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NEW YORK IIEKALD BHOADWAY AND ANN STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PROPRIETOR. THE DAILY HERALD, publUheC every dap in the xf>ar. Four wnti per cop*. Annual subscription Qrfc* All basinet* or news letters and telegraphic W^ettpatcheft must be addressed Nxw Yobs IIkiuxd. Letters aud packages should be properly Sealed. _ [LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD-NO. 46 FLEET STREET, rfc'nbscriptions and Advertisements will be received and lorwarded on the same terms as in New York. *Voi time XXXIX No. 106 F= iUVSESElin THIS AFTERNOON A.\D EVENING WALLACE'S thkatre, (Broadway and TUirteeutli rtreet.?TH K VETERAN, at 9 T M . clou** at 11 P. M. Mr. Lester Wallace, Miss IJeffreys Lewi*. MRS. CONWAT'8 BROOKLYN THEATRE. iWashtngton street near Kulton street. Brooklyn.? (CONNIE sOOOAH, at 8 P. M. ; clusesat 11 P. M. Mr. aud lilr*. Barney Williama. OLYMPIC lilfcATRE, (Broadway, betwen Houston and Bleecker *treeta.? [VAUDEVILLE aud NOVELTY LNTLK'l A1NMEN I, at 6 IS P. M. ; cloaes al 10*5 P. M GRAND OPERA HOUSE. j avenoe uuii rwentv-lhlrd street?THE TICKET Of-LKAVK MAN, at?P. M. ; closes at 11 P. M. Mr. and frrs. Florance. BROADWAY THEATRE. tXroadwar, opposite W ashington p.ace.? HUMPTY iIK'MPTY AT lloME, *c. Matinee at i P M.; evemnf Jycriorinance at 8 P. M.; cloaes at 11 P. M. O. L. Fox. BROOKLYN PARK THEATRE. nrpooite City Hall, Brooklyn.?LA MARJOLAINE. at 8 I' M.; closes at 11 P. 11. Fanny Foster. BOWERY THEATRE, ttowerv-THF. LITTLE DETECTIVE, and VARIETY liNTEKTAlNMENT. UeKini at a P. M. ; closes at 11 P. M. ?METROPOLITAN THEATRE, fco. 966 Br,ladwav -VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at BUI" M.; closes at 10 Al P. M. . NIBLO'8 GARDEN. jBroadwav, between Prince and Uou.ston street*.?DAVY fcttOCKETI, at 8 P. M.; cloaes at 10 Ju P.M. Mr. Frank Disyo. r LYCEUM THEATRE, oorternth street near Sixth aveuue ?Grand Parisian oily, at 8 P. M. ; cloaes at 11 P. M. WOOD'S MUSECM, {Brnadwav, corner of Thirtieth street?THE HIDDEN TUND. at 2 P. M.; closes at i :3<) P. M. OLIVER TWIST. At 8 P. M. ; closes at 10:30 Mr. and Mrs. E. L. Davenport _ PARK THEATBB, !B road way and Twenty-seventh street?LOVE'S PEN _a.N(JE at 3 P. M ; closes at 11 P. M. Charles Fechter. . GRBMANIA THEATRE. (Fourteenth street, near Irvinaplace.?E1NE VARNEHME tEllE, al 8 P. M.; closes at 11 P. M. DALY'S FIFTH AVENUE THEATRE, IT wenty-eichth street and Broadway.?MONSIEUR LaI.PHONSE, at 8 P. M.; closes at 10:?? P. M. Mias Ada 0>yaa. Miss Fanny Davenport, Mr. Flaher, Mr. Clark. THEATRE COMIQUE, ?>o. M4 Broadway ?VARIETY ENTERTAINMENT, at 8 M. , closes at 10 :30 P. M. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE. ?*o. an Bowerv ?VAKiLIY ENTERTAINMENT, at 8 P. ?M.. closes at II P. M. _ . BRYANT'S OPERA HOUSE, uTrSSVwv l!2l ,tr.e!tin?.ar S?th avenue?NEORO MIN ?MKtLsV Ac., at 8 P. M. ; closes at 10 P. M. CO LOSSE UM !5r?^lT*;T U rorn'r.. ?L TnJrty-fltth otreet -PA Ris BY a! ?! W P M ; ? "8 p *'? a"me *'7 p t ? _ QUADRUPLE SHEET. "?* Vork, Thunday, April 16, 1874. From our reports this morning the probabilities ore that the weather to-day will be cool and 'cloudy. We Observe that Jefferson Davis has reached Paris and is living as the guest of A. Dudley Mann, in the Rue de Luxembourg. 3Lr. Davis will make an interesting addition to the American coIodj in France. A Duel in Mississippi.?Our news reports this morning bring intelligence of a duel in Mississippi between two men from New Or leans. One of the antagonists was severely "Wounded and the whole party has been 'arrested. As the practice of the code in the South passed away with the age of Southern chivalry, the best thing that can happen to all the parties engaged in this affair will be to send them to State Prison. The Deposition of Cespedes.?That is a very remarkable document which we print .this morning, detailing the impeachment proceedings in the Cuban Legislature against l>resident Cespedes. Taken in connection "with the recent death of the Cuban leader it Jias a melancholy interest that will not soon fe>e forgotten. We cannot readily think that *any of Cespedes' acts have the gravity at tached to them by his judges and can only ^deplore that freedom's battles in Cuba should co soon contribute so lamentable a chapter to ?history. The Mileage Bill Passed the House of Rep resentatives yesterday by a large majority, the ?ote being, yeas 186, nays 49. This is the more {remarkable as the House a few minutes before befused to Becond the previous question on this measure. The fact is, members appear to fee in a demoralized condition, and hardly Vnow what to do or what they do. However, this is a good bill, as it abolishes mileage and ^provides that members of Congress shall only {Jse paid their actual travelling expenses to and ifrom Washington once each session. The Senate ought to concur with the House. Still, this action of the House seems to be so disinterested and exceptional, so unlike al most everything done where the interests of the members are involved that we should not be surprised to see the bill defeated by some ?subterfuge in the end. Building in the Citt, according to the re flport of the Superintendent of the Department H>f Buildings, has been checked lately, in con sequence of the prolonged action of Congress mn the currency and the uncertainty of the (result Disagreements between employers ptnd laborers as to time and wages have also fliad some effect Still, many costly buildings fciave been or are being erected. The number Ef first class dwellings put up during the year i two hundred and ninety-nine, and of tene ment houses six hundred and thirty-two. /Then wen on the 31st of March six hundred ^nd sixty-four new buildings in progress. It jis a curious feature of our social life that so ?many tenement houses are built in propor tion to others, and shows the urgent necessity of rapid transit to afford better homes for the laboring population and others of limited moans. There will be, probably, a revival of ?ftnilding enterprise when the currency and financial Questions are definitely settled. Tk* PrnMcBi ??d tk* ** fl.tt.-Hi. RH*ri Hf ???** Everything now rests with the Present The passage of the Senate bill by the craae send* that measure to him for approval. House bill will hardly go through the Senate, and we presume it has been passed m a spirit of bravado by the House, a quiet hint on the part of the representatives of the people lhat we had better bear with the ills we have than fly to others we know not of. We do not suppose that the leaders of the inflation pohcy ever meant to make the House bill a law. Bu it now stands as ft menace to the President and the oountry, indicating what the inflation ists will attempt if they are defeated in the Senate measure. On the other hand this Senate measure imposes a peculiar embarrass ment upon the President His Secretary of the Treasury during the panic, and in order to relieve the distresses of the business people, issued a certain part of the Treasury reserve This Senate bill confirms that issue. Now, it the President vetoes the Senate bill he is in the position of rebuking his own administra tion, of declaring virtually that his Secretary acted without authority of law. For the Sen ate, and particularly the House, will not be in the humor of approving the act of the Secretary of the Treasury unless the Presi dent is willing to accept it in its present shape. So that, any way in which we look a the question, it becomes one of great embar rassment, and we can understand the pressure that will be brought upon the President to consent to this insidious measure of inflation, under the pretence that it is necessary for the vindication and self-respect of his admmistra tion. , ? At the same time we are profoundly con rinced that the President owes to the country a duty far higher than any that can pos sibly be demanded by the comfort of his administration. However anxious he may be to secure a confirmation of his action by Congress in the issue of the reserve, he must not do this at the terrible sacrifice imposed upon him by the approval of the Senate bilL He can say truly, and the country will sustain him in the averment, that he cannot permit a flagrant attack upon the public faith and credit under the specious guise of an indorsement of his Secretary ot the Treasury. He will find the highest inspira tion in his own record. There is no question upon which the President has expressed himself with so much frequency and force as the finan cial question. It came to him at the outset of his administration as the most important issue before the country. After his supreme and transcendent successes in war the President naturally felt that, if he could only succeed in I funding the national debt, returning to specie payments and advancing our credit to the 1 proud position it held beiore the war, he would I have gained new and even more brilliant honors-would have added.igjome measure the fame of Hamilton to the fame of Wash ington. Accordingly the whole record of the President has been in favor of financial in tegrity and solvency, The financial mistakes of Boutwell, and his administration of the Treasury was little more than a series of mis takes, were condoned by the country be cause they clumsily expressed the yearning of the people for specie payments, for a solvent bank system and for the restoration of the national credit We were mainly satisfied to learn on the first of every month that Mr. Boutwell had, during the month i preceding, redeemed so many millions of i bonds. Events have shown that it would have been wiser for the President and his Secretary to have given more attention to the general financial condition of the country, leaving the immediate duty of paying the debt to the future, when we had recovered from the im mediate burdens of the war and found our selves strong enough in the added resources of increased prosperity to meet the expenses of the war without a strain. But so eager was the President in urging his financial policy that he made every con sideration secondary to its success. The time has now come for him to prove the sin cerity of his declarations. Let us look at his record for a moment and see what we have a right to expect from him at this time. We find him calling the attention of Congress to the duty "of securing to the citizens a medium of exchange of fixed, unvarying value.'' This the President widely regarded as "one of the highest duties of the govern ! ment," implying "a return to a specie basis," j ] for which no substitute could be de- | vised. On December 4, 1870, the Presi dent, in a message to Congress, insisted that we "should look to a policy which should place our currency at par with gold at no distant day." In 1871 we find him again urg | ing the same policy in terms of unusual em phasis, saying truly that the condition of the currency "fostered a spirit of gambling preju dicial alike to national morals and the national : finances." This, we repeat, is an emphatic opinion from a man as moderate in his phrases as General Grant, and we can understand the annoyance its publication at this time will be apt to give to warm supporters of the ad ministration like Logan and Morton. Still more so, we have the statement, distressing to a mind like that of General Butler, for instance, that "we can never have permanent prosperity un til a specie basis is reached.'' Considering that the pine woods and Rocky Mountain statesmen are eagerly demonstrating tliat there is no prosperity to be compared with what must result from the accession of a variety of new printing presses to the Treasury Depart 1 ment, the calm opinion of the President, that no number of rapidly revolving printing presses will add a dollar to our "permaneut prosperity," will be ft disappointment and a surprise. The President, it may be interesting to a statesman as profound and tarry as Merrimon to know, as far back as 1869 had sincere views about his duty in a case like the present. He would, he oaid, always express his views to Congress, and, when advisable, use the "con stitutional privilege of interposing a veto" to defeat measures he opposed. Singularly enough, in the very Message which asserts this plain and at times necessary dnty he says: ? "A great debt bas been contracted in securing to as and our posterity the Union. The payment of this, principal and interwt, as well as the return to a specie basis as soon as it can be accomplished without material | detriment to the debtor class or to the country at large, must be provided for. To protect i the national honor every dollar of the gov j eminent indebtedness should be paid in gold, unless otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract'' These words, as our readers may remember, were spoken by the President in his first inaugural address. They had an un usual meaning at that time, because the Presi dent came fresh from the people, and his noble declaration was in some senses a protest against the astounding financial philosophy of Bome of President Johnson's later messages in favor of virtual repudiation. Nor was the President hasty in forgetting this declaration, foi in his first ?"""?! Message to Congress he speaks of irredeemable currency as actually "among the evils growing out of the rebellion." We quote this striking phrase at the risk of grave offenoe to states men like Senator Cameron, who insist by their action that irredeemable currency is among the "blessings" flowing from the rebellion, like emancipation and union. In 1870 the President, in his annual Message to Congress, and ignoring the views of men of the peculiar genius of Mr. Sprague, called upon Congress to adopt a ? 'wise and prudent'' policy, "which would place our currency at par with gold at no distant day." Reflection evidently strengthened the President in his persistent views, for we find him in 1871 actu ally asserting that one of the effects of an irre deemable currency would have a most "dam aging effect" upon "the prices of all articles necessary for everyday life." In 1872 he con tinued to impress upon Congress the high im portance of "the preservation of our national credit" It will amaze our Rocky Mountain statesmen, like Harvey, to learn that the Presi dent actually believed that our credit was not to be preserved by issuing enormous quantities of decorated paper as money, but by providing "a national currency of fixed, unvarying value as compared with gold." The voice of the country in summoning the President to a second term, by a vote as magnificent as that given to Washington, evidently did not change his temper, for in his second inaugural address he says that his efforts would be devoted "to the restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the world's standard of value, and, if possible, to a par with it" In his last Message to Congress he crowns his record in these words:?"We can never have permanent prosperity until a specie basis is reached." "The exact medium is specie, the recognized medium of exchange the world over. That obtained, we shall have a currency of an exact degree of elasticity. If there be too much of it for the legitimate purposes of trade and commerce it will flow out of the country; if too little the reverse will result. To hold what we have, and to appreciate our currency to that standard, is a problem de serving the most serious consideration of Con gress." With this record we can only have one hope so far as the President is concerned? thatjae will b^worthy of his lame and of his consistent and noble utterances, and veto this bill. Whatever annoyance may result to his administration, he owes this veto to the good name of the country. Let him show the people that his words are something more than words; that his promises are not to be broken when the time comes for their fulfilment, and that t.Viia is the one occasion in which, in the exer cise of his constitutional prerogative of the veto, he will stamp out and destroy a perni cious and degrading measure. Stat* Building#?A. Good Suggestion. A bill has been introduced in the Legisla ture by Mr. Miller, of Herkimer, creating a State building commission, to consist of the Governor, Lieutenant Governor and Comptrol- | ler. The commission is to have control of j the construction of all State buildings, in cluding the new Capitol at Albany. In view | of the repeated attacks that have l>een made | on the management of the present Capitol Commission, as well as on general grounds, we are disposed to regard the bill with favor. The commissioners are to have power to ap point a supervising architect, who is to be invested with the entire charge of the details of construction and made directly responsible ! to the commission. In the election of Gov- j ernor and Lieutenant Governor, with probably i two exceptions in the former and two or three j in the latter office, the State has adhered to her old traditions and j chosen men of distinguished character and unblemished record. From Clinton down to Dix, running through such names as t Jay, Tompkins, Yates, Van Buren, Throop, Marcy, Seward, Bouck, Wright, Young, Hunt, Seymour, King and Morgan, we find almost unbroken an honorable Executive line, while the list of Lieutenant Governors, made brill- | iant by such names as Van Cortlandt, Van 1 Rensselaer, De Witt Clinton, Erastus Boot, | John Tracy, Luther Bradish, Daniel 8. j Dickinson, George W. Patterson, Santord E. Church, Henry J. Raymond, Henry 11. Selden and David R. Floyd Jones, is equally credit- 1 able to the State. The State Comptrollers i have also been in the main exc llent officers, j The people have not yet lost faith in the ; executive branch of the State government and ! will be well satisfied to see Mr. Miller's bill | become a law. Tile Septennate. The Pall Mall Gazette prints a curious statement to the effect that, in the event of certain elections going against the gov ernment, Marshal MacMahon would appeal , to the country with this question:?"Does the nation confirm my election as President of the Republic for seven years? Yes or no?" , The Marshal entertains a hope that the vote would be in the affirmative, and that With i such a vote he could afford to summon a new Assembly. Without this support a new Assem bly would be a dangerous experiment The j chances are that the vote would be largely re ! publican, and not disposed to respect the will ! of its predecessor. But if the nation con firmed the Marshalate he would only have to ' amend his Ministry to suit the opinions of the j new Legislature. If the vote of the coun i try were to be averse to the prcs ; ent government, then would come a most i interesting question. The Assembly could j recall Henry V., or there would bo a : plebiscitum asking France whether she pre j ferred Bourbon, Bonaparte or republican. I Without some definite expression from France ' of her confidence in the present government it is little more than a scandal, and we can well understand the Marshal's uneasiness. Hi* power oomee from an Assembly which long since lost the confidence of the people. It is a government without a root. In fact, the only governments that seem to have any root in France are the republic and the old monarchy. Napoleonisin, with ull of its favoring prospects, is only an expedient, a system based upon a man, which needs a Napoleon to make it possible. Oemmsf sad Ut? Army Bill. The Prussian government has won a new victory in the German Parliament After a long and angry struggle between the Prussian element and the elements representing the new States of the German Confederation the Parliament has accepted compromise measures proposed by Prussia and passed the Army bilL Our readers, we fear, have only vaguely under stood the character and intensity of this struggle. The Prussian government has never been very conciliatory in its dealings with representative bodies, and we fear that, if tne Parliament had been simply an expression of Prussian sentiment, the Emperor would have found a rude and peremptory way of answer ing its objections. In the quarrels which marked the early part of the royal reign the Emperor carried his point by the use of abso lute power, and earned for himself a reputa tion for tyranny which was only destroyed, or better, perhaps, atoned by Sadowa and Sedan. But a German Parliament is a far different body from the old Prussian Legis lature. It represents governments who oame Into the Confederation with reluctance ; some of them driven into it by the stress of success ful war; others, like Bavaria and Saxony, compelled to aocept the relation as a penalty for allianoes with Austria. The representa tives of these old kingdoms must receive more delicate treatment than that vouchsafed to mere Prussians. Accordingly we have had a series of unusual efforts on the part of the government to compol the acceptance of the official measure. The Emperor, for instance, on the occasion of his birthday, as reported by our German correspondents the other day, referred to the crisis hanging over the army as an ex traordinary crisis, and expressed his resolution to sustain by the power of the sword all that the sword had gained. He could not hold Alsace and Lorraine, for instance, without keeping an army of four hundred thousand men "ready to march." This opinion was strengthened by the declaration of Moltke that it would require fifty years of a large standing army and armed occupation of the annexed provinces to confirm their conquest. This opinion he sustains by a more reoent and somewhat declamatory statement that Germany found it necessary to "keep her hand on the sword" in consequence of the shouts for revenge, and that "disarmament would mean war." Then we have Prince Bismarck in a tempestuous and dramatic attitude. Accord ing to an "inspired" German chronicler the Prince recently summoned certain Deputies to his bedside and declared that he "could not sacrifice his European reputation, and that as soon as he could hold his pen in his hand he would send in his resignation." The Prince saw only two ways to save the realm from the difficulties surrounding it, his own retire ment or a dissolution of Parliament The result of this unusual pressure is that the Par liament and the Prussian government have come to an agreement. The Army bill has : been passed in an amended form and peace once more prevails. But there are certain pregnant thoughts I that should not be overlooked. We have all along been told by truculent fellow citizens at home, zealous about the German vote, that the Frenchmen are either cowards or monkeys; that it was a pity Bismarck did not dis member and annex the country. Evidently the Emperor does not think so or he would not crave the constant presence and readiness of four hundred thousand armed men. We have been assured also that Alsace and Lor raine were in heart and sympathy German, and longed for the hour when they could again meet the motherly embrace of dear old, bereft Germania. Most assuredly Moltke holds a contrary opinion or he would not ask for a fifty-year standing army to hold the prov inces. It has also been cheerfully believed that the result of the last war was the paralysis of the power of France and her degrada tion into a second rate position among the na tions. Prince Bismarck labors under no such delusion or he would not have staked his reign upon the fate of an army bill. Moreover, all the beatific assurances of peace that have fallen from the governing lips of Germany, of perpetual peace, growth in arts and the in dustries, harmonious alliances and so on, were evidently hopes and visions, not expres sions of belief. For it seems that peac j can only be preserved by an aggregate of standing armies and an expenditure of treasure such as the world has never seen. No wonder that Germany is restless. No wonder men who love their Fatherland hasten to leave home in such numbers that the emi gration problem is now one of the most em barrassing in the German policy. Germany sees now that she made a mistake in her con test with France. Instead ot making war upon Napoleon, as the Emperor avowed to be his purpose, he permitted himself to make war upon France. From having the sympathies ot the world be excited ita resentment In stead of building up Germany he sought to destroy France. Ignoring the spirit of the nineteenth century, that no great and free people can be governed without their consent, he rudely annexed two French provinces and condemned them to a half century of martial law. Rather than so make war that France would regard Napoleonism as the cause of her misfortunes, and look upon the Emperor William as the defender ot his crown against the ambition of an imperial adventurer, he preferred to treat every Frenchman as the hereditary and implacable enemy of his house, and so humiliated the people that revenge became another word for patriotism. The result is a burden upon Germany herself so vast that the Parliament groans and threatens mutiny, and burdens upon other nations?Russia, Italy, Austria and England? of the most stupendous character. Instead of a serene and lasting peacc, wo have German generals asking for men in tho most anxious manner, while the proud Bismarck has been scouring Europe for alliances ngainst an enemy who was supposed to be crushed at Sedan. In the meantime France steadily, patiently arms, and gives ull her energies to the peace ful development of her resources. With all the clamor at Versailles about one form of government or another this purpose is never forgotten. We do not know how loug there will be peace; it is probable that this gener i a:ion CMS awav Without wa : bat i. is very certain that the next time a German em peror crosses the Rhine to "protect the peace of Europe" he will find another commander than Bazaine and oth er troops than the ill conditioned levies which Gambetta sent to defend the banks of the Loire. Tl?? Greece and the Hurope?Unpleas ant Coaseqaencea of a Fortanate Re sea*. In the resone of the passengers and mails of the French steamer Europe by the English steamer Greece the plain facts of the case the facts that are indisputably clear?reflect great credit upon the seamanship and human ity of the British captain. He delays his own voyage nearly a day ; he sends out his boats in a heavy sea and extends the hospitality of his ship to four hundred human creatures, who, but for him and his service, would now in all probability be numbered in the mourn ful chronicle that keeps the names of the ill fated Ville du Favre. As a sailor and a man, we may say that he oould have done no less, and this is easily said, without the considera tion thai very much less ha* often been done in these cases. In our judgment this captain acted handsomely and nobly, and the leading faot in the case is that he saved four hundred human lives without an accident For conduct like this we might reasonably suppose that no word could be said on the subject not to his credit, and especially that those indebted to him for their lives would have the grace and manly spirit to speak only in praise of the services ren dered to them in such extremity. Instead of recogmzing his ftj.d, ^howevfr, they ungener ously impugn his motives. They seem to for get the whole story in the energy with which they remember some petty detail. They cor rect some statement of his that does not agree with their remembrance, and take the occasion to vilify and libel him; they raise a point of veracity; they deal with small shortcomings? indicating a remarkably close observation and a remarkably retentive memory of every thing but the one great and leading fact in the case. All this we regret to see, because sympathy is naturally moved in favor of the French captain and company, who have lost their ship, and it is unfortunate that this sympathy should be forfeited by a mistaken course, and especially when this mistaken course puts the French captain in an irreclaimably false posi tion. He is in a case to need to be saved from his friends. Little that he could now say, or that could be pretentiously said on his behalf by others, could better his position legally with regard to the salvage of the Europe, if a case should arise between him and the prize crew put on his ship from the Greeoe. But apparently no such case can ever arise ; for the prize crew have been landed?they having in their turn given up the ship?so that if she is still afloat, which is unlikely, the rights that may have been acquired by the people from the Greece have been extinguished by their abandonment of the vessel, and a new and totally different question will arise if she is cast on any Bhore. Even if the case had arisen as between these parties there is pretty clear reason to believe that Jhe French owners must have had the worst of it It is said now that when the French captain left his vessel he left her with the intention to return; that he went away only to communicate personally with the English captain in regard to the passengers ; and it is further said that this was declared and understood at the time. If this is true, if the French captain went away intending shortly to return, then the Europe was not an abandoned vessel; and if the British captain, as charged, prevented his return forcibly, this was a wrong on the part of the English sailors, and they could derive no advantage from their own I wrongful act. But we must remember that it is disputed and very explicitly denied on the part of the English that the French captain intended to return to his ship. And in this difference the intention of the French captain would scarcely be accepted from his own dec larations made now, but would have to be derived from his acts. These seem to be against him. He had a life preserver on. He is reported to have said, in coming on the Greece, that his own ship would not float three hoars, and if this conld be proved it wonld burely indicate that he left her becanse he thought any effort to save her would be hopeless. Several facts of the same nature seem to weigh heavily against his declared intention. As we have said, however, it seems to us to be a great error on the part of his friends to provoke the discussion of these points by making what seem to us very ill-judged charges against Captain Thomas. Some of these are already openly made, and some others are included in a letter which has been addressed to us by Mr. George Mackenzie, and which we must decline to publish, because it seems to us to be a libel on the English captain. If the French captain left his ship, hopeless of his capacity to carry her into port, the event has proved, apparently, that he was the best judge of her condition, and, on the whole, acted wisely, even if prema turely, since another was compelled to leave her a little later. All the indications from his conduct are that he did so leave her. It he was not hopeless, ii he intended to return, it is strange that he should have left her all night without a light and without a soul on board. More Trouble in Arkansas.?The long threatened intention to oust Governor Baxter, of Arkansas, from the gubernatorial chair culminated yesterday in a piece of sharp | practice that is likely to end in a conflict of arms. It will be remembered that Joseph Brooks, the republican candidate for Gov ernor in 1872, claimed to have been elected; but the Legislature set his claim aside and awarded the office to Elisha Baxter, his op ponent. An application was made to the courts to oust Baxter ; but it was not pressed, and he continued to exercise the office till yesterday, when he was forcibly ejected from the State House by Brooks upon authority of an order from the Circuit Court, which had been obtained without the knowledge of Baxter's lawyers. Civil war is threat ened and the President called upon to restore the authority of the State to the hands of the Governor. The policy of the administration is regard to the chaotic governments of the South has been so remarkable that it is not easy to predict what course will be pursued; i but if governors of States continue to be ejected by federal courts there will soon be an end to republican government in every part of the country. ItMm Laoci. We publish elsewhere this morning a letter from the Secretary of the Chamber of Com merce commending the course of the Herald in urging upon Congress and the maritime nations the early establishment of "steam lanes." We are gratified that the memorial of this useful public body been graciously received by Congress and that it has found able advocates in Senator Roscoe Conkling and Representative S. S. Cox. All, apparently, that remains to be done is to secure the immediate passage of Senator Conklmg's bill and the co-operation of foreign maritime nations. When the Ville du Havre was lost Admiral Jaurez, a member of the French Assembly, at once introduced a reso lution asking that an international commission might be established for the determination of such a code as would lessen the dangers of transatlantic voyages and punish officers who might negligently jeopardize the lives of their passengers. This proposition was followed by a ?imilar movement in the House of Com mons. We are not aware that any steps have been taken in Germany to accomplish the ends in view; but, if not, we hope that the Chamber of Commerce will lose no time in communicat ing with the German government and with those organs and corporations which may have an influence in hastening the organization of this commission. We would say, furthermore, that it would be idle to convene at such a con gress ft/gw old-stage horse reformers, who would "&eet at several dinner p^rfleifand tken ad-^ journ, after having written a fine manuscript on tinted paper, neatly tied together with red ribbon and perfumed with Ihlang-Ihlang. Serious, practical scientific men, who are not so scientific that they are useless, should be appointed, and each and every delegate so named should have the reputation of having done something. In our day we have had all manner of international congresses. We have had a Coinage Congress, a Telegraph Congrees, a Weight and Measure Congress, a Prison Re form Congress, a Peace Congress, a Universal Language Congress, and yet every nation holds on to the mediaeval traditions of its money, to its own system of telegraphy, to its own avoirdupois, to its own abuses of prison discipline, to its own vicious and belligerent susceptibilities and to its own tongue and dialects. A mari time congress called together to decide upon ocean tracks, to command electric lights on the sea and to improve our maritime law should not meet and pass similarly into his tory. Seamen and merchants are generally practical men, who have little or no time to lose, an* from this class we hope the majority of the delegates will be chogen; and we de voutly pray that the congress in prospective will not adjourn without, at least, having taken some decisive action. Week after week until December there will be on the average between ten thousand and twelve thousand passengers in transitu between this and Euro pean ports. Although the season of snow storms is over in the higher latitudes, icebergs, fogs, collisions, unwisely lengthened ships, bad seamanship or defective boilers may at any moment entail appalling disasters. We do not believe they will occur, but they are possible. To render them impossible is to assemble the best maritime wisdom of the two hemispheres, to convene the best masters of hydrography and the laws of storms, not for getting that old sea captains without theo retical training have an experience not to be treated with derision. Tinkering with the Street Cleaning. A bill has been introduced in the Assembly creating a street cleaning commission in New York, to be composed of the Major, Comp troller, President of the Board of Health and three other persons to be appointed by the Mayor and confirmed by the Common Coun cil. The commission is empowered to divide the city into districts and let the cleaning by districts to the lowest bidders for the contract. As the Mayor appoints the whole Board, the Mayor would, in fact, be the commission. Under the venerable Mr. Havemeyer we should not be likely to secure a very active or competent commission. The proposition is a mere tinkering with the subject. We had better have a commission for New York and Brooklyn as a single dis trict and give the appointment to the Gover nor. Besides, the commissioners thus ap pointed should have control not alone of the cleaning of the streets, but of their paving and repairing as well. They should be empowered to macadamize all the principal roads that need repaving. This would be a solid reform, while the bill now before the Assembly is mere patchwork and would leave our streets in their present deplorable condition. We cannot have clean streets until we have good roads, and we shall not have good roads until some such reform as we suggest is secured. The Remains or Db. Livingstone reached Southampton yesterday, where they were re ceived by fifty thousand people. Mr. Henry M. Stanley, the Herald correspondent, was immediately recognized by Wainwright, who was with Livingstone in Central Africa. Wainwright communicated to Mr. Stanley a full description of the death of the g^eat traveller and philanthropist. The Louisiana Case.?In the Senate jester* day Mr. Carpenter's bill for o new ekeetion was again under discussion, Senator West making a long speech in opposition to the measure. His argument hinged upon the simple proposition that if Kellogg was not legally elected Governor of the State McEnery must in fact be the Governor. This is no doubt the truth, but it is hopeless to ex pect Congress to say so by restoring to the State its rightful authority, and, consequently, a new election will be better than a usurpa tion which is to continue for two years longer. The allegations in regard to the re-enactment of the Election law by the Legislature are aa startling as the oftginal crime, and, if true, only go to show the recklessness with which dema-, gogues promote their usurpations in the Sout'lL The Bendes Abbest.?We publish this morning a full account of the arrest in 4Jtah of Bender, the Kansas assassin. The/crime and the long escape from capture a/e alike remarkable ; but, as in most cases of. the kind* justice has found the offender at last The whole Bender lamily will probably remain at large but a little while longer*