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NUMBhR VII. " One great cause of error, is our taking for granted that habits are right because they have b:en long ef tablijhed." NOTHING exhibits the infi:-tnst\es of human nature in a more striking) anil at the fame time, in a more melancholy view, than that one half of lifeis spent in lamenting the misfortunes, and cor recting the miltakes of the other. The truth of tills oblervation, derives a Hill greater force, when applied to communities. From whatever cause it happens, it is an evident fait, that legillators in molt countries and ages, have been so perplexed by the operation of palt laws,that they either forget, or have not leisure to make regulations, that lhall have a better influence in future. By this means, they are often compelled, to act, like a man em barrafled with debt : He looks only for immedi ate lelief, and lays the foundation of far greater trouble, than that from which he has been e scaping. It may be well to enquire how tlii3 hap pens ? The solution of the queltion is not difficult, it ha* been themisfortune of molt legislators, that they have framed their measures more according to their own caprices and abl trait notions of go vernment, than according to the real circumllsan ces of the people, who are to obey those laws. National prejudice isapt to be miltakch for nation* alinterell. It is commonly fnppofed that laws and regulations that are illy adapted to the opini ons, the prejudices and the cultoms of a people, cxpofe their authors to contempt; and encreafe rather thart' remove the disorders, for which they are calculated* The rule of government it is laid, should never counteract the general opinion of the nation. Tliefe maxims, though generally true, should be practised upon with some precauti on, and adopted under some reftriitions. The secret plots of a cabal and the noisy clamours of a faction, are different things from the voice r ' a whole people. These should not be comprehend ed in the idea of popular sentiment. The gener al opinion of the community may often be proper, at the time it is eltab'lifhed ; but a change of cir cumstances happens more easily thati a removal of prejudices. This cause conlluutes one of the molt arduous tasks of legislation. As there lhould be a resemblance between na tional character and national laws, it is apt to be inferred that in loose diforclerly times, the laws mult wear a similar complexion. But the princi ple should not be carried too far. It only incul cates the impropriety of too fuddently attempting a public' reformation f.om disorders. The work mult be progressive and conciliating ; not sudden and overbearing. Laws of too severe an aspect will irritate rather than reform. If these remarks are just and they really appear to ine so, it is re quilite that the prevailing spirit and manners of a country should be examined before it can be pro npunced with certainty, what will be the moltfa lutary and fuccefsful methods of governing it. When this knowledge is ascertained, it ffiould be applied not only with prudence, but with honesty. It may be raflinefs for men to oppose with violence the current opinions of the day ; but certainly ii they believe them erroneous, it is dishonest not to attempt by suitable means to correct such errors. It is an unfortunate fact, that men in public of fice are too apt to find their account in cherishing popular caprice. There lies a suspicion against the underltanding or integrity of that adminiltra tion which cannot carry into effect such measures as the public welfare requires, without fomenting a temper ofdifaffectioA, or instigating acts of dif obedience. " A free and jealous people should be treated like a coy, capricious girl. If she $oes not at firlt consent.her humor mnlt be watched ; and if she is courted with a delicate kind of treatment, her obltinacy will in time subside." In my next, the subject shall be illuflrated, by remarks that are more obvious and definite. From the FEDERAL GAZETTE. IN the dillribution of offices in republican go vernments the followingci rcumftances should be attended to. I. Qualification for the office, In knowledge, integrity and industry. 3. An irreproachable private character. 3. Former fervicesto the fists or country. 4. Family connection. A wife and children are the belt securities a man can give for his good be haviour. If a man will not trult a woman with his happiness, a State should not trust that man with its liberty or property. Besides a single mrm by a very little labor may always maintain himfclf. y. Regard should be had to a man's conduct in his former line of bitflnefs ; a lazy, careless or dis honest lawyer, doctor, merchant or mechanic, Will certainly make a bad public officer. 6. A proper degree of respect should be paid to a man who has been unfortunate impru dence) in business. Bankruptcy m America, and Europe are' different things. Paper money, tender laws, and funding systems have ruined some of the belt men in our country ; and had these evils continued much longer, they would not have left a man tt> rule over us, or to execute an office, who had not been the fubjedc of the bankrupt law, or of the atft o r insolvency, 7. In the tlifttibution of offices, rulers Should look out for the nioft suitable men to fill them : Mcdeft men will not apply for them, and impru dent men do notdeferve them. Perhaps an order from the President of the United States thijt the personal applicant for an office should never have one, might prevent much trouble, idleness and scurrility. It would moreover favethe feelings of the fupreine magistrate of the Union, who cannot serve every body, and therefore must often give offence. TIMQLEON. NATIONAL. From the PENNSYLVANIA PACK ET. IT appears by the publications of this day, that the firit objedt that has engaged the attention of the Representatives in Congress, is the revenue lyftem, and the collection of duties by impost. The arrangement of the financial affairs of the Union involves interest of so conspicuous a charac ter, that it naturally claims the pre-eminence ; for on the SucceSsful ifliie of this business depends the cftablifliment of public credit, and all the train of benefits, of a public and private nature, that al ways accompany it. The intention of this paper is to point out the similarity of situation in which we are placed, to that of the British in the reign of William. The re-coinage of the fnver had occasioned a great Scarcity of specie—the opposition made by those who were averse to the revolution generated political feuds, which were attended with a gene ral want of confidence in the government ; the public securities, that had been emitted to those who had lent money, rendered feivices or furmrti ed Supplies, had depreciated, insomuch that the tallies, exchequer bills, &c. had fallen from 40 to 60 per cent, diScount, and all loans to government were procured 011 exorbitant premiums. In this alarming crisis, the eloquence and abilites of Mr. Montague (than Chancellor of the Exchequer) Sav ed the nation. lie had acomputation made of the exadt amount of all the obligations due by government, for which he procured Specific funds, to be appropri ated by Parliament for the payment of.the annual interelt; the surplus, if any, to be formed into a fund for the extinction of the capital. This grant, " to Supply deficiencies, and raiSe the public cre dit," was unanimoujly entered into,by the Commons. See 8 and 9 William 111. chapt. 20, Section the firft, which was the principal foundation of the public credit of Great Britain, and which is worthy the molt Serious consideration of every member of the House of Representatives. See Parliamentary Debates, vol. 3, page 70. The Tendency of Such was to restore public credit, and eflablifh it on the molt permanent and reSpedable footing : Since that period, it ne ver has begn violated by Great Britain in a single instance. Indeed, the benefits that were derived from its Support were the foundation of all her greatness ; it occasioned immenSe Sums ot money to flow into that favored country, from all quarters, which by its continual encreafe and abundance So lefl'ened its value, that the ministry were enabled to reduce the interest of the public debts (with the consent of the creditors) from 6 to y per cent, in the year 171 7 ; from sto 4 per cent, in the year 1 727 ; from 4 to 3 per cent, in the year 1 750 to 1757 ; by which reductions an annual Saving was made of £. 1,266,971 sterling. But belides this advantage, the plenty of money animated and supported every branch of indultry, and rendered the taxes a very easy burthen for the people to bear ; the funded debt, from the fa cility of its transfer, became a representative of all alienable property, and thereby aided and en creaSed the circulating medium. \ From the day that Such a System is adopted and purSued, we may date the commencement of the rifmg Splendor of this country.. Every palliative or plan that may fallfhort of this System, will only tend to the poltponement of this glorious period. AGRIC O L A. HUMANITY. ExtraCl from the proceedings of the association of Bap tist Churches, met at Portsmouth-common, in Eng land, May ij, 1788. 1" AGREED, as an association, thus publicly to express our deepest abhorrence of the Slave Trade, and to recommend itearneftly to tlieminifters and members of our churches, to unite in promoting to the utmost of their power every Scheme, that is or may be propoSed, to procure the Abolition oS a traffic So unjust, inhuman, and disgraceful ; and the continuance of which tends to counteract and destroy the operations of the benevolent principles -md Spirit of our common chriftianity. " Agreed, that the above Refolutionbe transmit ted to Granville Sharp, ESq. Chairman of the Com mittee formed in London for the abolition of the Slave Trade, together with Five-Guineas asafmall donation Srom our little fund, for the purposes of the Said committee, and as a public expression of our hearty approbation of the generous cause in which they are engaged." 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AT this important Crisis, the ideas that fill the mind, are pregnant with Events of the greatd magnitude—to llrengthen and complete the UM' ON of the States—to extend and protest their COMMERCE, under yet to be form ed—to explore and arrange the NATIONS FUND S—to restore and establish the PUBLICS CREDIT—and ALL under the auspices ofanuii tried Syftein of Government, will require the EN ERGIES of the Patriots and Sages of ourCouiiny- Hcnce the propriety of crtcreaftng theMerlitivisofKiW ledge and Information. AMERICA, from this period, begins i new En in her national existence—"the world is au before her' ' —The wisdom and folly—the mife'; ajid profpei ity of the EMPIRES, STATES, » KINGDOMS, which have had their dayupont- : great Theatre of Time, and are naw no morr, fiiggeft the moil important Mementos —These,*® 1 the rapid series of Events, in which our ownCo®- try has been so deeply interested, have taught enlightened Citizens of the United States, tfc FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT— LIBERTY® LAWS, are inseparable. This Conviction has led to the adoption of ttf New Conftitittion ; for however various the Sec tiinents, refpetfting the MERITS of this Svftem, good men are agreed in the necessity that exilCi ofan EFFICIENT FEDERAL GOVERNMENT- A paper, therefore, eftablilhed upon NATION' AL, INDEPENDENT, and IMPARTIAL PRISf 1 ' PLES—which shall take up the premised Arti c j ei ' upon a competent plan, it is presumed, will < highly interesting, and meet with publick app ro bation and patronage. , , The Editor of this Publication is determine leave no avenue of Information unexplored 1 solicits the aflillance of Persons ofleifureand ab ' ties—which, united with his own assiduity, he 3 - ters liimfelf will render the Gazette of the UM* States not unworthy general and is, with due refped:, the publick's humble vant, 1 JOHN FEN NO. Ntw-York, 178q. | ' TWO YOUNG SPRIGHTLY LADS - A RE wanted, as APPRENTICES to the Buimc of Printing. I Publiihed by JOHN FENNO, No. 86, Wiii- I '' . Street, New-York.