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A NATIONAL PAPE.R, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JffHN FENNO, No. 34, t/OPTH FIFTH-STREET, PHILADELPHIA [No. 134 of Vol. IV.] Wednesday, September n, 1795. ,'o^gz: lOR THE GAZETTE. TO THE SIEUR. GENET, Minijler oj France. C LOATHED with a diplomatic charaAef, and received, bv the firft functionary of the United .States, as the accredited Minister from a g;eat nation, you sustain, fir, an office to which the policy of the American republic, religiously obicrvanr ol the universal law of rations, allures etni:ifent immunity. Regard, ingyoii in this high character, a republican pew claims to address yon. To announce, in this address, the name by which I am per Ton ally kuown, mi ht be ar htijtoed as oftentationt' neither is it required by she usages of the American press. But the M.m of honor, fir,' disdains to communicate t .j;4ugh t'le press what he would not avow at the command of propriety. And, although ideas of delicacy may now advise me to con ceal my name even from the printer, I fpum the idea of (hrinking from the charge should, jultice'and honor forbid such concealment. Yet, while my language does not offend a- prmxriptoriTrtroertit*tiwt xbti* J may fairly claim to be the sole iepofitory of my own secret Deriving no perfotial emolument from the fifcal system of the United States, and holding no office under their national government, I am not the dependant of any of the ohiefs of departments, and living in a land of liberty, I difejaiu to be the stave of party. A plain man, I speak in the charafler of one of the people. Conscious that the sovereignty of the United Stares resides in the people, and that the au thority of their government is an emana tion from their will, I purpose neither to disregard the dignity *>f your representative office, nor to violate the decorum that be comes the char after which I now personate before an enlightened public. That you are not Jellitute of talent, is ob vious from communications which the press has fubmittcd to the- public eye. That you have been unfortunate si ice your arrival in America, is probable fTfoin the fame com munications. And God forbid, fir, that any part of the American people ihould, for this cause, qfi?r you indignity ! 7>«. ixaen inured unfortunate, ir, er ring through ignorance, ancl not from inten tion, you have prejudiced the cause which du ty and disposition urged you to benefit. And to prevent your being thus beguiled by error,' is not inconfirtent with the principles of real Jriendlhip. That you fhduld err in your ideas of the Ame ican public, is a misfortune, against which aii extensive acquaintance with the hillory of departed empires, or with the ac- toal state of society in Europe, could not, alone, complttely you. In the United States, fir, the human character has adorned a form uptrior to whatever authentic history has recorded of Greece, or Rome J countries in which ferocious manners characterized a rigid ariftoci'acy, and profligate populace, who struggled for domination, and alternate ly outraged the law of moral order : And to convince you tliat the speaker's opinion is consonant to that of a philosopher whose ta lents ought to command your refpeft, I refer you to jeffeifon's " notes on Virginia."— The feudal difpotifms of Europe, in which hereditary usurpation has ethafculated rhq energies of mind and yet reigns over syco phants and slaves, are strangers to that force of character which resides in the citizens of America.—And the French ardour for liber ty yet wants that temperance of mind which characterizes thp republicans of the new world. Feeling in the cause of liberty that »rdor of spirit which diftinguilhes your nation, and arriving among a people whose love of liberty is the strongest sentiment of their foul, you feein, fir, to have been ignorant, how much the American pafiion for liberty is tonder the discipline of an exalted reatfon. The Ame rican palTion for liberty is not the Roman pride of domination j a criminal pride, that claims liberty for one nation, and denies it to a conquered world. No ! The American citizens are fnends to the cause of universal liberty, which, in their estimation, is infepar ■ble ii om the equitable empire of law. And the adherence to that liberal order which the law of republicanism preftrihes is estimated» by them, as being friendly to virtue, and re quifite to the good of universal focietv.«— Glorying in republican principles, persuaded that all the tyrannical thrones of Europe niuft «re long fall before the united forces of phi losophy and liberty, they proudly claim for themselves that national independence which they acknowledge to be the right of all the na tions ot the globe. And, while they exult in the hope of the universal funeral of monar chy, they recognize, within the circle of their own empire, no sovereign but themselves. The firft functionary of this sovereign, fir, is that veteran patriot, Washington. To him is uiianimoufly confided the helm of em pire. Yet, if he is guilty of violating that corftitutioa which cloathes him with the ex ecutive power and prescribes the rule of his duty, if he is faithlefs to that high trull to which he has (Worn to be faithful.—<lo I in jure you, thou firll citizen of America, by luppofing in impossibility ?—lf I fay, even Washington is thus guilty, he knows, and we all know, that he is constitutionally responsi ble. But, ai to this point, the people of the United States want no foreign interference: and our fair swords will never permit hftn, or any other man, in this country, to be ar bitrarily accused, arraigned, and ordered to death, by a tyi ant who bears the name ol'Na tional Convention. As the only sovereign, ibe people know that the legitimate power of their constituted authorities eflentially ema nates from their will, which is announced in the constitution. And fir, as they have pro. vided for the constitutional punishment of their highest officer if guilty of high crimes 8c misdemeanors, they, on the other hand, as men of honor feel tbemfelves pledged to sup port him in the performance of his constitu tional funftionj: and, as men who are not dastards, they must and wiil thus fupporthim. As to thq*£ ( »<ftitutio<iality of the measures which the President has adopted, relative to rrirroc, ant} hrr ciwniW*, 1 rcct.» charge him with having mifcondufted. No man, I am confident, who ha; corre&ly deve lopedthe principlesof universal law, if be will honeltly speak his opinion, will fay, that the President's proclamation Was uaconftitution al. The book of universal nature, being a chef i'auvrt, is the only work which the Ame rican people recognize as being of indrfputa ble authority in all political queftfons. And I prei'ame, that, after fully consulting this authority, you would not be able to prove from it that the President has mifcoudu&cd as toTrance Except that lam not an ora tor as you ai*e, and if a man who never had an ofllce at Versailles, and who in the simpli city of nature speaks right on, were adequate to maintain an argument againlt the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, I Ihould hope, were it proper and neeeflary, to be able Specifi cally to maintain the present sentiments a gainst even yonrfelf. The mealufes of the President being con ilitutional, his enlightened fellow citizens, as men of principle, would support him, had lie never been the Chief of their patriot army. Independently of tteir sttachitietit to the urft of Generals, their perfbnal and public honor is, by the very principles of the fecial contract pledged to support their own officer in exe cuting the lervice which their country has assigned him. And they know that the prin ciples of political arrangement and national prosperity ptefcribe the establishment of pub lic authorities, as being requisite to the be neficial administration of their conimoii af fairs, as eflential t6 their capacity of acting in concert, and as indispensably necessary to the maintenance of their own independent sovereignty. Sir, the of the United States afis by conftitnted reprelentatives, and hot otherwifc. This sovereign, as such, limply wills : And it is done. On mature deliberation, the American so vereign, in adopting a general constitution for the empire, has determined not to have " any direst correspondence" with foreign powers. And the President, as the organ of the whole American nation, immediately re presents the whole people for the purposes of national intercourse. Their sovereign will, as manifefted in the national constitution, haspronouriced, that it is neither wife ror beneficial to admit any application from fo reign States except through the organ of the executive. Their .general plan of policy be ing delineated in the constitutional chart, its fpecific execution is committed to the ref peftive authorities, who are the constituted organs of the sovereign in the business of ad niiniftration. The American sovereign, fir, has such a sense of his own character that he disdains the idea of being peribnally called up on to ast in queftioos that merely concern the actual administration of affairs. The principles of liberty forbid the sovereign, who wills, to also act. Philolophy forbids ft— National dignity, and justice, forbid it—The ne cefTary principles of republicanism forbid it— And, notwithstanding the example of the French National Convention, it is not in the power of the collected talents of all Europe, to make the enlightened sovereign of America guilty of thus outraging the principles of liberty, philosophy, dignity, justice, repubiicaniTra. We refufe to negociaie except through the ageocy of our executive ; not becauie we fear the President as our master, for he has no luch chara&er, and we have no such few ; nor because we are such idiots or cowards as to think the power of go vernment fupcrior to our owo, for we know that the power of government is derived from our delegation ; but we refufe any other mode of national negociation, because we judge this mode to be wisest, btft, just—and, especially and above all, becanfe such is our sovereign will. And (bould the maintenance of this will require the sword of the people, you and all mankind may be adored, that ii must not, will not, and (hall not deep in the scabbard. Such, fir, are fentiroenu which the American people hold forth to nations. And, from iholc 533 fcntimenti, the. Trench ought not to desire or txp«£l Americk to depart, although her sove reignty {houty be invaded by all the powcis of Europe, followed by the reft of the world, like hell wiih blatkrfttnfurre&ion, at their heels! Judge then, fir, what mud be the fentimenta of Americans, on examining the publi(hed let ter which you have recently add relied to the chosen representative of the whole American nation ! A plain mart as I am, expefi not that I should (peak on this fubjefl with that Cublime and impafliooed eloquence which has been cul tivated in France more than in any other mo. dern nvti'on I Thereltjte, permit me to Ijpeak and freely, as 1 feci, and because I feel I without undertaking, however, to pronounce a panegyric ou myfelt, a bufincfs at which Ame ricans are not expert, I leave it to others, to fftinute whether 1 evince any portion nf " the energy and franknefa which ever characterize a true republican." Unfortunate indeed may you be deemed, if you have been led, from any cause whatever, to indulge the visionary idea of a separation be tween the President, and the people of Ameri ca, And yet, fir, you appear, from your awn words, W fcfeve indulged vhw idea. For is.since (.*■- f f of>t hasokvin-ucd against the views of the people, and aga>nft their principles of honest faith. as to Frafnce, the President is at the head and front of the offending. Would you, by pdblifhing the late official communications relative to this fub je&, be understood to charge him, fir, with be ing unfriendly to the cause of liberty ?—-with wishing to be the sultan ?—with a defjgn, by his conftruefcion of treaties, to aid the league of powers against France ? Or would you be un derstood to charge him with fearing tfie power of Britain, or any other nation, and with, pufil lanimoufly defer tin# the charatttfr of America ? He has been proved* fir, not only in the calm hbur of peace, bu» amirfft the storm of war.— And no lncohfiderabrle part of his countrymen have been proved by his tide. Yet, it you think the young Americans, who have never tried " £he flinty and steel couch of war," are dastards'; and if ynu would know how the fact is ; if too you think that such condutt on vour part will promote the objefcU of your million ; let their fathers be insulted ! you may then know whether the sons are dastards. Do you then mean to publickly charge the Prefidi.-;# with Violating the obligations of our nation* J To him, to you, to the charge tsTJ.fUfuUy inter tiling. HavC not otfr judicial officers, by their opi nion, fan&ioneo his interpretation of cxifttng treaties? And are not the judges the constitu tional expofirors of all our laws of every de scription ? And are not treaties part of the law of the land ? After our judges have expounded the law, do we recognize, as relative to our own conduct, any ulterior tribunal of adjudication ? And db you imagine, that any foreigner what ever shall, within the circle of >ur empire, be eventually permitted to a£f, in any cafe what ever, in opposition lo such interpretation ? Do you deem it advifeable to appeal, on a national question, from our conftuuted authorities, whose decisions we acknowledge to be obligatory on ourfelvei, to us who have constituted tbofe au thorities ? The procedure, fir, would not ac cord with the established order of things in thi| country. But if, while sustaining the of miniiter plenipotentiary, you choose to avail yourfcif of that general liberty which every person has of publicly dating whatever any printer will publifti, there is no law in the Unit ed States which can, in the firft instance, prevent the calling upon the American people to judge of the President. But tiich a piocedurc, in a quellion be tween our nation and a foreign power, being of the nature of a u dire£l correspondence" with the fovereign,is uot conceived by the people, 44 to be within the line of propriety or duty." Our sacred regard, however, to the liberty of the press, renders the procedure practicable. And if a foreign minister should, before the tribunal of public opinion, thus impeach our higheit of ficer of disloyalty to his fovereign,that fovercign will indeed decide on the merits of the appeal, and with a spirit worthy of an enlightened fo vereiert. If the officer has been guilty of be friending tyranny, guilty of violating his offici al duty ana our plighted faith by facnficing the honest mtcrefts of our friends to those of their enemies, we mud and will be fatisfied. If our national integrity be appealed to, and national justice is publickly demanded against Walhing tort, by our honest swords we declare, that, if constitutionally proved guilty, he shall be pu nished. Although he has grown grey in the fcr vice of his country, yet we have the firmnefs to steel our hearts for the momeot, and to dare be just even against him. But by the fame swords, which we hope will never have cause to blufti for their owners, we further declare, that the fo refg* jsisiarr, who thus fevcrely invokes our jiiftiel, makes an experiment upon us whicn he must never repeat ; For, on thia fubjeft, no fo reign power (hall use us for sport. And if you have ever once thought of adopting such a mea sure, let me, if you are pausing on the banks of the Rubicon, request you to consider its confe qucnce. In cafe of its adoption, yourfelf or Washington, must be condemned. Should you demand of us to fit in solemn judgment on the man who commands our united hearts, you must in the event, seal either his, or your, political damnation ! Should you publickly appeal Wafti ington of national disloyalty, be sure you fur oifti damning proofs againQ him I t>« sure, y«u &Uso [Whole No. 456.] prove him falfe to his trufl ! Or by the wrath of injured frienri(hip, ♦♦****♦* Sir, you have been received as mini iter pleni potentiary from a nation whose friendfliip we value, and purpose to defervc. Yet, as proud as delicate on the fubje& of friendship, the Ame rican mind can feel the implications contained in your letter ro the Prefidcnt of the United States. • Then, fir, if you wou4d not alienate the mind of America, fort.ear, on this rhemc* the language of reproach ! Goad rot the spirit ot' Americans, by accusing their common repre* tentative and friend of cold indifference to the cause of liberty ♦ nor charge him with want fidelity to their public engagements! It is tht pride of the American nation, fir, to observe its treaties of commercial amity, and yet be just to every nation under heaven : Its firmnefs too is equal to its pride. If you value the American cftimation of the French, it is hoped, that you will never, in fu ture, mention the disinterested friendship of France to thi« country in the vary fame sentence in which joti complain that the American go vernment has nor f bv way of requital, manifeft* ed a regard lor * tnrr mtereft ! for, ertcrpt in re lation to the ruder part of mankind fact) as are ' ' ' v.rft.. 't . ~ tt ?tc\ Ac American falhon to talk ofgifts which are to be fiatd for. It is further mentioned, for your refl.flion, that the American researches have not yet rfif covered, in any of the regions of science, that the obligations of gratitude are perieftlv com pulsory like those of justice. Nor has moral philosophy as yet taught them, that it is a proof ot delicate generosity to speak of meafurcs un. der the profefled idea of being generoui, and yet, at the fame time, demand a fpecific retribu tion. It is presumed, that the humane Ameri« [ K cans, who never enquired whether any of the uriloitunate fugitives from oite of the Freueh islands were called ariftdcrats, but at once ho nored themfclves and their country by their ge nerons beneficence to them all, will never give cause to doubt the frofejfed motives of their con. du£t, hv uiging ilieir generofuy as the balls of a legal demand. This, however," i» a fubjeft, fir, on whith I leave you to feel lentiments whnch wounded delicacy cann«t easily express. ALFRED. EXTRACTS, f't+tkt CalumHm*Cmthti. Notwithstanding the great di»«rJitj of,po litical fentimeat an many fubje&s, all concur in opinion, thfct tlie prolperity of our country disappoints the wiflies of her enemies, and furpaires the hopes of her most fanfnine friends. ' The husbandman finds an high price, and increaling demand for tiie products ofhis foiL The mechanic has coftftant employ, and full compsnfation for his labour and 11cill. The merchant visits every part of the globe, in Cuccafsfu! pursuits of gain ; and while the na. tions of Europe are. engaged in destroying each other, his Ihips can alone supply them with the bread that feeds, or the apparel that covers them. Free from restraint, aod welcomed to every shore, the American seaman can ftfurely, and ilmoft exclusively, carry the produce of the world, and command a recompence.equal to his wilhes. In Europe, the sailors are em ployed in navigating their (hips of war—the artizans, instead of fabricating the conveni* ences of )ife-*-the husbandmen, instead of tilling the foil, and producing subsistence for themselves, and others, are busied in mutual deltruftion. Americans enjoy almofl: a mo nopoly of feeding and carrying for the richest, and most populous nations of the earth. This enviable condition the people of the United States know well how to estimate ! and, in jnftice to themselves and posterity, cannot, will not put at hazard. They have too lately experienced the horror? of war, and too dear ly paid for peace good government, to risque their preftnt tranquility. From the Columbian Gazetteer. In the days of contest, between the charac ters of Whig and Tory, it was often alked, (and fometiraes very gravely) to which of them we Ihould suppose the Apostle Paul adhered and a positive answer to this would have de. cided the opinion of mod who made that en quiry. The fame implicit confidence is given at the present day, to the decisions of tlmfe nf the firft (landing in the State, and a propor tionable degree of it is always bestowed on men of eminence in every station ; this, by many is supposed to be a very rational mode of Judging, in cases where one is not fufficient- Jy acquainted with the merits of a cause to judge of it himfelf.—But there is a different class of mankind who fufpeft the Judgment of all who go in * higher walk of life, and that from a strange idea, of which they seem to be very fond, that goodness and greatness are incompatible, and that no one can be wifir who knows more than them r elres, or boncft Who holds more property.