Newspaper Page Text
NEW YORK HERALD
BROADWAY AflO AAA STREET. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, PKOPRIETO ?. LONDON' OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK HERALD?NO. 46 FLEET STREET. Vitrsv riptions and Advertisements will be re.' tv d and lorwardfcd on the saint terms as in New York. Vuiuiue WYI-Y \o. HIT UrHLVEVIS THIS UTLmOOV A>1> CICMMi MBl.li 'S GARDEN, BroaJwa- lii-tween Prince uinl llou-tuil street*.?THE CliVr iiii.ilu.V UK, l.Dsr AMI Won, at H P. M.: eW? at lu AN P. M Mr. Ju-eaU Wheeloclt una .Ml** lone Burki. I KRKACIi 41A HORN THEATRE. Fitly cfuhth iri-. in ir Third avenue.? Concert, Dram lu ,iud Operatic I'.riuruittuce, at s P. M ; closes at 11 . .M. THEATRE COMIQtTR, KftlllBroidtiav.?NECK AND NEcK.at BP. M.; clused at lO-.Ji! I'. M. E. T. -tetsoii and Marion summer*. BOOTH'S THEATRE. Twentv-thir.t xtreet and sixth avenue.?LA MoRTE CIVILE, at B P. M close- at 11 P. M. MKiior Salvluu WaLLACK S THEATRE, Broadway and Thirteenth street.?KATE, at 8 P. M.; ctua-satUP M. Miss < arlotta Le Clercq. OLYMPIC THEATRE. Broadway, lietweon 11. u-lou and llleecaer afreets.? NAKIi IV ENTERTAIN M EAT. at 7.K> P. M. ; clu?ei> at lu At P. M WOOD'S ML'SEEM, Eroadway, corner ol Thirtieth Afreet.?MONDAY; OR, m> k iiakkawav a mono the iskiga.nd>, at 2 P. v close-at 4 n 1' M. Same at S P. M.; closes atl0:3u I'M lleniaiide* Foster. TONY PASTOR'S OPERA HOUSE, Bowerv. ?vakierv ENTERTAINMENT, at 8 P. U.; clo?efe at 1U :M I'. M MulilleO at P. M. BRYAN I S OPERA HOUSE. Twentv-tt lr I -ne t, near sixth avenue ?NEURO MIN BTRKLSY, Ac., at 5 P M.; cloaes at 10 P. M. CENTRAL PARK GARDEN, p :f >-ninth <trret and Seventh avenue ?THOMAS' CON. CUt l at 8 P. M. ; closes at 10 :'.0 P. M. ROBINSON HALL SiXlf. nth -tri e', near Broadwuy.?Bullock's Rjysl Ma rionettes. atSP M. Matinee at 2 P.M. COLOsSEUM. Bn . J? a? corner ol Thirty-firth street. ?LONDON BY JilGHT. lit 1 P. M.; closes at i P. M. Satue at 7 P M.f C lusef a 110 P. M. ROMAN MIPI'ODP.OME, Madison avenue and I weuty-sixth street.?URAN'D PAt.l.ANT?CONilRivS- OB' RATIONS, at 1:3 ? P. M. aud 7 P. W TRIPLE SHEET. Mew York, Tuesday, June 46, 1874, From our reports this morning the probabilities are that the weather to-day icilt be cloudy, with local rains. Wall Street Yesterday.?Stocks were more active, but lower. Gold opened at 110J and closed at 110J. These were the only quota tions of the day. The Carlist Cause must either be very desperate or Dou Carlos must be very strong, when eighteen officers can be shot at one time for mutiny. To us the report indicates despair; although the most charitable view to be taken is that it is not true. The Brazilian Cable, it will be seen trom j this morning's news, is likely to be completed by the "21st ot the present month. The final splice is being made near Madeira. We cannot Lave too many cables between the Old World and the New. Toe Famine is India has attained gigantic proportions, the British government under taking the onerous task ot feeding three and a bait millions of destitute people. Very gloomy results are anticipated in the face of this appalling calamity, as iu the stricken dis trict there can be no crop for six months to come. The government is doing its duty bravely and making amends for the early history of English domination in India. It is en example that commends itself to the con sideration of our own government in view of the sufferers in Louisiana from the inunda tions of the Mississippi River. After the Liquor Dealers and Negligent Police.?Mayor Stokley, of Philadelphia, trampd through the Btreets of his city on Sunday to instruct himself as to the notorious and almost universal violation of the Sunday law lor closing the liquor saloons. He found the grogshops everywhere in lull blast. He fcuiti, properly enough, the police were to blame, aud particularly the lieutenants, and that hereafter he should bold each lieutenant responsible for the violation of the law in his district. There are other places besides Phil adelphia where the law is virtually a dead letter and where the authorities might be more vigilant. The Board of Apportionment met yester day. out in tlie absence of the Mayor no busi ness was transacted. A resolution wua offered by Mr. Vance, who was in the chair, requiring that forty-eight hours' notice of meetings of the Board shall be given to all the Xcvinb'Ts, such notice to state the business lor wLk ii the meeting is convened, and whenever bunds are required to be issued to contain the requisition of the department requiring the bonds. the objects for which they are to be issued and a reference to the law by which they are authorized. The resolution, which was laid over in the .bsence of Mr. Have ineyi r. should be unanimously adopted. Its object i to protect the taxpayers and to pre vent that hasty and inconsiderate action which La n'.r-ndy increased the public indebtedness in a very questionable manner. The English Public Worship Bill.?A bill is now before the British Parliament La ving for its object the restraining of the ritualists, or, as they are called, High Church party. As a general rule, and for the most obvious reasons, the ritualists are tories of the deepest dye. They believe in divine right, in landlord supremacy and such like. On almost all points they are in sympathy with the great rons.rvative party. On one point, however, they are not in harmony. They reveal unui.stakable tendencies towards ltorne. Mr. Gladstone, the recognized and indis pensable head ot the liberal party, is a prominent rituaiist. Mr. Gladstone is now in the funniest position in which an great English statesman ever tound hiins.it. With tb? entire strength of the g . .it liberal party at his bac k be is resisting a in. i>t;re which is essentially English, and which, if rightly understood, must command 11 e v-mpatby of the democracy of the British Empire. It is not wondertul that Mr. Glad stuu 'r name is now mentioned in connection * Oxford University. How Mr. Gladstone m j get out ot this dilemma, or what la to be tn> Lmd resting place ot this remarkable man, politically and religiously, it is ttUWdttly diJfr suit even to i Republicanism la Franca. The situation in France grows more and more interesting. All students of political growths, and especially ot the progress of free governments towards stability and peace, will watch with the deepest attention the efforts of the French to fashion a government that will unite order aud liberty, that will combine jieace and prosperity with perfect freedom. For ourselves, wishing all happiness and honor to France, because of her friendship to America in the days when we needed aid, and because of what she has done for eulightenment and liberty, we feel the profouudest interest in the success of the Republic. Although that suc cess is not hopeful, and the work has been attended with discouragements and disap pointing outbreaks like the Commune, an out break quite as disgraceful and almost as brutal as tbe draft riots in New York, and although the recent signs iu France are not apt to give the republicans much comfort, we still believe that there can be no stable government that is not republican in form and spirit. We put aside as unworthy even of serious considera tion the sentiment which the American mind, in its moments of excessive political vanity, is so apt to fondle, that "the Freuch people are unlit for sell-government." France has never shown so much progress aud real national strength as under the Republics. The Republic has always meant peace, while every other form of government meant war. Tbe republican wars were made in self-defence, to protect the territory from kings and princes who came as enemies of freedom. The mon archical aud imperial wars were muinly in vasions to conquer and extend and save dynas ties. Never has republicanism shown its fit ness more clearly than since Sedan. We do not think the Republic of Gumbetta or Thiers especially exalted forms of free government, but they are forms that have been honestly administered. When Napoleon was living in the pampered luxury of Ca6sel as a war pris oner, when his marshals were squandering the armies of France by treachery and incom petency, a republican government that came, as Bismarck said, from "the pavement," struck the only heroic blow that was struck for France during the war. When tbe country was prostrate-and bleeding and ap parently dead, auother republican government lilted her, bound up her wounds, rescued her soil trom the conqueror and showed the world her marvellous resources. From that time to the present there has been peace. Why is it now that we see discord and agita tion? The reason is a plain one, and it cannot be too carefully studied by republicans all over the world. Tbe antagonist of the Republic is Napoleonism. Wo can understand how the first Bonaparte could make Napoleonism a system, but only sach a man could do it. Since liis time what have we seen ? Begin ning with the eighteenth of Brumaire?em bracing tbe invasion of Spain and Russia, the murder of Due d'Enghien, and the needless catastrophe of Waterloo? what was the career of the transcendant genius who then ruled France, but a splendid, Jove-like, imperial tyranny, which had no purpose that was not selfishness, which never hesitated to use every power to gain its purpose? To make kings of the dreaming Louis, the foolish Joseph, the gaudy Murat and the worthless Jerome, Napoleonism squandered the blood of hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen on fifty bat tle fields, and surrendered to tho alliance of kings all that Napoleon's genius, which was great, and the genius of revolutionary France, which was greater, had gained. This was the fault of the magnificent genius whose glory astonished the world, and to which the world has always pardoned so much. It was the eagle?and since then we have had the vulture and the crow. Can we dud more fitting emblems for the Third Empire ? Con cede to Napoleon III. as an exponent of Na poleonism all that his eulogists claim, and what is his system but another phase of subtle, successful, gaudy and, in the end, ruinous tyranny ? He reigned twenty years. Daring that time he was master of France, the richest country in some respects in the world. He was so weak that he permitted a wanton war, and when war came it was found that, notwithstanding the millions France had lavished on the army, there was no army. The millions had gone no one knows whither, and France was at the mercy of a justly angered and invin cible enemy. Wherever a menace or an adven ture with a weak power could serve his pur pose Napoleon was strong. He could fight Bussia with the aid of England and Austria, assisted by Italy, but when it came to an actual war with an armed enemy he was de feated. We look in vain through the career of this ruler for any of those fascinating, and, in the eyes of tho world, redeeming qualities which gave glory to the founder of his dynasty. He was a gigantic meddler and bully. When we hud our rebellion he showed his hatred of liberty by sending an army to suppress the Mexican Kepublic and put an i Austrian prince on the throne. History already shows that he was on the point of an j armed intervention in behalf of the South. All he did for united Italy was tarnished by his course towards Nice and Savoy, and his protection of the temporal power. His first act as ruler of France was to swear to support the Bepublic; his second was the coup d' ilui. He began his career by breaking his oath, and naturally enough took to street massacre. Then came the Empire, of which it may be said that it massacred French citizens on the boulevards, built a great number of new streets in Paris surrendered two provinces at Sedan, and paid Germany a crashing in demnity. It may be said that France condoned all of these acts, just as it may be said that the United States condoned the horrors of slavery. This we grant simply for the argument. But we should as soon welcome shivery back to this country as Napoleomsui back to France. There were splendid qualities in either system, and they were alike in this?that they were t forms of governmental tyranny. There was nothing in the Empire as gracious and fasci nating as the fine old plantation lile that per ished at Appomattox. But its fascination and its graces were not atonements tor its sin. So with Napoleonism in whatever form we meet it. Look at this crisis, study it care lully iu its budding and blossoming, and what Ido we see? Simply the coup ditat in another form. Ever aiaee U. Thiers' presidency, when ever fiance has had occasion to apoak la the election of a delegate, she has spoken in favor of the Republic. We believe there has been two or three exceptions. One was the election of a Bouupartist in the Department of the Nievre. This was the first sign of life the party bad shown, and in an instant the country was in flumes. Every agency that could be used was summoned to disturb the peace, throw France into anarchy, dissolve the Assembly, and ac complish an electoral coup (V(tat. The country was at rest Content and order reigned. There were industry, comfort, repose. The republicans were docile and patient although they were winning victory after victory, and although they saw as all the world saw that the Assembly no longer represented France, and that the government was a moral usurpa tion, They would have been justified iu making war upon this moral usurpation, but with matchless self-denial and forti tude that cannot be too highly honored they have patiently abided their time, confident that when France did speak, it would be to proclaim definitely and forever the Republic. But Napoleonism having won a single victory its leaders mean to force a coup d'ilat. It is possible the Bonapartists may win. We can see how imperialism can return to France. But it is not for us to welcome it or to repine at the spectacle of a country so noble, so rich, so endowed with splendid qualities, with so much civilization and enterprise and thought, a country which has done so much for free dom and progress in every way, passing again under the dominion of a beardless Bonaparte, whose traditions come from the Napoleons of the eighteenth of Brumaire and the second of December, whose counsellors would be Ronber, who never failed to be the lackey of the Empire, and Fleury, who propelled the massacres on the boulevards, and Bazaine, who was condemned to death for having surrendered with out cause the fiuest fortress and the best armies in France. All this may come, and it may come, too, with much pamde and cir cumstance. Assuredly there would be the fire works and rhetoric of Napoleonism in profu sion, and men and women in France would sing hosannas as men and women in America sang hosannas to slavery, and would smg them to-morrow could slavery only return. For ourselves our hopes are with the Republic ; aud not only for France, but for the other nations. We may have restorations, but they will be postponements. We may have revolu tions, but they will be aspirations. Iu spite of disappointment and failure the Repub lic will come, and with it peace, civilization and that true freedom which as yet the em perors and kings have failed to give mankind. The American Cardinal.?The Enquirer, of Cincinnati, agrees with the St Louis Republican that, "as the United States must be considered as among the great Powers of the world, and its Catholic people nu merous, wealthy and intelligent, the honor of the Cardinal's hat, it is thought, will no longer be withheld." The Repub lican adds that "the two prelates most notably conspicuous in learning and piety and in influence at the Vatican are Arch bishop Purcell, of Cincinnati, and Archbishop Perche, of New Orleans." We have no pref erences as to the mere man upon whom this honor should devolve. All we contend for is the principle that if the dignity of cardinal is of any value to the Catholic Church surely a branch so faithful and true as the American Church should bo selected for the honor. The present Pope, who yields to no one in his zeal for the prerogatives of the Holy See, not long since elevated a young priest to the office of cardinal because he was the cousin of the Emperor Napoleon. How much better to con fer the dignity upon some one of our learned and venerable prelates whose piety and vir tues adorn the ChuTch. It would be well tor our pilgrims to bring these views to the atten tion of His Holiness, now that they have access to him, and see if they cannot return with the coveted and merited distinction. An Educated ob Uneducated Ministry is a lively theme just now among the doctors of the Methodist Church. Yesterday it was dis cussed at a gathering of the preachers at No. 805 Broadway. Our readers can see the re port in another part of the paper and take whichever horn of the dilemma they choose. For our part we think preachers of the Gospel cannot be too well educated. At the same time there is some truth in the argument that a prolonged and dry education in mere verbiage and hair-splitting technicalities may tend to eliminate that vigorous spirit of the Gospel which did so much to build up the Methodist Church. Eight Houes.?We are glad the proposal of Mr. Bunnell to repeal the Eight Hour law in the House yesterday was defeated. There is no doubt a good deal of sentiment on this question of eight hours- for labor. There are very few industrious men, whether they labor at masonry or literature, who do not work more than eight hours a day from sheer love of work. But this should be a matter of option, as it always will be. So far as the law is concerned and so far as labor has any rela tions to capital the Eight Hour law is wise. One effect will be that all questions of hours will fade away, and laboring men will be paid for the work they actually do and not for the time employed in doing it This we should be glad to see as a step towards the inde pendence of the workinginan. Wx Agree with Mr. Conkling that in oar careless way of passing bills for the relief of people who "suffered during the war" we shall soon have Jefferson Davis and those who acted with him asking compensation for cotton used in the defence of Vicksburg. There wus a bill before the Senate yesterday to relieve a certain Mr. Anderson, of Ken tucky. by paying him for cotton used in Nashville. We have no doubt there are many cases of extreme hardship in the South which should receive relief and to which it would be wise and mercitul to extend aid, but we can not do so by this haphazard legislation. Let there be a comprehensive law based upon a wise system governing all these cases, and the matter can pass into the jurisdiction of the courts. 1 A Difference.?According to Mr. Gar field's statement in the House yesterday one ' of the bills appropriated nine millions less this year than it did last year. This is a good sign, especially if tha nine millions do not i oome to as again in the thane of a defiolency Civil Strrlt* Reftorm. The fact that the House yesterday actually killed civil service reform J ?ads us to some reflections upon the purpose and philosophy of this luuch-lauded sebt me. In this country of abundant schools, where in struction is so general, litt le is to be gained by preparatory examinations. The (liseuse of our civil service is not intel lectual, but moral. The incumbents seldom fail by incapacity, but too oiten by unscru pulous partisanship and personal dishonesty. No examination can be a test of faithfulness and integrity, and as this most essential branch of qualifications admits of no other proof at the outset than the certified refuta tion of the applicaut, it might be as weil to depend on the same source of information for the less important school attainments iiA which so few are found to fail. President Jackson, who first introduced the spoils system which has so utterly corrupted our public life, made the commonness of intellectual capacity for such duties the cor ner stone of his argument. In defending the system of "rotation in office," as it was then culled by its advocates, he said in his fivst message to Congress, "The duties of all public offices are, or at least admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance, and I cannot but be lieve that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience." It seldom happens that any of the thousands of clerks, male or female, in the public departments fail to master their duties in a few days. Of the scores of thousands of petty postmasters scattered all over the country, appointed on mere recommendation, nobody can recollect an instance ot mental incompetence. There are frequent cases of dishonesty or embezzle ment, but none, or next to none, of inability to discharge their duties. The functions of subordinate federal officers are not more diffi cult than those of supervisors and town clerks, which are well enough performed, although the incumbents are never required to pass an examination. It would be thought ridiculous to agitate for this kind of test in State, county and town officers. The unfortunate "spoilB system" can be up rooted ouly by a method which goes deeper. The fit thing to be done is to render the civil officers of the lederal government as in dependent of Executive caprice as its military and naval officers. The army, so far as the regular officers are concerned, has always been a model of upright adminis tration. But how long would it retain this high and enviable reputation if the army officers, like the civil officers, were subject to removal on the election of ever}' new Pres ident? The army officers can be removed only for cause alter a fair trial. The conse quence is that they never electioneer and sel dom vote. General Grant never cast but one vote in his life, and that was after he had dis solved his first connection with the army. If the civil officers were made equally in dependent they would be just as indifferent to party politics. If the civil officers were liable to serve, as the army officers are, under suc cessive administrations elected by different parties, and recognized their duty to render faithful service under all, they would no longer be the zealous electioneering instru ments of the President in power, and, what is more important, the vast hordes of office seekers who want their places would be equally quiescent. The most active, corrupt and controlling element of our present politics would abandon the field, because it would have nothing to gain by the success or to lose by the defeat of any party. Previous to General Jackson's time no need was ever felt of what we call civil service re form, and nothing would have been regarded as more needless and whimsical than the literary examinations which callow reformers hold forth as the sovereign specific for official malversation. No civil service was ever purer and more efficient than ours was before the corrupting rule was established that "to the victors belong the spoils." There could be no more conclusive proof cf the failure of the examination remedy than the fewness of the removals during the first forty years of the government All appointments were made without ap plying any literary test, and yet the removals averaged less than two a year. Nobody will accuse our earlier Presidents of keeping incompetent or unfit men in office, and the fact that they found so few occasions lor exercising the power of removal proves the possibility of a sound civil service without preliminary examinations. Washington re moved but nine officers during the eight years of his Presidency ; John Adams in four years removed ten; Jefferson, forty-two in eight years ; Madison, only five in eight years ; Monroe, nine in eight years ; John Quincy Adams, only two in four years?in all barely seventy-seven removals from civil offices dur ing the first ten Presidential terms, including a period of forty years. If we could re-establish this system which prevailed under our early Presidents of making no removals, except for dishonesty or in capacity, all the new appointments could be made after cautious inquiry and deliberation. Instead of filling a hundred thousand places in the first months of a new administration the President would have to make appoint ments only in case of vacancies arising by death, resignation or removal for cause. This hi the only kind of civil service reform which can rescue our institutions from their greatest peril. A Chance fob the Soldiers. ? The House yesterday adopted the proposition of Mr. Hoskins to give preference to discharged soldiers and sailors aud their dependent relatives for employment in the departments, likewise an amendment by Mr. Kellogg re quiring the heads of executive departments to prescribe rules and regulations to test the qualifications of candidates for office. Our discharged soldiers and sailors may have a better chance of appointment. I That Two Millions fob the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians is still a matter of con . tention in Congress. Mr. Hale proposed to strike out the appropriation from the Sundry , Civil Appropriation bill, and in this he was supported by Mr. Garfield. Finally, the j House concluded to postpone the eubjeot and ? refer it to the SeereUtr of the Interior for a iSOMVt Tli* New Court Home ComI*elonere-? la Their Appointment Ugall The Corporation Counsel has officially in structed the newly appointed Commissioners to complete the new Court House building that, while they are entitled to enter und oc cupy the building so far as may be necessary for the proper discharge of their official duties, they have no authority or control over its general custody and cure and no power over the employes. The custody and patron age of the building vests in the Department ot Public Works, now that the city and county governments ufe practically consolidated. Of course Comptroller Green, who endeavored to obstruct the operation of the Consolidation act by instructing the janitors, scrub women and others to recognize no authority save that of the Court House Commissioners, knew the effect of the law without the aid of the Corporation Counsel's opinion, for be refused to recognize in the Old Commission the very powers he has cl vimed for their successors. He raised the trouble only out of unfriendliness towards the Publio Works Department und would have endeavored to defeat the Consolidation act if he ha<.\ known at the time of its passage that its effect would be to increase the patronage of that department. But the question now arises, Are the ap pointments of Court House Commissioners by the Mayo.r properly made, and are such offices legally in existence ? This raises some nice points of law, for the constitu tionality of the several laws relating to this Commission is doubtful. If the original law creating such commissioners and the law amending the original act will stand the test of the courts the further question arises as to the power of the Mayor to appoint without the confirmation of the Board of Aldermen. The .law of 1873, chapter 759, to provide for the completion ot county buildings, declares in the first section, 4'The terms of office of each and every commissioner heretofore appointed for the erection of buildings for county pur poses in the city and county of New York shnll be and are hereby declared to be terminated.'' The law then prooeeds to provide that new commissioners shall be nominated by the Mayor of New York, and appointed by and with the consent of the Board of Aldermen. The law of last session regulating the appoint ing power authorized the Mayor to appoint without the consent of the Aldermen in case of vacancy only, and not when a new term of office was commenced. Independent of the point whether the Mayor and Aldermen, city authorities, could constitutionally be empowered to appoint county officers, the law of 1874 clearly "termi nated" the terms of office of all commissioners for the erection of county buildings, and hence a new term must commence with the new appointments, and no "vacancy," such as contemplated by the latter law, existed in the new Court House Commission. As the Board of Aldermen have already provided for the completion of the Court House by the invitation of bids for the work it is to be hoped that the new Commis sioners, whose appointments are thus of questionable legality, and whose salaries will only be so much money abstracted un necessarily from the impoverished city treas ury, will resign their positions. If they per sist in holding on to their sinecures an in junction should be issued restraining them from incurring any expense for which the city can be held liable, and forbidding the pay ment of their salaries by the Comptroller. The Sunday Record ot Crime. It is a humiliating and disheartening fact that the Sabbath Day seems to be the particular period of the week for the worst passions of men to display themselves in this city. Scarcely a Sunday passes without a murder or some out rage of a kindred nature. A raffle held on Saturday night for the benevolent purpose of assisting a distressed cartman resulted the next morning in a row, in which a pistol and an iron bar were used with fatal effect. The victim in this case was, unfortunately, a peacemaker, whose efforts in the cause of order have brought him to the hospital, and, likely, the grave. Another crime on the list is one which has become painfully frequent in some of our tenement houses. It is a brutal case of wife beating, brought on, of course, by drnnkenness. The same fruitful source of crime led to two serious stabbing affairs in Brooklyn on Sunday morning. A temper ance crusade of some kind or strict police regulations are needed in the metropolis, par ticularly on Saturday night and Sunday. When liquor dealers are permitted to serve out to drunken customers their vile poison without a care for the consequences it is time for a stringent excise law to be put in force, as far as such dens are concerned. We should then be spared the disgrace and shame of a regular list of murders and outrages for every Sunday morning. The Unification of Germany.? It appears from a cable despatch published to-day that there was some mistake as to the reported action of the Federal Council of State of Germany voting on the act for the civil registration of births, deaths and mar riages. It iB denied, in a semi-official tele gram from Berlin to London, that the Federal Council voted to extend the new Prussian law to all the States of the Empire. On the con trary, it is said the Council really rejected the bill on the ground that its provisions are not in haTmony with the legislation of the differ ent States. Thus, with all the tendency to imperial consolidation in Germany, there still remains a powerful State rights senti ment. Vet the Federal Council wants har mony, and has consequently invited Prince Bismarck, as Chancellor, to prepare a new bill applicable to the whole Empire. No statesman knows better, probably, when the time is ripe to enforce his indomitable will and when it is prudent to reach an object by cautious steps. He will, doubtless, keep in view the unification and strengthening of the Empire, but he is tco wise to fight windmills or endanger the domestic peace of Germany. Eighteen Months' Imprisonment for ! Burying Bricks. ?The German doctor, Uhling, I who has been under the charge some time of attempting to detraiul the Merchants' Life In surance Company by representing that Louise i Germs was dead and buried, when, iu tact, the said Louisa was alivs and kicking, and the coffin which Uhling said contained her remains i only ted bricks in lit was ysstetdsy sontiotsd of the crime charged against him and sen tenced to eighteen month*' imprisonment It was a canning scheme of Dr. Uhling to get money, but the silent tomb spoke on this oc casion and the bricks testified against the would-be defrauder. China and Japan, The news from Japan and China is unu sually interesting. Its features are both serious aud comical at the same time. The Formosa expedition, for example, which the Japuuese government organized some time ago for a descent on Formosa, aud then coun termanded its orders, resolved to go at all events. The despatch from Han Francisco containing the news, brought by the Qreat Republic steamship from Japan, says the troops declared positively they would go to Formosa. The government bad really to yield to the will of the soldiers so far as to send them to Amoy, intending, however, that they should remain there till the Chinese government could be sounded on the subject But, like our filibusters, these Asiatics were spoiling for a fight, and actually went to For mosa on their own responsibility. It appears, however, that they met with opposition from the Formosans. The result remains to be seen. There is a speck of trouble also at Corea. Eighteen Japanese were bo headed by the Coreans simply because they were Japanese. This shows a bitter feeling of hostility agaiust the Japanese. The Coreans were building forts and drilling troops for defence against Japan. There bad been on attack on the house of the British Legation at Jeddo, with a view to arrest some one con nected with the Legation who was charged with an offence against Japanese law. At Shanghai, China, a Chinese mob bad attacked the French quarters, which happened to be too near a joss house to suit the devout Ce laltials. The French were making a road to their quarters, which went near the joss house. Five thousand Chinese, it is reported, were epgaged in the assault. The riot was quelled finally by the French police, assisted by the English. There is, evidently, a good deal of fermentation among the Mongolians arising out of prejudices of race and religion and about the Corean and Formosa business. The Virginius. One of the conditions of the Virginius set tlement with Spain was that Spain should pay an indemnity to the sailors seized und to tha relatives of those killed unless she could show within a given period to the satisfaction of our State Department that the Virginius was not an American ship in such sense an entitled her to the protection of our laws. Has Spain sat isfied our State Department on this head, and has the whole subject been permitted to drop by the facile gentlemen who sustain the inter ests of our people so very gently when they are opposed to Spanish interests ? Will some one in Washington stir it up and let us know how the case stands ? England's attitude will give interest to ours. If we have abandoned this case it is because we have admitted, in Spanish showing, that the Virginius was not an American ship; but England, at this mo ment, is pressing her case against Spain, bas ing it on the irrefragable evidence thoroughly satisfactory to her that the Virginius was on American ship. She was, says John Bull, an American ship as against any other nation. Though the United States might criticise her papers, Spain must have respected them if she had regarded international laws. Therefore, as she was an American, Spain had no control over persons on her, and Spain must pay. It is queer to find England maintaining the rights of our ships when our State Department has abandoned them. PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE. Ex-Governor C. J. Jenkins, of Georgia, is at ttti Fifth Avenue Hotel. General James H. Ledlfe, of Chicago, is staying at the Hotel Brunswick. Garfield le advocated la Ohio because he has a "national reputation." Now tnat the Cryptogam is beiore the footllgkta Yasquez, ot California, emails for his poet. The Right Hon. Montague Bernard has resigned the Chair of International Law at Oxford. Nathaniel Wilson, of Washington, Is among the recent arrivals at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. Richard Cuss was badly pnt down when a 800 pound weight fell on him at St. Louis recently. Deery, of Arkansas, tried to give King White a mortal wound, but King White gave it to hie Deery. Texas women, it Is reported, ride on ooth sides of their horses. Other people only ride on the out* side. Ex*State Senator Isaac V. Baker, Jr., or Com* stocks, N. Y., Is registered at the Filth Avenue Hotel. Congressman Morton C. Hunter, of Indiana, ar> rived iroui Washington yesterday at the Grand Central Hotel. ? The .Marquis de Clermont Tonnerre, Secretary or the French Legation, lias apartments at the Brevoort House. Judge Theodoric R. Westbrook, of the New York Supreme Court lor the Third Judicial district, Is at the Metropolitan Hotel. The Marquis and Marchioness of Bote have ar? rived at cardllT Castle, from Southampton, where tbev landed from tne yacht Ladybird. "For a young woman to begin to pick lint off t | young man's coat collar" Is said to be the Aral symptom tlmt the young man Is In peril. Mr. Joseph Rankin Stenbiug, Past Grand Mastef ot England in Freemasonry and Deputy Past Grand Master of Hampshire and Isle of Wight, has died at Southampton. seilor Borges, Brazilian Minister at Washington. Is at the Albemarle Hotel, lie will sail for Europe to-morrow in the steamship Cuba, having obtained leave 01 absence trom Ids government. Lamtson, of Ohio, told his constituents who didn't like the salarr grab to "go to hell"; but ia< stead of that they nearly all stayed In Ohio, and now tuey don't mention Lamison strongly for re election. Agier, one of the murderers of Count de l'Esoee, Preiect of the Loire, In the outbreak at St. Ellen lie, which followed toe establishment oi the Commune, has been recognized in Paris, arrested, and punished with simple transportation. Kev. Joseph Delany, or the Missionary Order of Earners of Mercy, has returned to the Home, on Broadway, Brooklyn, E. D., having Just closed a mission of three months' duration throughout the arch-diocese of New Orleans, terminating tbe spiritual exercises in the Crescent City, Pound parties uro becoming rashlonable In th|9 city. We did not know what a pound party wa* until last evening, and wc are nor quite certain that we do yet. We uro told, though, mat persons who attended the party were expected to bnug a pound oi somethiug?anything.?Exchange. Rural ignorance! Even tho street dogs of tail city know what a pound oarly is. TRIBUTE TO COLORED CONGRESSMEN. Baltimore, June 15. 1874. A reception of the colored members oi cougress I by the I'ulou Republican Club (ciloreu) took p)ac? at Bethel church to-uight. Addresses were i made by Representatives Kainev and Cain, oi South Carolina! Lynch, el Mississippi, and llr. 1 Plncnback, oi Louisiana, m advocacy ?t un civil Rights bill. A banquet a Iter Walls MM pikM ai , Men|Ms Institute.