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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, August 29, 1845, Image 2

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Crvms an ootVmc of Iih. plan of emancipation. Tins
handbill concludes as follows:
"Wohnvethus, in a very rambling end feeble, un
satisfactory .nHiiner, given something uf on outline
of (he plan which wo hnd intended to present. It
may be that my paper has not been conducted in the
most pacific manner, but is 'here not cause for mu,"a
reproach between myself and the public in wh'cn
am placed-. And those who now denounce me.ehould
remember that my paper was denounced even in an
vaoue, in the full avowal of all the incendiary pur
pose which mv enemies now street to impute to mo.
I am willing to take arning from friends or enemies
lor the future conduct of mv paper, aRd while I sm
retulv to restrict myself in iho latitude of discussion
of the question, I never will voluntarily abandon a
'I'm k Amkkicam F.&TKA.
Lexinoton, August l.'i, 1815.$
To a Just People.
I ilfnoi (t due tn mvself and the cause of the peo
i,-In, the cnnstitiitinnal liberty of my State, that I mak e
a few brief explanations before the enemies of all
these proceed to extremity, that they may be left
without excuse in the estimation of all just men. I
learned a few moments before 3 o'clock, lhat a public
meeting was to be holden at that hour in the 'Court
House, to take measures (or the suppression of the
publication of the "True American.
Immediately, es unwell asl was, I proceeded to
the Court Mouse to vindicate, asl shall ever be ready
to do, the principles anil policy maintained in that pa
per. 'I found about twenty individuals, including
some two or ihree personal friends who followed me
in. I knew them nil to be political and three fourths
cf them violent personal enemies. I sow but one
so called-Whig, end ha h;,s been ever since the .publi
cation of the paper, one of my most violent oppo
iients. I will give the names of these men hereafter
to the public.
Two speakers proposed to dissolve tho meeting, -and
'Capt.-IIsnry Johnson, a cotton planter, declared that
although ho was ever ready to act boldly upon this
subject, ha would not then, cor hereafter, taka any
action in regard to the Trun American, unlosn the
Whig prtrty also came up and incurred the sime re
sponsibility. Thomas F. Marshall said thiii he had
regarded it as a public, not a private meeting, and
thai be conceived that the public dissatisfaction and
excitement were based upon the editorial published
by me in the last "Aoorican," whoro 1 spoke of the
resequences of the disregard of the principles of
justice by tho leading men of the, Nation, and anoth
er person remarked that dissatisfaction wesjilso found
ed upon tho opinion sel forth by tho leader in the las;
paper. Here several persons contended that it was
a private meeting, upon which I started to leave the
House, explaining tu Mr. Marshall in passing, that a
construction had been put upon my article which it
never entered my head to convey, as any sensible
man who will read the piece, will tee, who knows the
circumstances in which 'lam placed, having regard
to common sense, tho effectuation of my own pur
poses or the safety of myself and relatives, that I
could never intond to give it.
It will be perceived by tho reader of lhat article,
'that the whole piece alludes to National policy, and
'ihe loss of a high sense of justice in the administra
tion of our National affairs, resulting from the influ
ences of Nugro Slavery upon the National action,
oven to the habitual violation of tho Constitution; and
'1 further meant to convey the idea, in my elliptical
manner, that in a country like ours, where suffrage is
universal, and standing armies impossible, that those
men who are drawing substance and f ower from the
-existence and extension of Slavery, at the expense
of the interests of the great masses of the legal vo
ters of this Union, who are now and have been sac.
rificed at the shrine of Slavery ; that these men, the
"White millions (having no allusion whatever to the
Blacks of the South,) would in me courso of time,
when lhat poverty preseed upon them which Slavery
had been most instrumental in causing, follow the
example of their plunderers, and in turn plunder
them. Such was the ease in ' France when the Op
pressed rose upon the Oppressor, and spared neither
property, hfo or sex.
As to the Blacks, we hare ever held in our printed
arguments, and in our secret opinion, that the slaves,
while the Union las's, are utterly impotent for any
very extensive mischief, even in the Cotton countries,
and I regard the idea of insurrection in Kentucky,
whore there are about six Whites to one Black, as
ridiculous, and only used by the slaveholders as
bug a-boo, to maintain the ascendancy of thuir power
in the State; and even if an insurrection should take
place, 1 feel myself as much bound, as any citizen in
ihe Slate, to shoulder my musket to suppress it, and
in the discharge of my duty I am not willing to ad
mil lhat any person is more ready. With regard to
the leader of the same paper, I said in the beginning
that I intended to allow full freedom of discussion
upon the subj9ct of slavery, and I said for several
weeks, at the head of my editorial columns, under my
own signature, that I intended tu allow under Ihe. edi
torial head also, great latitude of opinion, without
Differing as l did in -some important points from the
writer of this article, whotrepeat is a large Slave
holder, I ictended to give my individual views on Ihe
same subject, in my very next number, which when
given will put my enemies under the necessity of de
nouncing, when they denounce me, the immortal
Washington, a name sscred to ihe lovers of liberty
all lime and place. 'I had not expected in the abundance
of my charity, that the most fallen men would
'have taken advantage of my helpless condition, aris
ing from a long and painful illness, to sacrfice me
when even in health I stood almost one man against
a thousand. I tail these men, however, that they
much mistake their man, and that if -they do succeed
in accomplishing their purposes, and seal their tri
umph with my blood, that their banners of Victory
shall wave over a violated Constitution, the graveof
Liberty, and the impious defiance of the laws of God,
and the mora' u-cnanr mankind
If I stood -in defence only of mv own nsht,
sn!"ht bs dcierrrd from the tinfiiuHl contest; bul when
stand fir the six hundred ihous.ind free white citi
zens of my native S ate, allegiance lo w hich, and her
interests, concentered by all republican principles in
the majority of her people, I cinnot lay dowr. my
arms. I o my cniiaren, ana trienas wnerever louna,
f I know myself, it shall never be said, at least ol
one citizen of Kentucky, lhat he preferred life, to
honor and duty to his country.
Thursday, Aug. 14, 1845.
Since writing theabove handbill, I have received
the following letter from the hands of Thos. II. Wa
terS.on my sick bed, at my own house.
Lexington, August 14, 1845.
Cass iff M. Clav, Esq. : Sir: vve, the undersign
ed, have been appointed a committee upon ibe purl
of a number ol the respectable citizens ol the city ol
Lexington, to correspond w un you, under the billow
ing resolution:
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed
to wait upon Cassius M. Clay, editor of the "True
American, and request nun to discontinue (he pub
I : .1 l,ia nnaa rii I ha I'riifl 1 mnrifiBn W am
its further continuance, in our judgment, is dangerous i
to the peace of our community, and to Uie salety ol j
our homes and families.
In pursuance of ihe above, we hereby request you 1
to discontinue your paper, and would seek lo impress
upon you the importance of y our acquiescence. Your
paper is agitating and exciting our community to an
extent of which you can scarcely be aware. We do
not approach you in the lorm ol threat. Uut we
owe ti lo you to stale, lhat in our judgment, your own
safety, as well as the repose and and peace of ihe com
munity, aie involved in your answer. Wo await
vour reply in the hope lhat your good sense and re
gard for tha reasonable wishes of a commonity in
which you have many connections ana menu's, win
induce you promptly to comply with our request. We
are-imtructed to report your answer to a meeting, to
morrow evening, at 3 o'clock, and will expect it by two
o'clock, P. M., of to-morrow.
.Respectfully, &c , B. W. DUDLEY,
To which I have nude the following reply, which
was delivered today, at the hour appointed:
Sirs: I received through the hands of Mr. Thom
as H. Waters, one of your committee, since candle-
l'fe'h' your extraordinary letter.
Inasmuch as two ol the committee and myself are
not upon speaking terms, and when I add tn this the
fact lhat you have taken occasion lo address me a note
of this character, when 1 am on a bed I of sicUness of
linn a iiniinlkU am r, A t r fsniM aattautli I kauii nn
more than a month's standing, from wiiich 1 have on
ly ventured at intervals to ride out and write afew
paragraphs, which caused a relapse, 1 think that ihe
American people will agree with me, that your othce
is a base and dishonorable one, more particularly wnen
.i a ... .L-. i i i .i . .k
iney ruusui umi yuu situ iinu -mure man iwu uivuiim
while 1 was in health lo accomplish the same purpose.
I say in reply to your assertion that you are a com
mittee appointed by a respectable portion of the com
munity, that it cannot be true.
Traitors to the laws and constitution oannot fee dee
mod respectable by any bul assassins, pirates and
highway robbers.
Your meeting is one unknown lo the laws and con
stitution of my country; it was secretin its proceed
ings, its purposes, its spirit, and its action, like its
mode of existence, are wholly unknown to and in di
rcct violation of every known principle of honor, re
ligion or government, held sacred by the civilized
world. I treat them with the burning contempt of a
brave heart and a loyal citizjn. 1 deny their power
and defy their action.
It may be true that these men are excited ss you
say, whose interest it is in prey upon the excitement
and distresses of the country. What tyrant ever fail
ed lo be excited when bis unjust powet was about to
be taken from his hands? But 1 deny, utterly deny,
and call for proof, that there is any just ground for this
in every case of violence by the blscks since the
publication of my paper, it has been proven, and will
again be proven by my representatives, if my life
should fail lo be spared, that there has been special
causes for their action independent of, and having no
relation lo rhe true American or its doctrines.
Vour advice with regard lo my personal safely
worthy of the source whence it emanated, and meets
with the same contempt from me which the purposes
of your mission excite. Go tell your secret conclave
of cowardly assassins that C. M. Clay knows his
rights, and how to defend them.
Lexington, August 15, 1845.
Kentuekians: You see this attempt tf these ty
rauts, worse than the thirty despott who lorded
over the once free Athens, now to enslave you. Men
who rer rd law men who regard all their liberties
as not .u be sacrificed to a single pecuniary interest,
to say (he least, of doubtful value lovers of justice
enemies of blood laborers of all classes you
whom I have sacrificed so much, where will you
found when ihis battle between Liberty and Slavery
is to be fought? I cannot, I will not, 1 dare not ques
tion on which side you will be found. If you stand
by me like wen, our country shall yet be free; but
ou falter now, 1 perish with less regret when I re
member thot the people of my native State, of whom
I have been so proud, and whom 1 bave loved
Lexington, August 15, 1845.
Lewis W. Paine, formerly of Fall River, in this
slate, and during four months past a teacher in Geor
gia, is now a prisoner in Thomaston, Georgia. Ho
is accused of having aided a fellow-man in escaping
from bondage.
He was put under $5000 bonds, which failing
procure, he was imprisoned, and is to have his trial
on the 13th of August. His wife was advised to leave
lithe state, and tf now in Maiaschusettj. ivorrrjfer
1 (!a:rttc.
"I love ngitation when there is cause forSt tne alarm
bell which startles the inhabitants of a city, saves them
from being burned in their beds."- Edmund Burke.
Subscribers, Correspondents and Exc.hangos will
please take notice, thai we are about removing our
publication office to Salkm.Colummana Co., whence
our next number will be issued. Our removal may
cause two or three days delay in the publication of
the 7Ui No., but we liope not. After that, we expect
In furnish our paper punciually.
We have received as yet but few exchange pspers
--no Liberator, Standard, or Herald and Philanthopist.
Will iliose Editors whom we have invited lo exchange,
if they -design Beading us their papers, please see
,r " m" ' " 'heir books; if they are unw.llinp
10 exchange will they please send us one number with
"ZfcItne" writtoa upon ii.
Be careful loJirecl to Salem, Columbiana Co ..for
,)ete af8 firleen of wenty olhef gaem (0WiJ jn
The Society of Friends.
We are not among those who regard a schism in a
religious body, es an vent necessarily to bodoplored;
but on the contiary, we believe it is often an evidence
of returning health and vigor, and we regard Ihe com
motion which generally precedes it, as essential to
purification. It is -the tendency of power to corrupt;
and we have accordingly found, that in all ages ol
the world, the organizations in which it hag been ves
ted civil and religious have become more or less
corrupt and tyrannical. And in proportion to their
power, other things being equal, has always been
their corruption. It mattered not whit form ihey as
aumed, or by what name they were known; it mut
tered not whether lhat power was concentered in onet
or diffused through a Council of Ten, the deveUpe
menl of the principle was ever the same. The Pope,
i the Conference, the Assembly, the Association, and
lhe Yearly Meeting, are but different names for dif-
ferent manifestations of the stmo principle, acting
through the medium of Bulls, Resolutions, and Ad
, vices. Probably all ol the organizations whose va
Kn,ja hv ;,iet mi.ntifnl. wpre rmre. or
- J - ' r
comparatively so, when they were first established.
but as they became corrupted by the acquirement of
power, tyranny and persecution were the result.
The page of history bears record of those who
might with a considerable degree of truth have been
called the "Hly Fathers' of the early Catholic
Church. The zeal and devoledness of Wesley and
his co-laborers, their sell-denying and God like spirit,
stand as testimonies of the purity of early Metho
distn. Luther, and others, who aided in uprcaring
thePresbyterian Cburch, we are told had their eye
single lo the glory of God, and the good of their fel
low men. Roger Williams and his Baptist followers,
were hunted aod persecuted for the Truth's sake, and
were made pure in the fiery furnace of affliction.
The early Quakers were4'a peculiar people, zealous
in good works," going cheerfully to the prison and
the gallows, rather than violate -their impressions of
duty. All of these ecclesiastical bodies were the
result of discussion, contention for the Truth's sake,
and schism, and ell of them bave departed very far
from the standard which they first eel up. None of
them make higher profession than does Ihe Society of
I Friends, and none are more inconsistent in their ac
I linn.
The Society of Friends at it was, is very different
from the Society of Friends as ii Is. This degeneracy
is not unfrequently alluded toby their speskers in Ihe
gallery, and lamentations are uttered that it is so; yet
we doubt whether it will not be considered out of
place for us lore-affirm that which we bave heard lhe
older members of the society assert. We shall not
here speak particularly of (he tenacious adherence of
its members to forms after the spirit has departed, of
their love of wealth and Quaker splendor, of their
longing for the good opinion of the world, of their
aversion to mix with it ia works of benevoleuce, and
their avidity to join it ia matters of pecuniary interest
to themselves, of their disposition to glorify their
fathers that they may build up a reputation on the
deeds of their ancestors, claiming a moral nobility by
virtue of their desceot. The object of this article is,
lo request lhe attention of our readers to a brief con
aideraiion of some of the points we have enumerated.
The Quaker of olden time was not afraid of a good
healthy egitatinn;"the quiet" that he lived ia, was the
quiet of spirit which is ever attendant upon the con
sciouaDossof duties well performed, but lhe world
around him, and in which he moved and mingled was
tossed with tempestuous agitation lashed into moun
tain waves by the outpouring of the truth ha uttered.
These staunch old Friends were real agitators.
George Fox used to say, that a good Quaker would
ahaka ihn counirv for ten miles round: and when
w.i fcen going toward "steeple house," (he cry
truth as given hnn by God
Leather D.c edits is corning,'' tM.uM ci'ke ih.e iir
godly pries's quake in their fhocs. Tlij-y mr-re rot
afraij to enquire what tf truih, and ful'y lo invest
igate all questions prtst'Dtcd lo their nmnls. Tliey
opposed all forms or spiritual di-tpolism, and pmcti
cally asserted iho right cf s very soul to tpeak the
They wem fai'hful in
their rebuke of sin, and were not less pliiu in tbir
speech than in their apparpl. But alas, how has tho
fine gold become dim! The members f that Socie
ty which uns burn in (lie midst of exciti-meni, and
rocked in did cr.idle of agnatiuii, which owes us
birth to tho upheaving of the spirit of liberty, am
now engaged in devising ways snJ niciins ii "lire
in the yuic," and to shut uul from llieir sight ami
hearing lhe agitation whii:h Truth is prolui.'ing in
the world. Instead of being, ar were their hiiccsiois,
the foes of spinto'il riepu(iiiii, ihey nro forcing let
ters for the human soul, and driving to quenrh the
"piril. I he man or woman who snkii in their meet
ings, must spealc, not according lo ilia Jiciutt-s of con
science, but according to iho rules and regulations l"
Society, or else ruo the risk uf being forcibly ejected
Irom their meeting houses, which fxpuiriion bus occur
ed to our knowledge in more lhan one ins'nnce. This
"keeping in lhe quid" as practically taught by
Fritnds in the present day, savors very much of lhat
spirit of selfijhiieis manifested by the civillmg law-
ycr when he. asked "Wh is my neighbot ?' If nun
of their own members were enslaved, insead of tho
millions of their bietbren who wear lhe chains, therr
course of action would be the veiy opposite of what
it now is. Their testimony against "mixing w iih ih
world" also pariakei of a selfish chtrncter. If ihty
were consistent, we would honor them for it, however
much mistaken we would judge them to be. But
they are very inconsistent. They use far more earn
In keep their members from joining Ami Sliivi rv,
Tomperance, and other benevolent assucintions, b v
which they could moke tho world better and happier
than it is, lhan they do to prevent their uniting uh
Political purlin. R.ulrood rorpornions, Bunking
companies, bnd Mercantile, and Manufacturing (irinn.
In the one case, a growth in cbnstinr. prinriplt, is pro
moted, while in the other tho love f Mammon is
greitly strengthened. We have frrquantly heard tlm
"Dear Youth" cautioned against ihe former, but very
rarely, if ever, against the latter.
In the early days of the anti-slavery "enterprise inEnr.
land, some of the most zculnus promoters of the chum
were lobe found among the members of the Society
of Friends; and it was said by Claikson, time they
always opened their meeting houses lo him. Tho
English Quakers were upon Ihe firbt acing anti uln.
very committee which was ever established; and in
ihis country (ho labors of iheir hrethren were- n
less efficient, iheir zeal no less conspicuous. They
look hold of the work like christian men, and instead
of declaiming against mixture with the world, called
upon the world lo join ihem in their deeds of b: nevo
lence. The untiring and self sacrificing lohors of
the devoted Be.nf.zkt, the mild and persuasive plead
ing! of Ihe gentle Woolman, and lhe startling truths
of Ihe energetic butecceniric LAV,accomp!ished a grtR
work in the day in which theee woithies lived. But how
different is ihe slate of Society in America at the pres
ent lime. It has shut up its meeting houses against:
the discussion of anti slavery truth, it his bolted and
barred their doors against the advocate of down trod,
den humanity, and instead of being the anti slavery
society which some of its members claim it is, it has
become a hindrance lo tho causa of emancipation.
An Anti Slavery society, forsooth. Did not H.CIny
to iheir shame be it spoken eulogizo its members
from his place in the Senate Chamber, and commend
ihem for their kind of anti-slavery acionf What
greater condemnation could be uttered? A man who
has proved himself lobe one of the most determined
opponents of all effective anti slavery measures and
has declared that he is opposed lo all schemes of
emancipation whether gradual or immediate, publicly
signifies his approval of the an'i slavery action of the
Society of Friends; and its members feel complimen
ted by it, and go and vote almost en maste for him,
unscrupulously mixing with lhe world in order lo ele
vate him to the Presidential chair; ar.d some of their
older members grasp that hand which is red with tho
blood he has shed in duels, and say to him, "God bo
with thee, Harry, and we will!" Oh, 'tis shameful.
The few who dare call the attention of their fellow
members lo (he inconsistencies and guilty practices of
the majority, are denounced, persecuted, and in soma
cases disowned from membership. In order lo shut out
these "troublers of Israel" from the camp, Monthly
meotings and Quarterly mtetings are laid down, and
various other means tried, to check tbe utterance of
the true Quaker. But free discussion may not be
stayed. As well attempt to restrain the upheaving?
of Etna, as to put down the spirit that is strung for
the Truth. There are yet some noble laborers in the
Society, who lo the zeal and fearlessness of the an
cient Friend, unite the greater knowledge of a later
uf period :-mn and women who feel for (he causa of

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