by the Herman Liberal Republican Central Comniltteo to represent the Germans of this city at Ciucinuatl, met ut Germanla Hall, 200 Third avenue, last evening, to make final arrange ments for their departure to Cincinnati, to rccelve the report of the Transportation Com mittee, Ac. The German delegation la made up of six delegates, one for each Sen atorial district, and Is composed of the following gentlemen:?Theodore Olaubenslee, Dr. Kepler, Ferdinand Traud, Frederick Schack, Morltz Klllnger and Dr. Gerke. The alternates are Messrs. Charles Wendt, llenry Wehle, Charles Taenzcr Paul Schnitzler, Adam Pahs audG. Wolllirecht. The delegates are Instructed by their constituency to see to It that the principles embodied In the plat form of the ftermau liberal republican* in reference to a thorough reform of the civil service and the ???u i01 Prt.nc'P'e bo adopted bv the Convention at Cincinnati.