OCR Interpretation


The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, February 07, 1876, Image 4

Image and text provided by Library of Congress, Washington, DC

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83030313/1876-02-07/ed-1/seq-4/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for 4

4
NEW YORK IIERALD
BROADWAY AND ANN STREET.
JAMES GORDON BENNETT,
PBOPRIKTOK.
THE DAILY HERALD, published ?i?ry
day in the year. Four cents per copy.
Twelve dollars per year, or one dollar per
month, free of postage.
All business, news letters or telegraphic
despatches must be addressed New York
Herald.
Letters and packages slioulJ he properly
Scaled.
Rejected communications will not be returned.
PHILADELPHIA OFFICE NO. Il l SOUTH
SIXTH STREET.
LONDON OFFICE OF THE NEW YORK
HERALD- NO. 1'i FLEET STREET.
PARIS OFFICE-AYENl'E DE L'OPERA.
Subscriptions and advertisements will be
teceived and forwarded on the same tortus
as in New York.
fDUJME XL! BO. 98
AMUSEMENTS TO-NIGHT.
WALLACE'S THEATRE
JOHN GARTH, at 8 P. M. Mr. Lcier Wallack.
TIVOLI THEATRE.
VARIETY. at 8 P. M.
COLOSnKIM.
PANORAMA, 1 to 4 P. M and 7 -SO to I > P. M.
EAGLE THEATRE.
VARIETY, at S P. M.
TWENTY THIRD STREET OPERA HOCSE
CALIFORNIA MINSTRELS, at s P M
RROOKI.YV T'lI:ATRE
JANE EYRE, at 8 P. M. Mil. < li irl.icto Ttionipnon,
TONY PASTOR'."* NEW THEATRE.
VARIETY, at 8 P. M.
I'nion soi are Theatre.
ROSE MICHEL, at 8 P.M.
OLYMPIC THEATRE.
VARIETY, at S P. M.
NATIONAL ACAD MY OF DESIGN
EXHIBITION OK WATEIt COLORS.
brooklyn academy or music.
norm A, at -<i> m. Mil*. Tili,-nil
FIKTll AVENUK THEATRE.
pique, ?( 8 IV M. Fanny Davenport.
THIRTY-FOrKTlf STUKET OPERA IIOUSE.
VARIETY, at SP. M.
parisian varieties.
VARIETY, at 8 P. M. _
SAN FRAN CISCO MINSTRELS. ?t?P. M.
WOOli S MUSEUM
BOBINSO.V CRUSOE, at 8 P M. Matinee at 2 P. M.
STADT THEATRE
PER FREISCIIUTZ, at 8 P. M. Mile. Eugenie Puppentieini
OLOBK THEATRE.
Variety, at 8 p. m.
BOOTH'S THEATRE.
JTLIUS C'.ESAR, at 8 P. M Mr. Lawrence Barrett.
theatre comique.
VARIETY, at 8 P. M.
herman ia theatre.
ORETCIIEN'S POLTEKAI END. at s P M.
third avenue theatre.
Variety. ?t a p. m.
NEW YORK, M OKI) AY, FEBRUARY 7. 1870.
From our reports this morning the probabilities
are that the weather to-day will be warmer, cloudy
and rainy.
The Herald by Fast Mail Trains.?Newsdealers
and the public throughout the country
will be sum lied with the Daily, Weekly and
Sunday Herald, free of postage, by sending
their orders direct to this office.
The Auction Sale of Mootly and Sankey's
relics at the Philadelphia scene of their
labors is not exactly the conclusion we
should like to the revival there.
The Search for the Bodies of the Belgian
miners who perished in the Jabin colliery
explosion has been greatly impeded by the
crumbling in of the earth upon the mine.
Seventy corpses have been recovered.
Tiif. Caki.ist Cache appears to be getting
desperate, and we may look for stirring
despatches from Madrid and Hendaye giving
respectively the Alfonsist ami Carlist accounts
of the events now brewing in the
mountain region of the north of Spain.
China, It appears, is now a source of trouble
to England, and when England's policy
toward the Celestial Empire is recalled it
need not be wondered that she should be
always apprehensive of that harvest which
comes to those who sow the wind.
Paraguay will soon be left to shape her
own fortunes, by the withdrawal of the
Brazilian and Argentine delegates from
authority in her limits. What these limits
are on the side of the Argentine Confederation
will be decided by President Grant,
who is named as the arbitrator. The lesson
taught Paraguay in the Lopez war will not
soon be forgotten by that combative Republic.
The Practice of Running for election in a
number of places at the same time which is
adopted by candidates in France is confusing
enough when the contested seats
are all in the same legislative body;
but here is M. Thiers, who we
were informed was elected to the Senate
from Belfort, and is now evidently a candidate
for the Assembly from the Ninth arrondisseinent
of Paris. It will recall Sir Boyle
Roche's bird, who was in two places at once,
to thoso who are unacquainted with the
peculiarities of French law in this respect
Tue Lettfji of Jefferson Davis will be
Toad with considerable pain by those who
wish to see the events of the rebellion regarded
without an awakening of the passions
of the time when they transpired. If anything
can add to the contemptible feelings
with which all honest men regard the ghoulish
.work of Mr. Blaine in the amnesty debate it
will be this miserable effusion by the exPresident
of the Confederacy, who lingers
superfluous on tho scene, and can only
when he unties his tongue serve the unscrupulous
partisans he seeks to controvert.
The Sermons Yesterday contained a groat
many striking thoughts and nsefnl suggeslions,
and may be read collectively in our
Columns by the Christians of New York as a
preparation for the work of Messrs. Moody
kni Sankey, who are abont to wrestle
with the devil at the Hippodrome
to-night in a manner which will
throw the Ormco-Roman efforts of previous
performers in the same arena into the shade,
tlr. Hepworth yesterday put a pertinent
qnestiou to his congregation regarding it,
and it is to be hoped that New York's
Christianity will respond to it with one
Toice. We have not space to commend
the tliemea of the individual preachers yesterday
to Christian notice, but we may point
Out the remarkable scene in Plymouth
Church, wherein Mr. Beecher, describing St.
Paul unharmed casting the viper into the
fire, left an unmistakable impression that he
put himself in the apostle's place, while Mr.
WA9 burned in the viper.
jn
The Centennial Exhibition?A Beroe<l
Letter from Mr. Jay.
Opinions will differ as to the.soundnegg of
the main proportion advocated by Mr. Jay
in the letter which we print thig morning ;
Nut tuere can i?e no room for difference rei
specting other features of this intrepid and
exceedingly piquant communication. It is
diplomatics enough in language, but its
daringly suggestive undertone, the nature of
the facts it recites and its unsparing implications
against persons in authority make it
spicy reading. We have seldom mot with so
much mordant sarcasm under so grave and
decorous an exterior. The rude intercourse
of our government, its diplomatic methods
and manners, are laid on the dissecting
table by a very unrelenting operator, and
the scalpel is skilfully inserted at points
where the nervous sensibility is greatest
and where every turn of the
knife must cause tho patient to writhe.
J Tho Vienna scandal, tho Catacazy
scandal and various other scandals connected
with our foreign relations are brought
under review with so little tenderness other
than that implied in tho smoothness and
polish of the dissecting instrument, which
cuts neatly instead of hacking, that the letter
is certain to rnako a sensation in diplomatic
quarters.
Wo must not permit these seductively
provoking matters to divert attention from
.the main, or, at least, tho ostensible, purpose
of tho letter, which is to advocate an
invitation to the crownod heads of Europe
to assist by their presonce at the Centennial
Exposition in Philadelphia. Eranknoss requires
us to say that Mr. Jay has not removed
the doubts we expressed on a former
occasion of the practicability of surrounding
the Centennial with this added snlendor.
We concede that it would be a most
attractive feature of the celebration.
Wo are not prepared to contest any of
tlie grounds on which Mr. Jay urges
its fitness and propriety, and, least of all,
that main ground on which his argument
chiefly rests?namely, its good effect, if
properly done, in redeeming the lost credit of
the country for international decorum and
respectful treatment of foreign Powers. Mr.
Jay's mortifying recitals of flagrant broaches
by our government of international courtesy
demonstrate the need of doing something
for recovering forfeited esteem and vindicating
our title to be considered as a civilized
and cultured people ; but wo are, nevertheless,
constrained to think that his imprcssivo
plea for international good manners will
not be heeded in the form in which he
presents it.
It is too evident that it would only make
a bad matter worse for the President to give
the suggested invitations without an adequate
appropriation by Congress for meeting
the requirements of a suitable hospitality.
It would be a mortifying violation of all les
bienstances to invite the European monarclis
on a great occasion of national festivity and
then fail to treat them with the consideration
due to their exalted rank. Mr. Jay understands
this better than anybody could
tell him, and his proposal contemplates the
appropriation by Congress of from hall a
million to a million dollars for the entertainment
of such invited gnests. A full million
is as small a sum aw would suffice for making
| our hospitality respectable, and even
beyond that there shonld be a liberal
margin for unforeseen contingencies.
Even at a private entertainment it
would bo unspeakably awkward if the
host should so closely limit his expense that
the wine gave out before the end of the repast,
and when the dignity and hospitality
of a nation are in question we might make
ourselves the derision of the world by niggardly
preparations in any one point Snch
a thing should not be attempted without
ample means for carrying it through creditably
and handsomely, else there would be
great danger that we should "make the unskilful
laugh and the judicious grieve."
Now, while deferring, in every way, to
the judgment of Mr Jay as to the fitness of
what he proposes, wo have entire confidence
in our own ability to make a pretty correct
rough estimate of the temper and sentiments
of Congress on snch a subject We
regard it as quite certain that Congress
could not be induced to make the requisite
appropriation. If it were introduced
and pressed it would be assailed
with every weapon that could be drawn from
the armory of ridicule or argument We
have seen with what obstinate violence the
appropriation for completing the necessary
buildings and preparations was opposed.
We know that it was only by the most indefatigable
diligence, and by bringing to bear
all the arts of personal influence and persuasion
that it was got through the House
at all, and then only by a small majority.
An appropriation for entertaining the
crowned heads of Europe would have to run
the gauntlet of a great deal of scofling, clumsy
derision, as well as hostile argument. It
would bo represented as an unrcpuuncan
and unbecoming deference for the trappings
of rovaltjr. Numerous instances would be
cited and paraded of the wretched taste and
bad manners which have so often mutilated
I official hospitalities in this country in the
hands of bunglers, and of the reckless
waste of public money on such occasions,
| of which aldt rnianic hospitality in this and
other cities would furnish a nauseous supply.
The opponents of the late appropria,
tion wonld assert that such a proposal was
a fulfilment of their prediction that the million
and a half was but an entering wedge
for boundless extravagance and expense,
which the country cannot afford in this
period of financial depression. It would be
, said, too, that in giving such invitations we
could not practise any discrimination, and
Aat the executives of all the South American
governments, as woll as the crowned
heads of Europe, would havo to bo included
and treated with the same elaborate and expensive
hospitality. As it could not be foreseen
what proportion of them would accept
provision would have to bo made for the en
tertainment of all beforo the invitations
could be safely given. Certain it is that such
a proposition would meet but little favor in
j Congress. It is impracticable for this rea<
son, quite apart from its intrinsic fitness.
It was a saving of the Into Richard Cobden
that prosperity and civilization would b<
, promoted by tho maximum of intercourse
1 between the people of different nations and
EW YORK HERALD, MOK
the minimum of intercourse between their
government*. We have hitil of late years
many European visitors of birth, breeding
and culturo (Lord Houghton is a recent instance),
and every such person having a j
proper title to social consideration is made
the recipient of hospitable attentions, and
carries home and diffuses 111 his own circle
juster ideas of American society than could
he acquired through aldcriuanic or federal
hospitality. Our most opulent and cultivated
classes are not, as a general rule, the
most active in our politics, and a large proportion
of our intellectual and social culture
is found in other walks of life. Many
foreigners of distinction will doubtless visit
the country during the centennial year, and
there is no reason to fear that they will be
slighted or that they will depart from our
shores without having had opportunities for |
estimating American culture in its best
j aspects. It is rather what the cultivated and
influential classes in Europe think of us j
than what their sovereigns may think that
must raise us in general foreign estimation.
Considering the class of men who manage
uur puuiit'H we ie;ir uiui imiw wuuiu uu
learned to our ail vantage in the formalities
of official entertainments. Such considerations
may, perhaps, help to reconcile us to
I the foregone impossibility of procuring from
i Congress an appropriation for marking our :
j appreciation of foreign sovereigns.
The Trial of Habcoek.
i The Secretary of the President will bo
called on to-morrow to plead at St. Louis to
the indictment charging him with conspiracy
to defraud the government. In yesterday's
issue was published an interview with General
Babeoek, in which he made some very
strange assertions, which wo are at a loss how I
to construe in his favor. As he is not on trial j
in these columns wo do not care to enter !
into the question of facts and im- I
j plications on which the prosecution I
j relies for a conviction, but in so far as his
| own utterances foreshadow his defence we
may comment. When McDonald stated,
I after his conviction, some weeks ago, that all
( the "Sylph" and "Mum" telegrams were
] about a lovely woman, and not about crooked
whiskey, his forecast was evidently very near
the truth, if not the truth itself, for General
Babeoek says the telegram of which the
Herald published a fac-simile "was purely
a social affair, in which the signature 'Sylph'
was used as a joke." If his able counsel
intend to waive off the whole affair as a joke
while bringing evidence to support his general
character and eking out the whole by
"abusing the plaintiff's attorney," we cannot
think that they are about to present a strong
case for their client. But whatever may be
said of this, his championing of his "special
friend" Joyce, who now "wears a striped
suit," and his opinion that it was "a'damned
shame" to convict Avery are unseemly
exhibitions, which it will be found
hard to reconcile with any other belief than
that he thinks bis case a companion one to
theirs. If he holds such a belief his outlook
for the centennial year is indeed a dismal
one. Much more unseemly was his inveighing
against the character of the Missouri
juries that tried the eases of his predecessors
in the dock. To charge that officers of a republican
administration carrying out a gov
t-i unirui jmwuuuiiUL' uuvo
selected jurors who are under what
he terms "rebel influence" is very
serious and betrays a mind rather a
prey te despair than dominated by
the easy complacency he wishes to nssume.
This want of "good opinion of the law" has
an unpleasant suggestiveness, and when he
sees a spiteful enemy of his in the IIkraij)
ho does not brighten the picture. The President
will probably be called to the witness
stand in the course of the trial, and all the
influence which he left unused after the removal
of Mr. Henderson from the prosecution
would seem to be neoded in behalf of
I
Generul Babcock if an acquittal is desired.
Certificated Homicides.
That a New Jersey jury has accepted the
plea of insanity to make killing no murder
marks a very forward step in favor of that
mode of defence, for Jersey juries have seldom
or never missed a chance of hanging
their men. Yesterday morning, in accordance
with the verdict, Landis was liboratod,
and wherever he goes hereafter he carries
with him a certificate that insures him an immunity
from punishment, no matter whoso
life he may choose to take. The jury
which laid the medical portion of the case
aside and declared his act the irresponsible
impulse of a lunatic has added anothor to
the army of homicides who may at any time
break into "the bloody hohse" of life without
fear of the law. There must be a considerable
number of these uncomfortable
people abrqpd, and, as the case of Scannell
shows, they are likely to go on increasing.
j Under the law, as it is interpreted, it would
. i.^ i jl? A..? nn., ii.Ai A:I i
' uu uuruijr buac iu any tauv vaau uuuint'u ur
any of the near blood relations of these cerj
tificatod homicides could be convicted of
i murder, and this opens up the way
i for a very wide class who shall bo
j as much protected from the effect of their
lethal doings as the Sovereign of England,
: who, technically, "can do no wrong." Harsh
' as it would be to follow this argument out to
| its legitimate conclusions, we still submit
' that there should bo some steps taken to
limit the liability of such men to repeat the
, act which procured them their certificates.
It is not at all an imaginary danger which
threatens society, and if it were expressly
! provided that a man onoe acquitted of murder
on the ground of insanity should bo
kept for the remainder of his life where he
could do no further homicide we should all
be able to feel more at ease when we learn of
such a farcical ending to a solemn trial.
Tub Pobtb, fbom Its Stool of lUrr.nta.nce,
promises to carry out the five leading
points of the Andrassy note. The reforms,
if honestly applied, must prove a great amelioration
of the condition of the unfortunate
rayalis in the revolted provinces. Wo fancy
that the Torte offers to do more than it can by
i any possibility perform, but it is possible
i nit; lowers win enueuvor 10 lei xurnej iry.
i The han?l of ltussia is said to be seen more
actively in the rebel movoment than was
: believed, although her interests in fanning
i tho insurgent flame have long been admitted.
? Hence the question arises, How will the
I Hersegovinians be induced to lay down thoir
L i arms and trust to tho mercy of their foe?
rDAY, FEBRUARY 7. 187(1
Th? Twealy-Mrond Joint UuU of th*
TWO IloM?fH.
Tlio tricky cleverness and the brutal energy
of unprincipled ambition seem to have
many admirers. Mr. lilaine in the House
and Mr. Morton in the Senate, although they
have shown themselves willing and eager to
rekindle the elements of civil war to further
their personal interests, may, perhaps, have
good reason to entertain the brightest hopes
from the unpatriotio course they are pursuing.
To the friends of these two amiable
gentlemen and to those who give their unqualified
assent to the general course of the
rntinltlinan t?>?rtu tvn rHPnttimAnil a mnuid.
crittion of the rule under which tha electoral
votes in the last throe Presidential elections
were counted. To have escaped a great
danger is often to remain without a true
sense of its reality or an appreciation of its
extent. There are many people who even
now know nothing whatovor of the joint rule |
of 18(55, and some who are aware of its pro*
visions would have us believe that a political
party which has dared to place within its
grasp a dangerous weapon would not have
yielded to the temptation of using it.
The rule was adopted by a Congress in
both branches wholly under the control of
the republican leaders, February G, 18G5?
that is to say, in order to count the votes
of a momentous Presidential election, which
had taken place in November, 1864. The
objectionable feature is as follows:?
If, upon reading any such certificate by tbo toilers,
any question shall arise in regard to countiug
tho rotes therein certified, the same being stated
by tho presiding olllcer, the Senate shall thereupon
withdraw, and said question shall hO submilled
to that body tor lis decision; and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives shall in liko i
tn inuer submit said quostion to tho House of Representatives
for its decision, and no question shall be
decided affirmatively and no vole objected to shall he
counted except by tho concurrent vote ol tho two
Houses, which being obtained the two Houses shall
immediately roassemblo, and the presiding officer shall
thui announce the decision <>t the <juc.-1t.10n, ana utiou
any such question there shall be no achate tu cither
House.
A single objection to the counting of the
vote of it State obliges the Senate to
withdraw, and each House must then
consider the objection without debate, and
unless both Houses concur in counting
such a vote it will be rejected. It becomes '
very clear, then, that, without a word of debate,
a more majority in either House was
#>tiinnttrercd to obioct to and to tiirow out suffi
cient votes to prevent any candidate from !
receiving a majority of electoral votes, and
it would then immediately devolve on the
House of Representatives to elect the President
of the United .States, according to the
twelfth amendment of the constitution.
Speeches and protests have been made
against the rule on the democratic side in
both Houses; but tho fact that in the last
Presidential elections overwhelming republican
majorities were returned and its full
powers not, therefore, called into requisition,
accounts for its dangers having remained
unappreciated by the people. It
is very strange, however, that it is only
now, when its powers might be turned
against themselves, that the republican leaders
should admit and disclose the truo nature
of this dangerous instrument of their
own creation. A republican Senator, Mr.
Sherman, of Ohio, now says that civil war is
contained in it. The correctness of this
opinion which Mr. Sherman expresses today
is fully demonstrated by the records of
the proceedings of both Houses in February,
1873.
This conclusive evidonce of the practical
working of tho rule is sufficient to indicate
its immense dangers. Instead of seventyfour
out of the total number of electoral
votes, which is three hundred and sixty-six,
a strong democratic candidate might have
obtained a small majority. The passions
of a closely contested Presidential campaign
do not stop at the threshold of the
halls of Congress, and it is idle to suppose
that members of the majority would
not have found pretexts to rise in their
seats and demand and obtain the rejection
of sufficient votes to destroy such a
majority. What would, then, have been the
action of a people and a pj^tv thus disregarded
? Had the democrats not obtained
control of the present House of Representatives
the rule would have been retained today,
and the approaching election, with all
the passions and sectional jealousies which
are already gathering, might have made the
hundred and first year of our existence as a
nation the year of a great calamity.
What, then, is now the action of the republican
leaders ? Tho Senate, the branch which
has remained republican, has adopted tho
policy of simply withdrawing from the joint
rule. For the first time in our history one
House has, without consulting the other, retired
from an agreement to which both
Houses were parties. Republican and democratic
Senators unite in condemning tho infamous
character of the rule. Btat why do
the former raise objections to its being considered
by tho democratic House ? Can they
pretend to fear that it would demand the retention
of the rule ? The expressions of the
democratio leaders do not admit of
such a supposition. Is it not rtother
to avoid discussion which may bring the
matter before the people, who wonld resent
this insult to their independence of will,
should they come to understand its full intentions
? It is an old tool of no further use
and to be thrown aside; bat it is to bo
buried in the most decent, effective and expeditious
manner. But whatever may be
tho intention* of those gentlemen they will
not succeed in evading their responsibility.
The nation will direct its attention to their
action in the past, and will object to their
present coarse, which leaves us without a
rule by which to count the votes in the ooming
election and which debars the possibility
of both Houses agreeing upon some
satisfactory method of proceeding in this
matter.
Legal Ed uca t Ion.
Every community is immediately and
deeply interested in the instruction of its
lawyers, and tho loose or insufficient study
that throws upon tho public a horde of in|
capable and untrained attorneys and ooun;
sellers is a great public evil. But if a com:
munity has already a tolerably well organ.
ized system for the instruction of young gen!
tlemen in tho law tho very approhension of
' tho evils referred to should make it regard
1 any change as hazardous. If the system is
: reasonably good it is infinitoly moro likely
to bo made worse than better by any change
I whatever. In the present cfusudo against
I the Columbia Collose Law School and iu
I
I.
able director Professor Thoodore Dwight this [
is the point to be considered. It is not true
that the students of that or any other law
school are admitted to practice without
an examination. They are admitted
upon the examination passed for their
diplomas, and may btf^again examined if the
judges think proper. The law, therefore,
j simply substitutes in certain cases one examination
for anotl^r. Such as do not
get admitted on a diploma must pass
examiners appointed by the Supreme
j Court. It is pretty well known that j
i that examination may become, and has ;
become, a farcical formality. Everybody
1 was a "member of the Bar" under that j
r?tjirne, tiii-l the hoaor was ono of the things
that even Tweed himself condescended to ;
| take. Now, a college examination is seldom a
1 farcical formality, as ipany a sorely plucked
i sinner knows. In our opinion the present !
system, so far as it involves the Columbia ,
school, is a good one, and will not bo im- ,
proved by change. That any law school (
ever makes thorough lawyers, or that men ,
admitted by any system are thorough lawyers
when admitted, no one can believe.
'I'll e "Affaire Cataeazy."
Among the diplomatic scandals recalled
into freshness by Mr. Jay's interesting letter
is the famous ' 'affaire Oatacazy," which is j
the most piquant of ull the scandals of the
kind in our diplomatic history by the fact 1
that it had a social as well as a political side. .
Mr. Jay very properly ignores its singular
social features, making no allusion to Madame
Catacazy, nor to the great flutter which
her eccentricities and those of her husband
caused in Washington society. Mr. Catacazy
was dismissed becauso he had become
personally offensive and socially intolerable
to the Secretary of State, who accused
him of intermeddling duplicity,
downright lying and covertly supplying certain
newspapors with scandalous statements.
The demand for his recall was made at a
very awkward juncture. The Grand Duke
Alexis was then about to make his visit to
the United States, and it was desirable that
ho shotild have tlio attendance of a Minister
who had resided long enough in the country
to be a serviceable guide for the purposes of
the visit. Mr. Curtin, our Minister at St.
Petersburg, telegraphed:?"The Emperor
requests the President to tolerate the presence
of Mr. Catacazy until after tho visit of
the Grand Duke, and he will then be recalled."
Mr. Jay thinks, and we presume most intelligent
people will agree with him, that
the answer to that telegram was as lmladroU
a specimen of diplomatic impropriety as
could have been perpetrated. The reply
was couched in these terms:?"The President
has decided to tolerate the present Minister
until after the visit of the Prince. That
Minister will then be dismissed if not recalled."
There was no need of subjoining
this threat, for the Emperor had promised to
recall him at the conclusion of the visit.
We do not wonder that Mr. Jay regards it as
a singular exhibition of diplomatic manners.
He says the affair was a good deal
discussed in Europe, especially in
diplomatic circles, and that it was
reported that the Emperor said on
reading the American telegram:?"Do they
doubt my word?" It was certainly a gratuitous
exhibition of discourtesy. Mr. Jay adds
that " the assurance that ttfe President would
tolerate Mr. Catacazy until after the visit of
Alexis, however ungraciously given, Reems
to nave oeen reuou 011 lu pruiec mi g .11 ex is
from any discourtesy from our government
on this account; and surprise and something
more was aroused at St. Petersburg,
and indeed throughout Europe, when the
son of the Czar of all the Russias was allowed
to leave Washington without being
asked to break bread with the Chief of the
Republic." This and the other instances of
diplomatic discourtesy noticed by Mr. Jay
are pretty certain to provoke a great deal of
comment and perhaps some controversy.
About This Time l.ook Out for
Tricks.
The fight of the citizens of New York with
the horse car companies has a rallying cry
which comprises its chief object?namely,
"No seat no fare." Until that has been put
in binding force by a legal enactment the
struggle can in no sense be ended. Since
the Hebai.d has given the grievances of the
travelling public the prominence they callod
for the railway companies are showing a disposition
to be more accommodating. Well
and good ! They have put on more cars, and
during snow storms we observe that on the
Third avenue line they give transfer checks
to passengers from above the depot at Sixtyfifth
street who may not have obtained
seats. Formerly in severe weather they re
fused to give these checks, and a passenger
who had no seat before arriving at the depot
would be obliged to travel standing all the
way. In former seasons when snow was on
tho ground they "doubled up," putting four
horses on half the usual number of cars.
This year, during our first snow storm of
last week, they doubled the horses
when necessary and did not sensibly
reduce tho number of cars. We
note these concessions frankly, but as they
may form a trick to allay popular indignation
while tho Legislature is in session we
warn the publio to be on its guard against
such temporizing attempts. The fnll !
measure of "no seat no fare" must be insisted
on, and nothing allowed to befog that
issde with the companies.
The tricks of the companies are likely to
take another direction which needs watching.
Great care must be taken that sham
bills are not introduced into the Legislature
by members in the interest of tho railroads,
though avowedly in the interest of the people.
The railroad lobbyists who swarm at
Albany aro shrewd enough to endeavor to
satisfy the public with such "a sop to Cerberus"
while taking more tangible means to
settle the question with the consciences of ,
purchasable or cajolable members. Tho
representatives must be watched, and no
member falso to his duty should be re-elected,
u-hila the1 full ricror of the law should be ai>
plied to toy member base enough to sell
himself. Governor Tilden is a New Yorker,
and wc hope that, as he knows the wants of
our great oity in this respect, he will take
his eyes off the Presidency for a little while
and exhibit a little of his cleverness in ani
alvzina the 11 no seat no fare" measures and
4
the vote* of the city members upon them. ^
Every rote mast be scrutinised, and no
member allowed to think that he can sell
himself in any shape to the grasping horse
car monopolies without paying the full penalty
of his oflbnce. Look out for tricks!
The Vienna gesndal
Mr. Jay's letter exhibits the shameful
Vienna scandal in a new dress, or rather in 0
a new ntate or undreaa, for he strips it quite
as naked as the decencies of public discussion
and the forms of courtesy due from ?
recent member of the diplomatic service to
the government will allow. Whon exhibited
in this near approach to perfect nudity that
scandal is not an attractive spectacle. Mr.
Jay was in a position to be thoroughly acquainted
with the facts and with the impression
they made on the government to
which he was accredited and other foreign
governments. It is not surprising that ho
was stung and mortified at the time when
every token of scorn for our government
pierced the sensibilities of its representative
; nor iH it strange that traces of the
indignant mortification he then felt color tho ,
language of his review. The prostitution of
such an occasion, intended to represent tho f
civilization and highest culture of the participating
nations, to purposes of vulgar
jobbery and base gain, would naturally iitcense
a Minister who had any pride
of country. That disgraceful jobbery
took the most revolting of all
possible forms in the establishment of
numerous grogshops in connection with
the American part of the exhibition. The /
drinking stands would have been an offence
against decency even if corrupt means bail
not been resorted to to get admission fot
them, and they were doubly odious and
detestable by their dishonest origin.
The first mistake made by our government, y
according to Mr. Jay, was in the selection ol
the American Commissioners. They ought
to have been gentlemen and representatives
ot' the best culture of the United States. In
point of fact they were low,- greedy adventurers,
who were glad of an opportunity
to traffic in the honor of our government
in a manner which was equally I
insulting to it and to the government which
had invited American participation in the
exposition. Another gross blunder was perpetrated
in composing the American Commission,
in great part, of former citizens ol
Austria then resident in Vienna, in violation
of the etiquette to which the house of Hapsbnrg
attaches great importance. When our
government was informed of the scandal, instead
of investigating it in New York, as it f
ought to have done, and nipping it in the
bud, it waited and let it show its hideous
face in Vienna, and then suspended the
scandalous Commissioners. Mr. Jay thinks
that the temporary Commissioners appointed
in their place discharged their duties with
fidelity, but the government listened to slanders
and published insinuations against tliem.
The investigation of the scandal by the
American Senate was a sham investigation,
because the Senate formed its opinion on
garbled documents furnished by the Executive
Department. The government publicly
censured its agents for things which they did
in strict pursuance of its own instructions.
It whitewashed one of the worst offenders by
appointing him to an important consulship.
The damaging statements which we have thus
summarized are supported by Mr. Jay with
an array of facts and proofs which make an
unpleasant impression.
Mr. Jay complains of the injustice of tho
government in publishing, without note or
comment, in selections lrom official papers,
a statement that members of the temporary
commission were largely interested in ono
or more sewing machines. "It is hardly
strange," he says, ?"that to the publication /
of such a charge by the apparent permission
of the State department against its ioreign
agents some significance should have been
attached in Europe, where the governments
frankly recognize the duty of loyalty
toward their agents, especially when they
are unable to protect themselves,
and where the simple dictates of public jus- J
tice, personal integrity and national honor
render it impossible that a government,
however tempted to reverse its policy, should
expose its foreign agents to misrepresentation,
contumely and reproach for no other
reason than that they have faithfully executed
its orders." Nobody can mistake the
severe implications implied in this significant
language. We need not commend Mr. Jay's
comments on the Vienna scandal to the
special attention of the pfiblic, for they are
of such a nature and come from so authoritative
a source as will completely secure them
against neglect (
PERSONAL INTELLIGENCE.
Swinburne Joes not liko "filthy smoking."
Ex-Speaker Blaine will otter a reward to any campaign
poet who will give us a suitable rhyme for Conkling.
l'attison said, at Rochester, that of European
pianists introduced In America Tliaiberg alono excolled
Gottschalk.
A fashionable color in silk Is "smashod strawberries,"
which is a shade lighter than the other color,
"Mcdhlll's nose."
The Chicago Tribune speaks of Von BQlow playing
'the gas-light sonata," and says so not in ignorance,
bat in sarcasm on Beethoven.
The South, through papers like the Mobile R'gittrr,
calls upon Hill, of Georgia, and Tuekor, of Virginia; but
I-amar, who wanted reconciliation, is left out in the
cold.
Anna Dickinson says:?"Ail history teaches as thai
as territory has spread, as numbers have increased, as
wealth has accumulated, nations and men tiavo decared."
The Vlcksburg Herald wishes tnat the democratic
President and Vice President should como from the
North, and that the South be left to build up its States
In noace.
Statistics of insanity show that cases of mental derangement
are more numerous, in proportion to population,
in Nevada and California than in any olbo*
States In the Union.
Right Hon. Hugh C. E. Chlldcrs, M. P., President of
the Great Western Railway of Canada, arrived from
Liverpool in the steamship Parthia yesterday and is at
the Brevoort House.
Delaware peach culture Is changing. Growers arc
cutting down troes that boar cheap fruit and are planting
higher grades. Some growers, however, propose
to save all inferior grades for drying and canning.
The addross in the House of Lords in answer to the
speech from the throne, on the occasion of the opening
of the English Parlismont, will be movod by the
Earl ol Aberdeen and soconded by tbo Earl of Ellosmere.
Mary Flagg, of Washington county, a child of this
tern, hu a mania for arsenic, on which ah* thrive*.
Now that it has bean ascertained that arMnlo H
healthy rihuosa Private l)a(zell s>ouM. Uka a ? ????
Ot auart%

xml | txt