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The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, December 12, 1872, Image 6

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jNEW YORK HERALD
, BROADWAY ASD AMW STREET.
JAMES GORDON BENNETT,
PROPRIETOR.
Volume XXXVII No. 347
AMUSEMENTS THIS EVENING.
WOOD'S MUSEUM. Broadway. corner Thirtietfc St.?
*)* Hand. Aiteruoon and Hrenimg.
GRAND OPFRA nOUSE. Twenty-third St. aad Eighth
**?.?Hound tbk Clock.
KIBLO'S GARDEN, Broadway, between Princc and
Houston streets.?Lito ami Lotos.
UNION SQUARE THEATRE, Broadway, between Thir
feeaU aud Fourteenth streets.?Agnus.
FIFTH AVENUE TIIEATRE, Twenty-fourth street?
UAUOMU8.
WALLACE'S THEATRE, Broadway time Tkirtcemth
?8treet-i)DB American Cousin.
THEATRE COMIQUE. 614 Braadway.? Africa: on,
liITINGSTONK AND t>TANLKT.
GERMANIA THEATRE. Fourteenth street, near Third
fcv.-Di# STirruMGsrEST.
BOOTH'S THEATRE. Twenty-Uird street, corier Sixth
(Bveaue.? Lap* or Lyons.
OIYMPIC TFIFATRK, Broadway, between Houston
|tud Bleecker sts.?La Bellk Delink.
STADT THEATRE, Nos. 15 and 47 Bowery.?Opeba?
I'll* Diavolo.
. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.?TnE Double Bedded
ItooM?Nkck and Nkck.
. MRS. F. B. CONWA\*S BROOKLYN THEATRE.?
E>*:ah.
. BROOKLYN ACADEMY OK MUSIC, Montague St.?
U tali AN Ol'LHA.? LlNDA DI C8AM0UN1X.
< KTEINWAY HALL, Fourteenth Street.?Lecture,
*'I.iOST Abts."
BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, Twenty-third St., corner
yEtll a v.?NkGBO M 1N8TBKLSY, ECCENTRICITY, <fcc.
ATHF.NEUM, No. BK5 Brtadway.?SrLEnniD Vak:*tt
lot Novbltiks.
CANTERBURY VARIETY THEATRE, Broadway, be
tween Blcecker and Houston.?Vakiktt Entertainment.
TONY PASTOR'S OPKRA HOUSE, No. 201 Bowery.?
Cram> Variety Entertainment, Ac.
KAN FRANCISCO MINssTRF.LS, corner 23th st and
JBroatlway.? Ltuioi-ian Minstrelsy, Jkc.
, BARNUM'8 MUSEUM. MENAGERIE AND CIRCUS,
vFourtccutli street, near Broadway.?Day aud Kyening.
NEW YORK MUSEUM OF ANATOMY, CIS Broadway.?
(lkf.CE AND A?T.
TRIPLE SHEET. '
N*w Y*rlt, Thursday, Dec. 19, 1872.
&HE NEWS OP YESTERDAY.
bCo-Day'a Contents of the
Herald.
wthe FIFTH AVENUE holocaust! IT WAS
CRIMINAL: WAS IT MURDER t"?EDITO
rial LEADER?sixth Pad*.
tfHE SAD scenes AT THE fifth AVENUE
HOTEL I THE UNFORTUNATE WOMEN
penned IN THEIR rooms AND STIFLED
WITH SMOKE 1 FAULTY HOTEL CON
struction: HEART-SICKENING scenes
AND INTERESTING DETAILS?fourth Pag*.
ftJEW ORLEANS BUSINESS MEN COMING TO THE
FRONT! MONEY AID TO THE REGULARLY
ELECTED state OFFICERS: THE WAR
moth legislature ORGANIZED: STRONG
MESSAGE from THE GOVERNOR: THE
FEDERAL FORCES WITHDRAWN?third
Pack.
dissolving the french assembly! the
MOVEMENT EXTENDING : A MANIFESTO
favoring IT from "THE left :? THE
ASSEMBLY DISCUSSING THE QUESTION:
A TERRIBLE gale sweeps THROUGH
PARIS?Seventh Pagk.
fcEWS from washington! crimination AND
RECRIMINATION over THE BILL GRANT
ING land TO SOLDIERS AND SAILORS:
THE HOLIDAY recess: MR. BOUTWELL'S
syndicates?third Pagk.
(CABLE AND GENERAL TELEGRAMS-PER
SONAL news GOSSIP?AMUSEMENTS
SEVENTH Page.
loperations OF THE CUBAN LIBERATING
' FORCES! BATTLE AFTER BATTLE: span
ISH SPOILS?tenth Page.
fc)R. irish'S TRIAL! CHEMISTS ON THE
STAND: THE ANALYSIS: ACUTE GAS
TRITIS AS A RESULT OF ARSENIC:
familiarities BETWEEN THE DOCTOR
AND MRS. ANDERSON?fifth Page.
HAUD MERRILL'S ASSASSIN IN CUSTODY t HE
ADMITS HIS GUILT, AND SAYS HE KILLED
HIS NIECE BECAUSE SHE WOULD NOT
REFORM?fifth Page.
business and quotations in the wall
STREET EXCHANGES! GOLD, STOCKS AND
FOREIGN EXCHANGE UPWARD BOUND:
THE NEW government LOAN-REAL
ESTATE?ninth Page.
proceedings in the legal tribunals!
' IMPORTANT JUDICIAL DECISION IN THE
TWEED CASE: A CLERK AFTER HIS IN
CREASED SALARY?eighth Pag*.
^TABBING A PRISON OFFICIAL! KEEPER HAL
LOCK'S LIFE ASSAILED BY A BOY ON
RANDALL'S ISLAND-SUSPECTED FOUL
PLAY?fifth Page.
* YOUNG religieuse! INTERESTING CERE
MONIES AT THE CONVENT OF THE SACRED
HEART?LIFE-SAVING SERVICE?MUSEUM
OF NATURAL HISTORY?FIFTH PAGE.
mysterious poisoning case in astoria?
THE RAILROAD WAR IN NEW JERSEY?
THE OIL TRADE?tenth Page.
^VHAT ABOUT THOSE ITALIAN EMIGRANTS?
ARE THEY carbonari? OPINIONS OF
PROMINENT MEN?MARITIME NEWS?
Tenth Page.
An Uninsured Lite in the Mutual.?
jThcre is a rumor "on the street" that the
(directors of the New York Mutual Life In
surance Company have determined to sacrifice |
^President Winston to the wrath of the irate I
Eolicy-holders. But what do they intend to '
o in regard to the decreased rates of insur
ance? Throwing a tub to a whale is a very
pood policy, but it is more profitable to the
flahers than to the fish. The policy-holders
pre seeking to avoid the harpoon of low pre
miums, and may not allow themselves to be
juuused by the Winston tub.
The Memphis Avalanche believes it to be as
^true as "two and two make four" that if the
pld democratic mismanage!* who secured
Grant's election in 1868 and 1872 can keep
their partisan organization together until 1876
'Grant or any other man in the republican
party can be elected." Thus is the third term
movement gaining headway.
British Papers are discussing desertions
from the army, which are going on at the rate
p{ About five hundred a month. Government
C>rgans think that as this is made good by
Enlistments it don't much signify; but the
opposition journals hold that the service is
toot so managed as to make it attractive when
pach month se?s the nation the poorer in men
fet-arms by a battalion. Emigration and
(Cheap lands have greater charms than follow
ing tLe drum at a shilling a day.
Tfc? Fifth Ama? Holocaust?It Was
Criminal?Was It Murder!
In contemplating the terrible occurrence at
the Fifth Avenue Hotel, whereby eleven lives
are already known to have been sacrificed,
the feeling of indignation and disgust at the
inefficiency, the blundering and the heartless
ness of all the responsible parties becomes
deep and painful. The lessons of fires of
every description have boon before us, and
men in charge of large buildings are supposed
to have profited by them. Yet in one of
the largest hotels in the city a fire
occurs, at which every experience is shown
to have been disregarded and every blunder
committed that criminal negligence and folly
could be guilty of. Tho story told at
length elsewhere can be summed up
briefly, so far as its vital points are concerned.
At a few minutes before eleven at night a fire
breaks out in a hotel crowded with guests, and
with a full corps of officials astir. The first |
alarm is given by a servant girl, who bursts
frantically from her sleeping apartment on
the third floor. Whether the fire originated in
that room or one immediately below is not
known accurately ; but it rapidly reached the
laundry elevator, which was lined with wood,
and an enclosed wooden staircase that ran in a
shaft from the basement through seven floors
to the death-trap on top, where the poor scrub
girls lay asleep. Here, then, commenoes the
chapter of ignorance, ncgligence and
cruelty. First, the alarm was not
given to the Fire Department, with
the selfish object of avoiding damage
to the carpets and furniture and lest a panic
should seize tho guests. Stupid and absurd
this proved within twenty minutes. In the
meantime, with as little haste as effectiveness,
the fire apparatus belonging to the hotel was
brought into operation. The blinding smoke
and the crackling flames were mounting up
the narrow stairway, and the acrid fumes were
filling tho death trap at the top, where the
weary servants were asleep. Had they been
forgotten ? is the first question humanity
asks. In shame and horror we are obliged to
state they had not been. Aroused by the suf
focating smoke, their shrill screams of agony
and despair rung out on the night, but no
effort was made to rescue them. An idiot who
knew where the flue-like shaft led to, even had
he not heard the women's cries, would have
known that every instant the poor creatures
were left unaided counted like poison drops to
their life. No aid and no alarm. Hushing
along the corridor to meet the flames at the
head of the stairs, the poor girls struggled for
life to get out at the windows. But, as with a
foresight ol cruelty, these were barred with
iron gratings, and the death they fled from
overtook them. Their ories became stilled,
and the monster who told a IIebald reporter
that "it was only the damn servant girls
getting scared" was saved all farther brutali
ties on this score. From a dozen points
the barred windows of the death trap could
have been reached and every soul saved; but
in the eyes of the managers the burning of
eleven or twenty servant women seemed
nothing beside the idea of quieting the guests
on the floors below. If the fire stopped the
outcries of the poor creatures, it soon,
however, proved that it would make a sign for
itself. The corridors became filled with smoke,
and at last the alarm was given. Some
twenty or twenty-five precious moments had
been lost, and the panic of the guests, that
was feared, came with the arrival of the fire
men and the police. In the hands of the
former, although not a large force, the fire
was confined to the stairway shaft and the
servants* sleeping rooms, although it appears
little short of a miracle that the entire build
ing was not laid in ashes. The part played
by the police, on account of a defec
tive system of co-operation with the
firemen, cannot be praised. Physically
brave and capable as they are, they were
not, according to the usual bad practice,
called on to assist in the work of battling the
flames, although their large number on the
scene suggests that they should have been
ordered to do so at once. We want skill at
their head, as well as courage and bravery in
the ranks.
From beginning to end it is a miserable
record that leaps from cool insecurity to the
verge of total destruction; from the crime of
not giving tho alarm to the very perils that the
selfishness and ignorance which dictated it
sought to avoid; from the astounding heart
lessness of abandoning the fire-tortured
women to their fate, to the murder?what else
can we call it ??which hideously crowns it as
one of the greatest atrocities of the century.
It is, unfortunately, a grade of criminality to
which the law attaches no punish
ment Nevertheless, those responsible for
the management of the hotel must
stand before the bar of public opin
ion and meet its nniversal condemnation
unless they can acquit themselves. They
must answer for that narrow wooden stairway,
seven stories high, being the only mode of es
cape from the wretched rookery at the top.
They must tell why the alarm was not given.
They must explain to a horrified community
why no means were taken to reach the death
trap by the roof, which could be done as "easy
as lying; that is, returning to the counter in
the vestibule and saying that it was merely a
little fire in the laundry. They must tell why,
in order to save a panic among the guests,
eleven human lives were ruthlessly sacrificed,'
everything in the hotel imperilled and the
house property of the vicinity placed
under the fearful risk of being the be
ginning of a second Boston or Chicago.
They may also tell why every feeling of de
cency was shocked in hurrying off the charred
corpses of the unfortunate girls to be stared at
in all their horrid disfigurement at the
Morgue, which is intended only for the recep
tion of the unknown dead. This last may be
too much to ask of those who will havo to
plead to the other charges; but it is character
istic. Was it that the world might more pain
fully know the virtues of hotel managers in
general and their own in particular? It will
take all the guessing of their involved
minda to answer. We shall hear, no
doubt, explanations from them as palliations
for their course. The blame may be bandied
about from one to the other; Ww? shall
accept no vicarious sacrifices. The minds
which can so easily fall into the inhumanity
of allowing life to be sacrificed to a puerile
fear claim no tenderness at our hands. Was
the entire hotel, with all its belongings, worth
one of those poor scrub girls' lives, not to sav
eleven of them? Should the momentary in
j convenience, even the fright of a thousand
guests, be poised against suffocating a (>'*1,
although she be a servant working for a pit
tance and sleeping huddled in a den in the
attic ? Society often does grievous wrong in the
inequaliiies of consideration it accords to indi
viduals according to rank ; but nowhere out
side of abject savagery can it be said that the
wetting of a carpet and the fright of a hotel
guest balance the abandonment of the lowli- i
est woman in the world to suffocation.
Let ua turn from the sickening theme.
It will now become of immediate interest
to ascertain whether there are any more such
death traps in our metropolitan hotels. No
human being, servant or guest, should be
forced to occupy a sleeping place whence, in
case of fire, escape is sure to be cut off. We
shall doubtless learn through the investiga
tion of the Fire Department, and, probably,
at the inquest on the victims of Tuesday
night, how the Fifth Avenue Hotel is situated
in this regard; but the public will be
very anxious to learn also whether
such death-trap rookeries are peopled
with human beings and perched
at the roof of the other hotels of the city.
The thought of what might have occurred if
the fire had been only a few hours later we do
not care to entertain. Perhaps then the alarm
would have been much quicker given. It is won
derful to think how the best-tested experience
is thrown absolutely away. To have sounded
tiie alarm when Mary Groves first cried
"fire" would have saved not only property
but life. There are twenty invaluable minutes
and eleven women's lives whose loss is to be
acoounted for?the property sacrificed, had
it been millions, instead of thousands, being
of secondary account. We ask a full investi
gation, that the blame may be definitely hid
where, it is unfortunate to remember, punish
ment cannot.
Affairs at the National Capital?Yes
terday's Proceeding!,
In the Senate yesterday, when Mr. Sumner s
Civil Rights bill was reached on the calendar,
Mr. Morrill, of Maine, objected to its con
sideration at present, and, under the rules, it
was set aside. This does not mean that the
bill is to be indefinitely postponed, but that it
is only deferred to a more convenient season
for its discussion, and in connection with a
universal amnesty, we presume. On this sub
ject of amnesty the Senate unanimously con
curred in the House resolution removing the
political disabilities of Lucius Q. C. Lamar, of
Mississippi, a member elect of the House, of
which body he was a member before the war
and one of the most promising of the rising
young orators of that time. He was a South
ern fire-eater; but he has come out of the
deluge, they say, reconstructed into a practi
cable conservative.
The only proceeding in the House of Repre
sentatives yesterday entitled to special notice
was the resolution of Mr. Shellabarger, of i
Ohio, instructing the Committee on the Ju
diciary to inquire and report what power, in j
regulating commerce among the several StateB, i
Congress possesses to regulate railroads as
common carriers of passengers and freight, j
This resolution was adopted, and we suspect
that the committee will report ample authority
in the premises and that the next step will be
a bill to regulate the railroads of the country.
But are there not three or four railway monop- i
olies which, singly or combined, can regulate
Congress on this subject ? Such is the opinion
of the Washington lobby; but in any event it
is manifest that the conflict between the peo
ple and these monopolies is to be carried from
the States into Congress, where, under the
constitution, it properly belongs. Let the
people, in this conflict, look well to their rep
resentatives, however, or they may be captured
by the lobby.
The rumor is reiterated that Secretary^
Delano has really gone on a holiday excursion
to the Gulf of Mexico to look into the present
status of the island of St Domingo in refer
ence to annexation. But what if it should
turn out that his mission is to inquire into
the present condition of the African slave
trade and the coolie traffic in the island of
Cuba? Let us wait and see.
The Secretary of the Treasury has given
notice to his subordinates in Washington
Territory that as the British troops have been j
withdrawn from the recent joint occupation
of San Juan Island it will be necessary to
! keep a sharp lookout against smugglers, eon
traband whiskey stills, Ac., on that island, j
A Dreadful Chapter of Crime*
We appear in the midst of a monstrous cyclone
of crime. Hardly had the public breathed after
the shooting of O'Neill at the side of his wife
by King in broad day, at Judge Sutherland's
door, before we had from Dover, Del., the
sickening story of Dr. West, who in his own
office killed a negro, skinned him, chopped off
his head and feet with a penknife and then
made a bonfire under the body, disappearing
as the flames kindled, which he hoped would
hide his guilt, while the roasted remains would
be taken for his own. Then came the disgust
ing details of a Cincinnati butcher cut up
artistically by a fellow craftsman. Boston
contributed her horror in the body of a wealthy
citizen found floating in Charles River in two
barrels. Last we have the savage shooting of
one of the frail sisterhood of shame in Neilson
place, Tuesday afternoon, by one Bleakley,
who calls himself her uncle. He tells a ram
bling story of previous family troubles, her
coming to this country under his care, her
wrong going and his efforts for her reclama
tion?which sounds at least incredible, and
certainly in no way exculpates his crime. He
sought her in her apartment, remained there
some half an hour, during which there was
no loud altercation, shot her, placing one bul
let through her heart and two others in other
parts of her body, and walked coolly away.
What criminal horror shall we have next?
And again, is there no medicine for the debased
public morality which leads to such crimes ?
A Recent Number of the Bombay Gazette
says "the centre of the East African slave
trade is neither in Africa nor Zanzibar, but
in Bombay, whence the money is furnished
which carries on the revolting traffic." If
this is true the British government can easily
exercise the power needed to crush the trade,
and the special qualifications of Sir Bartle
Frere for that service will be most useful.
He is intimately acquainted with Indian
affairs, and will, doubtless, exert himself to
the utmost to removo this blot from the civil
ization of the ago.
Tke Trouble! la Loaliiant?The Dan
ger Artilog ftoa Oar iMthcn
Pol ley.
The HKBAt.n special despatches from New
Orleans, published to-day, represent a re
newal of the excitement in that city, and indi
cate that a determined resistance is to be made
to the overthrow oi the State government by
the orders of Judge Durell and the aid of the
federal troops. The leading merchants, bank
ers and business men have held a meeting to
consider the situation, and have resolved that,
for the security of property and the protection
of the credit as well as of the liberty of the
State, the duly elected Executive and Legisla
ture must be sustained at all hazards. They
have therefore guaranteed the payment at par
of all warrants issued by the State Auditor for
the expenses of the &jgislature recognized as
regular by The State authorities, and the Audi
tor has signified his determination to issue no
wamf&ts for legislative services to any other
body. Backed by this expression of
public sympathy and support the State
Legislature met at the City Hall, and, a quorum
being; present, organized for business. It
remains to be seen whether the interference of
the United States Circuit Court will go so far
as to disperse the legislative body at the point
of the bayonet, or whether the conflict of au
thority will be taken to the Courts in a peace
ful manner, and the legality of Judge Durell's
action tested by the proper tribunal. It is
clear that the moneyed interests of New Or
leans appreciate the vital importance of a
proper judicial decision on the question of
which Legislature is constitutionally and law
fully in session, for on this must depend the
credit of the State and the safety of its bonds.
There is little doubt that the great mass of
the people would resist the payment of taxes
imposed by the Durell-Kellogg Legislature if
it should be suffered to retain power through
the force of the federal troops alone with
out a legal test, and in that event
nothing could save the State from bankruptcy.
Meanwhile Attorney General Williams tele
graphs, in response to the request of the United
States Circuit Court Legislature for martial
law, "that whenever it becomes necessary in
the judgment of the President, the State will
be protected from domestic violence."
What may be the next step in this dangerous
conflict it is difficult to foresee. The Supreme
Court of the United States has announced its
decision to hear to-day the application of the
Attorney General of the State of Louisiana for
a rule upon Judge Durell, to show cause why
a writ of prohibition should not issue upon
him in the case of Kellogg against Warmoth,
and hence it is possible that a fair judgment
as to the legality of Judge Durell's action
may be arrived at. Republican organs, how
ever, predict in advance that the Supreme
Court will deny the application and leave the
Custom House party in armed possession of
tho State, right or wrong. At present
all that we know is that the "miserable
scramble for office," as President Grant ex
presses it, has brought Louisiana to the verge
of anarchy. Indeed, the state of things in
Alabama and South Carolina is little better.
As a consequence federal authority has been
invoked in purely local State affairs, and the
federal bayonet is supreme.
The troubles in Louisiana, as well as in
Alabama, South Carolina and other parts of
the South, arise primarily from the recto
struction policy of Congress, or, more properly
speaking, from the policy of the dominant
radical republican party. In disfranchising
the intelligent and leading men of the South,
and in elevating the whole mass of ignorant
negroes to political power, we find the cause of
the present deplorable state of things. The
object, as is well known, was to secure the
votes of the Southern States so as to
perpetuate the rule of the radical re
publican party. This might not be
considered altogether unfair in a strictly
party or political sense, and it may be
that any other party would hove used the
same advantages for a like purpose. Never
theless, this feeling has proved disastrous.
The world cannot be governed by ignorance.
The attempt to govern the South through the
mnjia of ignorant blacks, who were just eman
cipated from slavery and who were not at all
prepared for civic duties, has proved
a lamentable failure, as every statesman
must have seen it would. But, to
make matters worse, the dominant party,
in carrying out its policy, flooded the
Southern States with carpet-baggers, with
men of no means or conscience and no feel
ing of abiding interest in that section of the
country. These unscrupulous and needy ad
venturers weTe placed in positions of power
and trust, while those who belonged to and
had a deep interest in the peace and welfare
of the South were ostracised. The "miserable
scramble" that President Grant speaks of for
the spoils of office is among these very adven
turers. Still the federal government seems to
adhere to its original policy, notwithstanding
the frightful consequences that have resulted
from it, for we have seen one faction sustained
in Louisiana and another in Alabama, which
are in accord with the porty in power at
Washington, regardless of the will of the peo
ple, the right of local self-government, or the
forms of State law.
Perhaps it is not possible to undo mueh of
the evil that has been done, for rights and
privileges that have been conceded cannot
well be withdrawn, though they may have
proved mischievous. But Congress and the
President con do a great deal in the way of
applying a remedy. The theory of the ab
stract right of suffrage, whether adopted
from principle or policy, will have to be
carried out now, however unfit the mass of
negroes in the South may be for the exercise
of that assumed right or privilege. The evil
might be neutralized to some extent, and, as
we hope, to give peace to the South, if the
federal government would let the several
States have absolute control over their own
affairs, and in case of such a difficulty as that
in Louisiana, to leave the solution of it to
local laws; if it would concede complete
amnesty, so as to give the most intelligent
portion of the community a voice and
influence in publio mattters; if it
would, in short, help to restore the
Southerners to office and frown down
the carpet-baggers and scalawags who make
all the trouble. Such corruption and anarchy
as exist now in the South are not only
injurious to that section; not only check its
progress and material interests, and, therefore,
prove damaging to tho business interests of tho
Hurt1 but they are infectious and rnuat in the
end demoralize the whole Republic. It is, in
feet, a long step toward centralisation, des
potism and military rule. It is the way in
which all nations have marched the liberties
and institutions of which have been subverted
or overturned.
Prance?The Government and the
Assembly.
.. ^Ur neWB fr?m France this morning shows
that the situation is still full of peril. The
emand for the dissolution of the Assembly
has become so general among all ranks and
classes of the people that it is fairly entitled
j to be called national. Petitions in favor of
dissolution aro largely circulated in Paris, and
? 418 Staining numerous signatures.
etitions for the same purpose abound in all
the departments, and they are said to be
greatly on the increase. The anxiety of the
government in this particular matter is re
vealed in the fact that the profecto of several
departments, where the movement in favor
of dissolution has assumed formidable propor
tions, have been summoned to Versailles. It
would seem as if the movement in favor of
dissolution was gaining ground in the Assembly
itself, for it is now authoritatively stated that
the members of the Moderate Left?which
means tho more moderate men of the Left
Centre -have arrived at the conclusion that in
the peculiar circumstances in which France
finds herself the wisest course to be followed
is the immediate dissolution of the Assembly,
coupled, as of course it must be, with a fresh
appeal to the people. To those who hope for
the establishment of the Republic by the As
sembly, as at present constituted, the election
of the Duke de Broglie, a monarchist, as a
member of the Committee of Thirty, in the
place of M. Fourton, just appointed Minister
of Public Works, must bo admitted to be dis
couraging. To us it is only a fresh proof that
the present Assembly is anti-republican.
It is an old proverb that a house divided
cannot stand; and, although in tho matter of
Parliamentary government this adage must bo
received with some slight qualifications,
it does seem as if in the French Assem
bly division were too radical to allow
the machine of government to go
smoothly on. The Committee of Thirty
may by judicial proposals etave off the
difficulty. Some of the suggestions which
have recently been thrown out?such as that
M. Thiers should be elected President for
four years; that there should be a Vice Presi
dent; that the Assembly should be partially
renewed by annual departmental elections,
and that there should be immediately created
an Upper Chamber or Senate?are good
enough. But they do not touch the root of
the disease. The great trouble of the moment
is that the government does not represent
any powerful section of the Assembly or of
the French people. It is not a republican
government; it is not monarchical; it is not
imperialist; and the French people, impatient
of delay, are anxious to know under what
form of government they are likely to live
for the next ten years. It is our belief
that the mass of the people are more or
less indifferent to the form of government
which may be established. What they want
is to be rid of this vexatious uncertainty, and
to have a government which shall have a dis
tinctive character and an intelligible name.
The Committee, as we have said, may be able
to effect a compromise; but no compromise
will effectually heal the divisions now existing
in the Assembly. It will still be a weak,
because divided Honse.
It has been our opinion for months past that
the dissolution of the Assembly was the one
satisfactory solution of the difficulties which
now menace France. Such is our opinion
still; and the petitions so freely circulated
and so numerously signed promise to render a
dissolution an absolute necessity. After all,
the popular will is stronger than the Assembly ;
and, as between the Assembly and the people,
it is not difficult to decide, if the fight is fairly
commenced, on which side victory will lean.
The Legislature and the United States
Senators hip.?The most interesting business
before the next New York Legislature, in the
eyes of the politicians, is the election of a
United States Senator in place of Roscoe
Conkling. Of late years the occasion of the
election of a United States Senator has proved
a carnival of corruption, and success has
attended the longest purse and the highest
bidder, except in cases where political cun
ning has managed to steal away the money and
the votes of the wealthiest candidate. The
appointment of the Assembly standing com
mittees has also been used as a means of con
trolling support on the Senatorial question,
the announcement of such committees being
withheld until after the election, and all the
"paying" positions bartered away for votes for
the Speaker's candidate. As the next Legisla
ture is a "reform" Legislature?whatever that
may mean?it is to be hoped that this openly
corrupt practice will be repudiated, and that
the standing committees of the Assembly will
be announced before the United States Sena
torial election takes place, whoever may be
Speaker of the House.
The Washington Correspondent of the
Boston Journal revives tho fact that Mr. Sum
ner's resolution for striking the names of
home battles from the flags is simply a repro
duction of one introduced by him in 1862,
which at the time received the support of
Lieutenant General Scott and of General An
derson, of Fort Sumter. It must also be re
membered, however, that there were a great
many home battles after both Scott and An
derson ceased to take an active part in mili
tary operations ; but the sooner the memories
of our late terrible civil conflict are obliterated
the better for the whole country. Although the
scars may remain, better so than that a con
tinual bleeding of the wounds should endure,
with no hope of their ever healing up.
The Richmond Enquirer believes that "if the
President were free to select his officers from
among the most worthy, liberal and honest of
the Southern people, without regard to their
politioal views, only requiring fidelity to the
country and a faithful discharge of their
trusts, a very long stride forward would be
made towards the restoration of peace in the
South and a return to a better state of feel
ing." Whether the President is or is not at
this time froe to act in the premises as he
thinks fit, it is not unlikely a new departure
will be taken in bin new administration and
the South bo troated with a Littio more mag
i uaiwnitv than she has hitherto boen?
JselulU tl|htta| Over ? Dead Lion*
It ici with mingled shame and indignation
that we protest against the unseemly bicker
ing over the will of a brother journalist buried
but a week ago. We are shamed at the spec
tacle of strong men leaguing themselves
against defenceless orphan girls; we are in
dignant that these orphan girls should find
their worst enemies in those oalling (hem
selves their best friends. Though Horace
Greeley left a dozen wills his last should be
respected, for it will bo difficult, if not im
possible, to prove that as early as the 9th of
November, the date on which it was written,
only four days after the election, Mr. Greeley
was bereft of reason. The day succeeding
the olection he wrote his now historic letter to
the Tribune, announing his return to editorial
duties. Does it give evidence of madness?
Is it not, on the contrary, singularly perti
nent? Are the four articles known to have
been written by him and published in the
Tribune after his letter, bringing the time
down yet later than the date of the con
tested will?are these articles, we repeat, the
productions of a madman? Ib not that enti
tled "Conclusions," wherein Mr. Greeley
summed up his views of the canvass, most
enlightened in its views? Why, the editorial
concerning the South, penned by Mr. Greeley
the very day on which he drew up his last
will, has since been republished by the Tribuvtt
in support of that journal's generous proposi
tion to make General Grant's election unani
mous by casting the Greeley eleotoral vote for
his rival I Mr. Greeley did not abandon his
regular visits to the Tribune office until three
days after the writing of the last will. Not a
suspicion of lunacy haunted the minds of his
most intimate associates. Insomnia did not
develop into inflammation of the brain until
his removal to Dr. Choate's residence, and yet
we are asked by interested parties to believe
Mr. Greeley insane on the 9th of November t
What says the last will ?
I, Horace Greelev, of the town of New Oastle.
Westchester county, State of New York, aged
sixtv-oue years, being in fair health and In the pos
session of my mental faculties, revoking all former
wills, do make this my last will and testament:?
Item X.?I give and bequeath all the property of
which I mar die possessed, including lands, mort
gages, bonds, notes of hand, debts, stocks, dues
and obligations, to my elder daughter, Ida L.
Greeley, one-hair to be by her used at her own dis
cretion in the education and support of her sister,
Gabrtelle. The other moiety to be her own in every
right.
item 2.?I arlve and bequeath my gold watch
usually worn by me, to my second daugnter, Ga
brlelle Miriam Greeley, aloresaid.
Witness my hand and seal this 9th day of Novem*
ber, 1872. HORACE GKEELEY.
Written by Mr. Greeley, on a sheet of the
Tribune note paper, it was placed by him in a
tin box, which he gave into Mr. A. T. John
son's charge on leaving that gentleman's
house. When it became evident that Mr.
Greeley could not survive the box was opened
by Mr. Johnson, in the presence of the Misses
Greeley and their counsel, Judge Hart. The
document was found and given into the cus
tody of Mr. J. R. Stuart Miss Lamson, a
trusted friend, who has known Mr. Greeley
since 1826, identifies the will as having been
written by him and testifies that on the 29th
of November last Mr. J. R. Stuart and a Mr.
Haynes went with the will into the room
where Mr. Greeley lay. He was sensible and
recognized them. Mr. Stuart asked Mr.
Greeley, showing him the will, whether it wad
his last will and testament; to which the
dying man replied, "Yes." Mr. Greeley then
asked Miss Lamson and Mr. Reginald Hart,
son of Judge Hart, to witness the will, which
they did. The delirium of inflammation oi
the brain frequently ceases when life is at its
ebb, and if Miss Lamson, who knew Mr.
Greeley for forty-six years, is not a competent
judge of her old friend's sanity at the time
the will was witnessed, who is? That Mr.
Greeley was in full possession of his faculties
when he wrote the will there ought to be no
doubt. Having weeks in advance a premoni
tion of his fate, and after bis wife's
death being profoundly anxious concerning his
children, it was most natural for Mr. Greeley,
knowing that he had recently made several
most unsuccessful investments, to bequeath
his remaining property unreservedly to the
rightful heirs. That he should have im
plicitly trusted his elder daughter with the
control of that moiety belonging to her sister
is not strange to any one acquainted with the
downright integrity and sense of duty which
this young lady has inherited from her
parents. Yet, to save herself from miscon
struction, Miss Greeley offered to convey one
half of the legacy to her sister in her own
name, provided the counsel, the guardian or
her sister felt unwilling to leave all in her
hands, an offer which each of them refused.
And now wherein does the will of January,
1871, differ from the last? Mr. Greeley
bequeaths to his brother a farm lying in the
township of Wayne, Erie county, Pa., desires
that one of his Tribune shares shall be sold to
the highest bidder for the benefit of the New
York Children's Aid Society, and, directing the
sale of his remaining Tribune shares, be
queathes four thousand dollars to his three
sisters. For the sake of a farm over which
Mr. Williams, a witness to the January will
and Mr. Greeley's former counsel, grows sen- *
timental by picturing Miss Greeley's remorse
less cruelty in driving an uncle from the
home of his old age, a cruelty of which
Miss Greeley is incapable; for the sake of four
thousand dollars to relatives who can never
suffer from Miss Greeley's neglect; for the
sake of a small bequest to thfc Children's Aid
Society, which the society can exist without
and which Miss Greeley is in no way called
upon to pay, if, as we conscientiously believe,
charity begins at home; for this a great man's
children are made the world's scandal. In
the name of journalism we protest against
this disgrace. We bid the executors of the
January will to beware. One of them is the
publisher of the Tribune. Should he support
the claim advanced by Mr. Williams his honor
may be impeached, for it can be said of him
that s desire to obtain possession of or to
control Mr. Greeley's six shares of the Tribune
stock is at the bottom of his desire to see the
provisions of this will carried out. There.
fore we give these executors warning; for come
what may, in this instance, at least, publio
opinion will be on the side of Mr. Greeley's
lonely daughters, and we do not envy those -
who attempt to stem its angry current. Horaos
Greeley's fame is national, the welfare of his
children is of national interest, and again we
say to the jackalls fighting over the dead lion,
Begone, or beware!
"This Republic is strengthening with every
week of its existence," says the London Tele
graph in an able article on French affairs, is
which the editor asserts that, though tko toj*

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