The Cleveland gazette. [volume], November 10, 1883, Image 1

About The Cleveland gazette. [volume] (Cleveland, Ohio) 1883-1892

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Cleveland Gazette
VOL. 1.-NO. 12.
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THE NEW AND REVISED EDITION
—OT THE—
Underground Railroad,
BY WILLIAM STILL,
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
A large, handsomely printed, highly illus
trated ana beautifully bound book, which ex
plains the mysteries of The Underground
Rall rend, and preserves the only records,
made at the time, of the escapes of slaves and
their heroic struggles to obtain freedom.
These records were faithfully taken from
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servation would have cost the life of the au
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risk he took. And what wonderful, stirring,
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exode from Egypt, their grand march through
the wilderness, their entrance into Canaan.
Ail would know it. All will know it.
This new Edition contains much matter not
in the old, among which is a carefully pre
pared life of the Author, written and pub
lished at the request' of many friends, and in
serted in his book with the hope that it may
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men must do in order to succeed. This life
also contains many pleasant allusions to the
great anti-slavery leaders, such as Sumner,
Wilson, Greeley, etc., far similes ot their hand
writing, In it are found, too, many bits of
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old John Brown's officers, and the way they
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A commanding volume of SSO pages and TO
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Sold only by subscription. Price >4.50.
For circular and terms, address
WILLIAM STILL, Author and Publisher,
844 south Truth Street,
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
The undersigned, having established a Pur
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ST, CLAIR STREET,
Next to “Sunday Spa" Building.
CLEVELAND, OHIO, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1883.
CIYILBI6HTS DECISION.
Colonel, Robert G. Ingersoll’s Speech
in Lincoln Hall, Washington,
D. C., October 22.
Hon. Frederick Douglass Preceded
Colonel Ingersoll-Two Thousand
Personslin Lincoln Hall; Dou
ble that Number Unable
To Get In.
Colonel Ingersoll said that they had
met for the purpose of expressing their
opinions of a recent decision of the
Supreme Court of the United States.
He gave the substance of the decision
and of the sections of the Civil Rights
bill which were found unconstitutional.
He said that it must be taken for grant
ed that the judges arrived at their con
clusions honestly; it was their right to
make the decision, and it was equally
the right of every citizen to criticise
that decision. It must be remembered
that judges were but men. Once a de
cision of the Supreme Court was
unquestioned; it was regarded as
“a voice from on high.” The
Dred Scott decision destroyed that il
lusion. It must also be remembered
that the judges keep their l ' to the
dawn; they find what ha' a, not
what ought to be; they are levered by
precedents. Public opinion regarding
doctors, preachers and judges has
changed. Once their word was un
questioned; now they are cross-ex
amined: In this country the people are
sovereign, and have the right to ques
tion the acts of their agents. “Un
fortunately for us, our fathers adopted
the common law of England—a law
poisoned by kingly prerogatives, by the
spirit of caste—and permeated, satura
ted with the political heresy that the
people received their rights, privileges
and immunities from the crown.”
Col. Ingersoll read the thirteenth
amendment. Before its passage, he
said, the constitution was the shield of
slavery. For three-quarters of a cent
ury the Supreme Court of the United
States exhausted ingenuity in protect
ing slavery. He then proceeded to
score the old court and the framers of
the old constitution. “In the rebel
lion,” said he, “the Supreme Court
was the last fort which surrendered.”
The adoption of the thirteenth amend
ment made the slaves free men and
citizens. Since then the Supreme Court
has decided that freed men were a part
of the people, and that the people con
stituted the State. Under the constitu
tion the State is guaranteed a govern
ment republican m form. If distinc
tions are made because of color; the
republican form of government) does
not exist, and it is the duty of the
general government to see that every
State has such a government.
’ The speaker then proceeded to prove
that the civil rights legislation was
authorized by the Thirteenth amend
ment, because that amendment abolished
not only slavery, but every “badge and
brand and stain and mark of slavery.”
It abolished all distinctions on account
of race or color. “From the moment
of the adoption of the Thirteenth amend
ment the law became color blind.”
The Fourteenth amendment was then
taken up and decisions of the Supreme
Court were quoted tending to show that
Congress had power to make just this
legislation. This portion of the speech
was simply a powerful legal argument,
and culminated with the case of Hall
vs. De Cuir, vol. 95, United States
Supreme Court reports. Of this he
said: “The State of Louisiana, acting
in the spirit of these amendments to
the constitution, passed a law in 1819
requiring that all persons engaged
within that State, in the business of
common carriers of passengers, should
make no discrimination on account
of race or color. Under this
law De Cuir took passage on a
steamer, buying a ticket from New Or
leans to Hermitage, the entire trip be
ing within the limits of the State, and
on the boat was refused accommoda
tion on account of her color. She re
covered in the State Court of Louisiana
a judgment for SI,OOO. The defendant
appealed to the Supreme Court of Lou
isiana, and the judgment of the court
below was sustained. Afterward it was
taken to the Supreme Court of the
United States by the administrator of
the defendant, on the ground that a
federal question was involved.
Now you will see that this was a case
where the State had acted, and had
acted exactly in accordance with the
Constitutional amendments; had by
law provided that the privileges and
immunities of citizens of the United
States should not be abridged in that
State, and that no distinctions should
be made on account of color. And in
that case the Supreme Court of the
United States solemnly decided that
the State had no right to legislate, and
uses the following language:
“If the public good required such
legislation, it must come from Congress
and not from the States.
“In the five cases recently decided
the decision is exactly the other way;
that is to say, if the public good re
quires such legislation it must come
from the States and not from Con
gress.”
Upon what the speaker called the
“subterfuge of ‘appropriate legisla
tion,’” he quoted Chief Justice Mar
shall to show that Congress has power
to make all laws necessary to carry
the Constitution into effect, and that
Congress is the judge as to what laws
are necessary. Judge Clifford admit
ted that power is vested in Congress to
enforce, by appropriate legislation, the
prohibition contained in the Fourteenth
amendment, and “appropriate legisla
tion,” according to Judge Marshall, is
simply legislation which, in the opinion
of Congress, is necessary to secure the
end for which the amendment was
adopted. Proceeding, Mr. Ingersoll
said:
The next subterfuge is that the word
state does not include the people in the
state. In ipy judgment the word
“state,” as used in the constitution, in
cludes not only the persons in office,
but the people who put them there, and
whose agents these officers are. In the
constitution it is provided “that no
state shall coin money.” According to
this decision any person in any state
may have that right, and Congress can
enforce n* hw against such person.
And yet we have a statute that prevents
any person in any state from coining
money. No matter if he should coin it
of pure gold of the requisite fineness
and weight, he is a criminal. We have
a silver dollar doined by the govern
ment worth eighty-five cents. If any
person in any state should coin a silver
dollar with a dollar’s worth, of silver in
it he would be held guilty of a crime.
And yet the only authority that Con
gress has springs from that clause:
"No state shall coin money.” .
1. The sovereignty of a state extends
only to that which exists by its own
authority.
2. The powers of the general Gov
ernment were not conferred by the peo
ple of a single Stat®, j They were
given by the people of the United States
to a Government whos^ laws, in pur
suance of the Constitution, are declared
to be supreme.
3. The United States is a Govern
ment whose authority attends over the
whole territory of the Union, acting
upon all the States ajd upon all the
people of all the States^
4.. No State can. exclude the Federal
Government from the exercise of any
authority conferred updn it by the Con
stitution, or withhold f*oui it for a mo
ment the cognizance pf any subject
which that instrument [has committed
to it.
5. It is the duty of Congress to en
force the Constitution, jpul it has been
clothed with power to4®aake all laws
necessary and proper for carrying into
execution all the powers vested by the
Constitution in the Government of the
United States, or in an#,,department or
officer thereof. W
6. Congress is the judge as to what
legislation is necessaryMnd appropriate
to carry into effect any,part of the Con
stitution.
7. It is the duty of Government
to protect every citizen'll! all his rights
everywhere, without »gard to race,
color, or previous condition of servi
tude.
8. Every citizen, whvb his privileges
and immunities are invaded by the leg
islation of a State, haMthe right of ap
peal from such State tdihe Nation.
9. When a State falls to protect a
citizen in any right or privilege guaran
teed to that citizen by the Constitution
of the United States, fee has the right
to find redfess in the Federal Courts.
10. The Thirteenth Amendment de
clares that neither slavery nor involun
tary servitude shall oxist within the
jurisdiction of the United States.
This is not merely a legation: it is an
affirmation; and the 4My is imposed
upon the general goWwmeut by that
amendment to see i^it that neither
slavery nor involuntar|?»ervitude shall
exist. It is a question^bsolutely with
in the power of the I Meral floveru
ment, and the Federal Government is
clothed with power toxiake all neces
sary laws to enforcrtW '
11. The fourteenth amendment pro
vides that all persons born or natural
ized in the United States, and a subj ect
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens
of Jthc United States and of the State
wherein they reside.
This is an affirmation. It is not
simply a prohibition. The moment
that amendment was adopted it became
the duty of the United States to pro
tect the citizens created by that amend
ment.
We are no longer citizens of the
United States because we are citizens
of the several States, but we are citi
zens of the United States because we
have been born or naturalized in the
United States.
It therefore follows that it is not only
the right but the duty of Congress to
pass all laws necessary for the protec
tion of citizens of the United States.
12. Congress cannot shirk this re
sponsibility by leaving citizens of the
United States to be taken care of by the
several States. The recent decision of
the Supreme Court cuts as with a sword
the tie that binds the citizen to the
general Government. Under the old
Constitution there were no citizens of
the United States; there were only citi
zens of the various States, and"such
citizens looked to their several States
for protection.
The Federal Government had no
citizens. National patriotism did not
rest on mutual obligation. Under the
fourteenth amendment we are all citi
zens of a common country, and our first
duty, our first obligation, is not to the
State in which we reside, but to the
Federal Government.
This section of the fourteenth amend
ment destroys State prejudice and lays
the foundation for National patriotism.
13. All statutes, all amendments to
the Constitution, in derogation of nat
ural rights, should be strictly con
strued.
14. All statutes, all amendments for
the preservation of natural rights should
be liberally construed.
Every court should seek co narrow’ by
constniction the scope of every law that
infringes upon any natural", human
right; and every court should, by con
struction, give the broadest meaning to
every statute or constitutional provis
ion passed or adopted for the preserva
tion of freedom.
In construing the Thirteenth, Four
teenth and Fifteenth amendments, the
court need not go back to decisions
rendered in the days of slavery—in the
days when narrow and constrained
construction was the rule, in favor of
State sovereignty and the rights of the
master. These amendments utterly ob
literated all such decisions.
The Supreme Court should begin
with the amendments. It need not look
behind them. They are a part of the
fundamental, organic law of the Na
tion. They were adopted to destroy
the old decisions—to obliterate all
former statutes.
They laid a new foundation for a new
nation.
The Supreme Court has failed to
comprehend the spirit of our age. It
has under-valued the accomplishments
of the war; it has not grasped, in all
their grandeur, the mission and destiny
of the republic.
The decision is, in my judgment, un
worthy of the august tribunal by which
it was" delivered. It has given new life
to the serpent of State sovereignty. It
has furnished food and drink, breath
and blood, to prejudices that were per
ishing of famine: and in the old ease of
Civilization vs. Barbarism, it has en-
deavored to grant the defendant a new
trial.
The next subterfuge is social equal
ity. It is claimed that social equality
cannot be enforced by law.
Nobody thinks it can.
This is not a question of social equal
ity, but of equal rights.
A colored citizen has the same right
to ride upon the cars that I have; the
same right to be fed and lodged at
public inns that I have; the same right
to visit the theater that I have.
The Federal soldiers who escaped
from Libby or Andersonville, and who
in swamps, in the darkness of night,
were fed and rescued by the slave, nad
no scruples about eating with a Negro!
They were willing to sit beneath the
same tree and eat with him the food he
brought. The white soldier was will
ing to find rest and slumber beneath
the Negro’s roof.
Charity has no color! It is neither
white nor black!
Patriotism is the same. Social rela
tions depend upon an almost infinite
number of influences audconsiderations.
We all have likes and dislikes. We
choose our companions.
This must be a natural right. You
cannot force into my house persons
whom Ido not want there. But there
is a difference between a public inn and
a private house. The inn is for the
public. The private house is for the
family and those they may invite. The
landlord invites the entire public, and
he must serve those who come, if they
are fit to be received.
A railway is public, not private. It
•derives its power from the State. It
takes private land for public purposes.
It is incorporated for the good of the
public, and the public must be served.
The railway, the hotel, the theater has
a right to make a distinction between
people of good manners and bad —be-
tween the clean and the unclean, the
vicious and the peaceable. There are
white people who have no right to be in
any place except a bath tub, and there
are colored people in the same condi
tion. A filthy white man cannot force
himself into a respectable hotel nor
into a railway car nor into a theater;
neither should the unclean colored be
allowed to interfere with the happiness
of others.
What I claim is that in public places,
other things being equal, no distinction
should be made on account of the race
or color. The bad black man should
be treated like a bad white man. He
should not be denied admittance be
cause he is black or because he is white.
Social equality is not contended for
either between white and white, black
and black, or between white and black.
I will not force rayself upon others,
neither will 1 allow others to force
themselves upon me.
In all social relations we should have
the utmost liberty. But all public du
ties short kUbe disohn^ged without dis
crimination.
Riding in the same cars, stopping at
the same inns, sitting in the same thea
ters, no more involve a social question
than speaking the same language, read
ing the same books, hearing the same
music, traveling on the same highway,
eating the same food, breathing the
same air, warming by the same sun,
shivering in the same cold, defending
the same flag, loving the same
country, or living, in the same world;
and yet thousands of people are in
deadly fear about social equality! They
imagine that riding with colored peo
ple is dangerous; that the chance ac
quaintance will lead to marriage. They
wish to be protected from such conse
quences by law. They dare not trust
themselves. They appeal to the Su
preme Court for assistance. They wish
to be barricaded by a constitutional
amendment. Such people can be de
scribed only in the language of Walt
Whitman. They are the “immutable,
granitic pudding-heads of the world!”
In this country all rights must be
preserved, all wrongs must be redressed
through the ballot. The colored man
has in his care and keeping a part of
the sovereign power df the Nation. At
the ballot box he is the equal of Judges,
Senators, and Presidents, and his vote,
when counted, is the equal of any other.
He must use this sovereign power for
his own protection and for the preser
vation of his children. The ballot is
his sword and shield. It is his political
providence. It is the rock on which he
stands, the column against which he
leans. He should vote for no man
who does not believe in equal rights
for all. He should not be misled by
party cries, nor by vague promises in
political platforms. Ne should vote for
the men and for the party that will pro
tect him—for Congressmen who be
lieve in liberty—for Judges^ who wor
ship justice—whose brains are not
tangled by technicalities, and whose
hearts are not petrified by precedents,
and for Presidents who will protect the
blackest citizen from the tyranny of the
whitest state. As you cannot trust the
word of some white people, and as
some black people do not always tell
the truth, you must compell all candi
dates to put their principles in black
and white. Of one thing you can rest
assured —the best white people are your
friends. The humane, the civilized,
the just, the most intelligent, thegrand
est, are on your side. The sympathies
of the noblest are with' vou. Your ene
mies are the enemies of liberty, of pro
gress, of justice. The white "men who
make the white race honorable believe
in equal rights for you. Stand by
your friends. Do not hold the Re
publican party responsible for this de
cision unless the Republican party in
dorses it. Had the question been sub
mitted to that party, it would have been
decided exactly the other way—at least
a hundred to one. That party gave
you the thirteenth, fourteenth anti fif
teenth amendments. They were given
in good faith. These amendmeifts put
you on a constitutional and political
equality with white men. That they
have been narrowed in their applica
tion by the Supreme Court is not the
fault of the Republican party. It is not
for me to give you advice. Your con
duct has been "above all praise. You
have been as patient as the verv earth.
You have been law-abiding anti indus
trious. You have not offensively as
serted your rights. You have been
mode't and forgiving. Yon have re
turned good for evil. All I can ask is
that you continue to do as you have
done. Educate your children. Strive
t> make yourselves independent.
Work for homes. Do dot be satisfied
to work simply for others—work for
yourselves. Labor to become the mas
ters of yourselves.
In conclusion Colonel Ingersoll said
he saw no reason why the white man
should hate the black man, but if the
tables were turned we would have cause
to do so.
"They do not ask for revenge. They
simply ask for justice. The are willing
to forget the past —willing to hide their
scars—anxious to bury the broken
chains, and to forget the miseries and
hardships, the tears and agonies of two
hundred years.
"The old issues are again upon us:
Is this a Nation? Have all citizens of
the United States equal rights without
regard to race or color? Is it the duty
of the general Government to protect
its citizens? Can the Federal arm be
palsied by the action or non-action of a
State?
“Another opportunity is given for
the people of this country to take sides.
“According to my belief the supreme
thing for every man to do is to be abso
lutely true to himself.
“All consequences, whether rewards
or punishment, whether honor and
power or disgrace and poverty, are as
dreams undreamt. I nave made my
choice. I have taken my stAnd.
Where my brain and heart go, there I
will publicly and openly walk.
“Doing this is my highest conception
of duty. Being allowed to do so by
others is liberty.
“If this is Hot now a free Govern
ment, if citizens cannot now be pro
tected, if the three amendments have
been undermined by the Supreme
Court, we must have another; and if
that fails, then another. And we must
neither stop nor pause until the Consti
tution shall become a perfect shield for
every right of every human being be
neath our flag.”
WILBERFORCE.
Our Representative With an Inter
esting Local Letter—
P&rsonals, etc.
The Society of Inquiry on Missions
was very pleasantly and instructively
entertained last evening by a lecture
from Philip P. Tolliver, D. D.. of Day
ton. His subject was “The Right Di
rection of Activity.” What there was
of it was good, but there was not
enough. Just about the time we had
settled ourselves down for an eloquent
flow from the reverend gentleman he
reached his climax and announced the
end. Dr. W. A. Jackson accompanied
him over from Dayton. The Doctor
is very much pleased with Wilberforce
and the surrounding country, and
thinks he can accomplish some good
here. With this object in view, he will
pay tis a V y Monday, making
his headquarters at Mr. Byron’s resi
dence, prepared to perform all kinds of
dental work. He is a dentist of no
mean standing in Dayton, and has
a growing practice. He is a gen
tleman of pleasing address, well
up in his profession and all
those needing dental work will do well
to consult him on his return next Mon
day. We hope the people here will
make his visits profitable to him by
giving him a liberal patronage. We
rather like the idea of colored doctors,
lawyers, preachers, teachers, and
everything else that any other man can
be and be successful. We need more
distinguished leaders down among the
people. While there is a struggle go
ing on among our distinguished great
men as to who is really the greatest
leader of the race, the menu are suffer
ing. The uppertendom of colored so
ciety is all right and able to stand
alone, but there is a lowertendom or
substrata where the greatest influence is
needed. Very often heights are reached
that are so lofty and giddy that .we
dare not look down on those beneath
for fear of toppling over. And when
such heights are reached our influence
is exerted on a plane entirely above
those who need it most. If it were pos
sible we would not deter any one by a
single word or act from climbing as
high as they can, but we would drop
the hint that it would be a good idea to
carry up the wants of those that lie
struggling and bleeding on the ground
and allow those heights to be only the
means of placing us in a more avail
able position for accomplishing the
good in behalf of those wants.
P. M. Alexander, who is at present
catering to the wants of many in a well
appointed dining-hall, is much elated
with the success he is meeting. He
put a range in his kitchen a short while
ago, costing more than fifty dollars,
and is prepared to accommodate in
first-class style. Like all others of us
poor mortals he indulges in bright
dreams of the future, and he has had a
vision now we think worthy of mention.
He has an idea that some persons
would like to spend the summer in
the neighborhood of Wilberforce and
that he is the man that can make it
pleasant for them. Since he is an old
experienced hand in the dining-hall and
expects to run an establishment on A
much larger scale, we would advise
all who think of visiting the “Tawawa
Literary Assembly,” or even rusticat
ing here next summer and will need ac
commodations outside of friends, to
communicate with Mr. P. M. Alexan
der.
Bishop D. A. Payne took his depart
ure Thursday for Baltimore, Md., and
thence to Florida for the w inter.
Bishop J. P. Shorter is home.
Mrs. Dr. Jackson and her sister, Miss
Susie Early, will probably visit Nash
ville, Tenn., the latter part of this
week.
Miss Gussie Gleed put in an appear
ance last Thursday, much to the pleas
ure of her many friends. She looks
w’ell after her summer’s recreation and
reports a line time.
Through all the excitement that fol
lowed the 15th of October, the college
has preserved an equilibrium and is
doing her usual amount of work, Since
“love is the fulfillment of the law,” the
Supreme Court was surely overflowing
with the “milk of human kindness'
toward us, as they have permanently
fulfilled the law’ in its strictest sense, in
their recent decision.
Dboit et Avant.
PRICE FIVE CENTS.
Written tor the Gazette.
L’HISTOIRE DES HEROS D’AFRIQUE.
Dans L’lle de Ste. Domingo.
BY PAUL GASTON.
No V.—Toussaint L’Ouverture.
Vincent Beaupre, in his celebrated
“Reflections on the Tragical Drama of
the Dominican Insurrection," says:
‘•Tousssint L’Ouverture, at the head.of
an army, was the embodiment of the
most active and the most indefatigable
man that it is possible for the human
mind to form a conception. ’ His great
sobriety, combined with the faculty
which none but himself possessed, of
never reposing, the facility with which
he resumes the affairs of the cabinet
after the most disastrous reverses on
the field of battle, render him so emi
nently superior to those around him
that their respect and submission were
carried to the verge of fascination, and
it is certain that no man of modern
times ever possessed such an influence
over a body of men as Toussaint exer
cised over his brethren of Ste. Do
mingo.”
Such is the testimony of an enemy
who had lost all his earthly possessions
through the instrumentality of our hero.
Toussaint was of a prepossessing
and commanding appearance, of me
dium stature, but of an iron frame.
His dignified, calm and unaf
fected features, broad and well
developed forhead would under
any circumstances, designate him as
one born to rule. Endowedby"nature
with lofty qualities of mind, he owed
his elevation to his own energies and
devotion to the welfare of his unhappy
race. Like most men of energetic tem
?erament his habits were thoughtful,
n speech he arrived at his meaning by
the shortest methods. Bo profound
and original were his opinions that they
have been adopted by all the chiefs who
survived him. " His maxims are still the
guidance of the rulers of Hayti. His
thoughts were vigorous as well as
copious, and whatever he could not ex
press in his native “patois" appeared
tame and insipid in the polished lan
guage of France, which he was com
pelled to employ in official business.
While at the height of power, Tous
saint himself practiced an austere so
briety bordering on abstemiousness,
though his subordinate offleers'were
reveling in luxury. Veneration for his
character was not confined to Ste. Do
mingo, but penetrated to the heart of
Europe. In generous France his name,
his fame and his incomparable virtues
were often pronounced in the National
Councils.
Toussaint, without an hour’s educa
tion in the science of arms, became a
valiant soldier, baffled the skill and
conquered Napoleon’s most experienced
followers 1 ! Without a syllable of mili
tary knowledge he fought like one born
on the field! Without means he prose
cuicff-ttte wariDr-The umstrcrpatlbn th
his race, beat his enemies in battle and,
turned their deadly weapons against
themselves. From ignorance he became
educated by his own inherent energies.
From a slave he rose to a soldier, a
General and a Governor, and might, if
he would, have been King or Emperor
of the people his bravery had redeemed
from abject slavery! He possessed!
brilliant traits of genius, which were
developed in the private circle, the
council and on the field of battle.
His name was a tower of strength to
his friends, but a scathing terror to his
enemies !
His career as a Christian, a Statesman,
a General or a citizen, will compare
favorably with that of the immortal
Washington, each a leader of an out
raged people! Each struggled against
warlike foes! Each founded a govern
ment in the New World, but Toussaint’s
government had the immeasurable ad
vantange of being founded on the
“Eternal Rock of Liberty!” A gov
ernment that abolished the in
human slave trade, and proclaimed
Freedom the universal watch-word,
while the Government of Washington
incorporated slavery and enacted laws
that riveted chains upon the limbs of
unborn millions!
When impartial history shall have
garnered her priceless sheaves, in our
National archives; when great, proud,
prosperous America shall have ceased
her embittered proscription of our
struggling race; when the mellowing
influences of a truly Christian civiliza
tion shall have penetrated the hearts of
this (otherwise) noble people, then
justice will be done to the invincible
forerunner of American liberty to our
oppressed race, and the name of
Toussaint L’Ouverture be found
among the first on the roll of fame!
the end.
AN UNNATURAL UNION.
An Arkansas Presiding Elder Mar
ries a Colored Ctrl.
Little Rock, Nov. d.—Rev. J. G.
Polland, until a few weeks since Pre
siding Elder of the Methodist Episco
pal Church of Northern Arkansas, cre
ated a sensation to-day by marrying a
colored girl named Eliza Millahey. He
was divorced from his second wife a
month ago.
In reference to the above clipping we
would say we do not know whether it
is the short space of mourning for the
second wife or his marrying the Ne
gress which makes this union unnaiur
al, but we think the latter. It is said
the people living in different parts of
the world may be divided into five
races, viz.: Caucasian. Etheopian. Mon
golian, Malay and American or Red
race. It is an undeniable fact, and a
Jact as old as the world, that the Ethe
’opian race is as natural as any of the
others, and is second to none in any
way unless the Caucasian, and, consid
ering the disadvantages under which
it has labored until the last two decades,
it is not even second to the Caucasian.
So. why is an alliance between an
Etheopian and one of the other four
races any more unnatural than an alli
ance between any two of the other
races? If a Negro commits crime it is
a brutal crime, and he is a black fiend.
If an American, Italian, German or
Irishman does the same thing it is re
finedly horrible.' We will not credit the
opposite race as a whole with this sad
lack of intelligence, but attribute it to
a few wno are possessors of the lowest
prejudice and imelligen