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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, September 05, 1845, Image 2

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Clay wal thus recklessly using. Tliat he
meant to excite insurrection, or to invito
servile war, we do not, cannot for on mo
ment believe. We believe him to be inca
pable of baseness, nnd in all manly qnalitie
tar to exceed some who are most busy in lit
nouncing him. Hut while we give credit to
Mr. day by imputing to nun no impropc
motive,, we know that the conduct of the
larct in Fayette is snid to have changed
nice the publication ol the 1 rue American
We heard, while at Lexington, tint the
lave in tho lactone and on the iurin had
retrains to words, which they were singing
daily to the praise of Cnssius M. Clay, boast
ing that he wai about to break the chain of
their bondage, and would, by the force ol hi
character and influence, elevate them to an
equality with their master. It was said that
under this feeling, the slave had lately be'
come idle and insolent, and, in some intan
ces, had refused to labor. The people were
alarmed for their security. I he mother tear-
ed for the live of her children, and the safe
ty of her own person from negro violence.
feuch tee know to hare been the general reel
ing pervading the community or ravette,
excusing in their opinion an immediate in
terference with the business of Mr. Clay, and
the suppression of a publication which they
considered the source ot the evil, the etlccts
of which they so much dreaded. The peo
ple were led to believe thai the continuance
of the True American would involve the com
munity in perils which, though nforeen,
could not be avoided.
We are disposed to hclieve that the meet
ing passed their resolution and acted under
the sense of great and imminent danger.
ITie leaders were cool, determined and de-
liberate in the formation and execution of
their purposes. There was no resistance of
fered to them, and therefore no wanton mis
chief was perpetrated. The people acted
through a committee, who entered the office,
packed up the press and materials and ship
ped the property to Cincinnati. That no
blood was shed in the execution of the will
of this meeting was, without doubt, owing
to the illness of Mr. Clay, who was confined
to his bed by a lever, and pronounced by his
physicians in danger of losing his life. Had
Le been in health, we hnve no idea he would
unresistingly suffered his property to he re
moved without his consent, and his attempt
to protect it would probably have cost the
lives of many. Thus, by the interposition
of Providence only, is our State saved from
the disgrace of having blood spilt by the
kaads of a popular assembly! Rflecting
men will disapprove of the temper of Mrs
Olay and the tone of the American, but they
will say that his concessions and promise of
a better temper and spirit should have dis
armed the committee, and especially, wheu
it was asserted that, if the meeting would
permit the property to remain uutouebed, the
'publication should cease.
Thismeeting-setaprceedentwhich we hope
vre may not live to see imitated here or else
where. To exhibit the error committed, let
us look for a moment to the effect. In tho
free States, iuterested demagogues, will sieze
tipon this transaction to inflame tho raiuds of
the multitude against slaveholders. Politi
cal abolition will make capital from this oc
currence to swell the number of its infatua
ted supporters. We shall hear tho right of
discussion proclaimed, and this affair held up
as an evidence -of its suppression in Kentuc
ky. We aro at no Joss to determine tho ef
fect of the disturbance at Lexington upon the
feeling tin Kentucky- Few will go farther
than to disapprove, as we do, a few will o
penly and violently denounce the Fayette
people uador all the circumstances of the case;
nd a few will approve of all that was done.
iBut the rational and temperate discussion of
ultimate emancipation will not be checked
even v this pepidai outbreak. Many of the
the best minds of tho Suite are engaged with
the question, and they will express freely
their opinions, and act freely upon them.
We mutt make up our mind to meet thai
question fur no human poiecr can stopit. We
hope earaestly that the discussion will be
conducted every where temperately, that ev
ery plan to rid Kentucky of slavery will be
examined cautiously and with judgement,
that public opinion will be fairly elicited so
s best to promote the public good. We do
not believe that Kentucky can have reached
that point at which men should be afraid to
-apeak, write, and publish touching the dis
position of onr slave population. We have
ever looked forward to aday when Kentucky
should hold within her boundary no bondman,
nd we hopejto live to see thelight of such a day,
If we have fallen upon times when the free
dom of speech and of the press should be
hackled lest servile war ensue, the sooner
-we adopt measures to remove an evil which
disturbs ourpeaee, destroys confidence in our
security, and awakens a whole community
to arms, the better for ourselves, our children, &
our Commotiwealh. In this particular com
munity we know that there is considerable
feeling on the subject of gradual emancipation
and a desire to bring it prominently before
-the State among the political questions do-
ervjng attention. W e expect to discuss it
nd to admit to our columns well written
communications upon it on both sides. We
deprecate all incendiarism,demagogueism and
radicalism, and we hope the Legislature will
provide some remedy to guard against wanton
incendiary publications, designed to stir our
laves to mutiny; but we favor now and shall
-Always favor every attempt to ameliorate our
-social condition, to add to the prosperity of
the State, aad to knit the bonds of the Na
tional Union mere elosley, when such attempts
are made with dignity and moderation.
From the New York Tribune.
Speech of Ralph Emerson at the Celebration
in Waltham, Mass. August
1, 1845.
JSinee the publication of the letter of 'C.
K. W.' giving an aeeount of the celebration
of the First of August at Waltham, we have
received a letter from another correspondent
enclosing the following sketch of the re
marks of Mr. Emerson on that occasion.
Many readers will be as glad to see it as we
are to (rive it place.
What is the defence of Slavery! What is
the irresistible argument by which every plea
of humanity and reason has hitherto been
home down?
Is it a doubt of the equity of the negro'
cause? 11 V no means. Is it a doubt of tho
sincerity of the reformer? No; the Abolition
ists are thought partial, credulous, tedious
monomaniacs; bitter but no man doubts their
sincerity. Is it a stringent self interest?
No; this acts in certain places, It acts on the
seaboard, and in great thoroughfares, where
tin Northern merchant or manulacturer ex
changes hospitalities with the Southern plan
ter, or trades with him, and loves to excul
pate himself from nil sympathy with thoso
lurmuem Anniiunnisis. uui u acts oniy
there not on the .Northern people nt largi
The farmers, for cxaiiiplo, in this County, or
in this State, feel no pinch of self-interest to
court the complacency of the Southerner.
It f-litchhurg stock is good II we can buy
and sell land, and wood, and hay, and corn
if we can sell shoes, and tin-ware, and
clocks, and carriages and chairs we don't
care whether he likes or raislikes it What,
then, is the objection? 1 think there is but
no single argument whieh has any real
weight with tho bulk of the Northern peo
ple, and which lies in one word a word
which I hear pronounced with triumphant
emphasis in bar-room, in shop, la streets,
m kitchens, at musters, and ot cattle shows,
That word is XiTgers! a word which, criod
by rowdy hoys and rowdy men in the ear of
this timid and sceptical generation, is reck
oned stronger than heaven; it blows away
with a jeer all the effort of philanthropy, nil
the expostulations of pity, the crie of mil
lions, now for hundreds of years all are an
swered by this insulting appellation, "Oh,
the Niggers!" and the boys straightway sing
Jim Crow and jump Jim Crow iu the streets
and taverns.
It is tho objection of an inferiority of race.
Thev who sav it and thev who hoar it. think
it the voice of niturennd fate pronouncing a-
gatrisl the Abolitionist and the I'hilanthro-
pist; that the ta, ya, of the Negro, his laugh;
and the imperfect articulation of his organs
designate an imperfect race; and that thegood
will of amiable enthusiasts in his behalf will
avail li mi no more against this sentence of
Nature than a pair of oars against tho falling
ocean of Niagara.
And what is the amount of this conclusion
n which tho men of New England acqui
esce! It is, that the Creator of tho Negro
has given hint up to stand as a victim of a
caricature of the white man beside him; to
stoop under his pack, and to bleed under his
whip; It that Uo the doctrine, then, 1 say,
f llo have given up his cause. He has also
given up mine, who feel his wrong, and who
in our hearts must curse the Creator who has
undone bun.
But no, it is not so; the Universe is not
bankrupt; still stands the old heart firm in
its seat, and knows that, come what will, the
right is and shall he. Justice is for ever and
ever. And what is the reply to this fatal al
legation? 1 believe there is a Round argument deri
ved from facts collected in the United States
and in the West Indies, in reply to this al
leged hopeless inferiority of the colored race.
U lit 1 shall not touclj it. 1 concern myself
now with tho riiorals of the system, which
seem to scorn a tedious catalogue of partic
ulars ou a quesiiou so siinpie hs mis. i ne
only reply, then, to this poor sceptical, ribald
ry is the affirming heart The seutimeut of
right which is tho principle of civilization
and the reason of reason, fights against this
damnable atheism, All the facts iu history
are fables and uutrustworthy, beside the dic
tates of the moral sentiment which speaks
one and the same voice in all cases. And
what says that to the injured Negro? If we
listen to it, it assures ns that in his very
wrongs is his streugth. The Persians have
a proverb: "Bewaro ef the orphan; for when
the orphan sets a-crying, the throne of the
Almighty is shaken from side to side." It
is certain that, if it should come to question,
all just men, all intulligentageiits, must tike
the part of the black against the white man.
Then I say, never is the planter safe; his
house is a den; a just man cannot go there,
except to tell him so. Whatever may ap
pear at the moment, however contrasted the
fortunes of the black and the white though
the one live in his hereditary mansion-house,
and tlu latter in a shed; though one rides an
Arabian horse, and the other is hunted by
blood-bounds; though one eats and the other
sweats; one strikes, and the other dies yet
is the planter's an unsafe and unblest condi
tion. Nature fights on tho other side; and
as power is always stealing from the idle to
the busy hand, it seems inevitable that a rev
olution is preparing at no distant day to set
these disjointed matters right.
See further, if you with ino are believing
and not unbelieving, if you are open to hope
and not despair, in what manner the moral
power secures the welfare of the black man.
In the moral Creation, it is appointed from
everlasting, that the protection of the weak
shall be in the illumination of the strong. It
is in the order of things the privilege of su
periority to give, to bestow, to protect, to
love, to serve. This is the office and source
of power. It is power's power to do these
things; and, on the other hand, it is the ruin
of power to steal, to injure and to put to death.
The hope and the refuge of the weaker indi
vidual and the weaker races is here. It will
not always be reputible to steal and to op
press. It will not always be possible. Ev
ery new step taken in the true order of hu
man lifo takes out something of brutality and
iufuses something of (rood will. Precisely
as it is the necessity ol grass to grow, of tho
child to bo born, of light to shine, of heat to
radiate, and of matter to attract, so is it ot
man's race and every race to riso and to re
fine. "All things strive to ascend, and as
cend in their striving." And it will be as
natural and obvious a step with the increased
dominion of right reason over the human race,
for the interests of the more amicable and pa.
oific classes to be eagerly defended by tho
more energetic, as it is now for Trade to dis
place War.
1 know that this race have long been vic
tims. They came from being preyed on by
the barbarians of Africa, to be preyed on by
the barbarians of America, To many of them,
no doubt, Slavery was a tnitigaijon and a
pain. Put the slave under negro drivers, and
It is Said these are more cruel than thn whit.
Their fate now, as far as it depends on cir
cumstances, depends on the raising of their
masters. 1 he masters are ambitious of cul
ture and civility. Elevate, enlighten, civil
ize the semi-barbcrous nation of South Car
olina. Georeia. Alabama take awav from
their debauched society the Howie-knife, the
rum-bowl, the dice-box, and the stews tr.ke
nut the brute, and infuse a drop of civility
and generosity, and you touch those selfish
lords with thought and gentleness.
Instead of racers, jockics, duelists and pea-
cocks, you shall have a race ot decent and
lawful men, incapneit ited to hold slaves and
eager to give them liberty, I
hold it, then, to be the part of right reason,
" nope ami to allirm well of this portion ol
the human family, and to accept tho humane
voices which in our time have espoused their
cause, as only the torerunners of vast major
ities in this country and in the race.
TtXKifinpartanl. The Editor of tho
Van IJuren (Ark.; Intelligencorsays, in his
paper of the iM, inst, that he has been placed
in possession of certain items of Texan news
through the politeness of Mr. Gregg, of Mar
shall, Harrison county, Texas. Among these
items we find the following:
N. O. Picayune.
"The Dragoons that were ordered into
Texas were rendozvouze J near Nacogdoches,
waiting for the employment of wagons and
the engagement of supplies necessary for
their consumption, we understand have been
ordered immediately to Austin by forced
marches, and much excitement was created in
Harrison County by tho movement; as the
orders were not accompanied with any as
signed cause for the movement, and many
feared that the Cainanches might have threat
ened a descent upon that city while the con
vention was in session to capture tho mem
bers. The orders for the engagement of
wagons, &c. were countermanded and the
troops at once put in motion for Austin.
Liquors Burnt. In the great fire in New
York, the following liquors were consumed
showing something of the extent of trade:
981 pines ofHrandy; 200 pipes of gin; 100
puncheons of Hum; GOO pipes of Wine; (5,000
casks of Wine; 1000 casks of Claret; 5000
baskets of Champaignc.
FREEPORT, Aug. 10th 1845.
Dear Friends. I this day received a No.
of the "Liberty Advocato" in which I found
my letter to you, asking for your "Bugle.."
he r.iiitor seems to hint that l had no idea
he would see my letter, if so, ho was mista
ken, i did expect no would see it, lor i sup
posed vou exchanged with nun, and expect
his "Argus eye" will see this. I have not
received a No. of your paper since the first,
hence 1 know not whether ho lias been an
swered the question ho asked.
1 he V.iucrty" man Inn us a terrible
blow, bjne we said ".tnli-Slaveri in ilt
big meaning, es, 1 have received the
whole weight of his Claymore and wonder
ful to tell ain "growing laint with tho loss of
blood." OU that some good Samaritan
would pour into our gaping wounds the sooth
ing balin; but alas for us, we are "Infidels,"
and tho good Samaritans aro all in the
church engaged in pouring tho needful into
tho pockets of their faithful servants, the
f nests, anil between them and us, there is
a great "Gull, lor "the Jews have no
dealings with tho Samaritan's," or the
church vatariei with "Infidels." And now
since we have sufficient ot tho "vital spark
left to keep us from being called dead, we
will gratify this "military" man, with our
explanation of the difference between Liber
ty Party and "Anti-Slavery in its big mean
ing," and as the Liberty Party claims to be
Anti-Slavery, it is proper that the difference
should be shown, and it appears to me to be
this. Liberty party preaches up the doc
trine that it is wrong to stay iu, and right to
come out of tho two pro-slavery political par
ties, while "an'i-nlavary in its big meaning"
advocates the doctrino that it is wrong tost ty
in, and right to como out of all pro-slavery
parties. Here then is ono difference. An
other is, that the Liberty party permits its
members to remain in the bosom of tho
church in full fellowship with slaveholders
and their abettors; while "anti-slaoery in itt
big meaning" bids its voUries "to come out
from among them lest they be partakers of
their sins and reccivo of their plagues.
But to return to tho notice of thn "Bugle"
as found in the "Advocate." He says "it
considers the ovorthrow of tho existing Gov
ernment of tho United States, and the anni
hilation of the present ecclesiastical organi
zations, as essential means for the emancipa
tion of the slave. It appears to be opposed
to all political action, not only for anti-slavery
purposes, but for any purpose; as it oppo
ses all the existing political parties, and al
so the formation of any new one. Such is
to be thn character of tho Anti-Slavery Bu
gle. Whether the friends of the slave in
Ohio will show it favor, remains to be shown."
Now tho obvious intention of the above was
to prejudice those readers against it who
know not the object of the paper nnd the so
ciety of which it is tho organ. Would tho
Editor have written thus if ho had wished it
to receive subscribers? Again, I read in the
same paper throe or four other notices of pa
pers, all of which were presented as worthy
of patronage; not so with the unfortunate Bu
gle. This fated sheet must receive a stab in
its very infancy. It was this partiality and
misrepresentation that satisfied mo of "that
man's liberty," and I think I am not mista
ken in its kind; and if the Editor of the Ad
vocate has any desire fur a controversy on
the "faith that is in him," or that is iu the
Anti-Slavery Bugle, he can he gratified by
opening the columns of the Advocate for free
discussion. But let us for argument sake
suppose that the Editor represented the Bu
gle correctly; has he not established tho same
doctrino of overthrowing and opposing? He
opposes and seek the overthrow of the other
two parties, and justifies himself on the
grounds that they are pro-slavery. Strange
then that he should condemn thn Buttle fo
seeking to overthrow all the pro-idavery par
ties on the same ground. CniiiHtency truly
is a jewel, nnd may my brother find it.
If I rightly understand the docHno of the
Bugle, or the Society of which it i the or
gan, it holds that slavery is a sin; and that
as abolitionists we must cease to fellowship
that sin both in the church and in the .ite;
either by refusing to let it remain in, or, if
it ha the power in its own hands, that vie
then are to withdraw. And we find that we
are commanded thus to do; for the church of
Christ has ever been tiuglit to turn sin out
of her doors; or if the church wero cankered
at heart, I mean if sin hail got into her "Ho
ly of Holies," then were tho faithful requir
ed to come out of her. "Come out of nor
my people that ye be not partakers of her
sins," and this is the voice of the "Uuglo.
Slavery ha flung it blasting mildew into
tho very sanctuary of the church; it ha en
twined itself around her trunk and around ev
ery fibre; she has become canker-eaten nnd
decayed. No more does she lean upon the
arm of her once beloved but now weening
Saviour; for she i fallen from tho glory of
acpartca days, and is now chained and car
ried upon the back of tho "Great Boast" that
once did pursue her. Alas for her! Heav
en' hosts are weeping over her destruction
while devil damned in lowest hell shout
with infernal glee: The Bugle, like a mes
senger Iroin the skies, sounds its loud notes
n her guilty ears and calls unto the elect or
faithful to come out of her lest they nartiko
of tho judgments that are in waiting for her.
And for being thus faithful to the mission en
trusted to its care, not only the Pii irlsoo
who love to pray standing in the popular pla
ces, but tho Scribes of Liberty party wait tu
"see if it will be supported by the people of
wiiio, anu among inee ncrines is tneou
Editor of the "Advocate," who himself is a
member of an evangelical conelavo of inen
stealors and women whippers. And to jus
tify himself in thus remaining a member of
the church, he says he docs so in order to
lend his influence to redeem or cleanse her.
Why did ho not think of this better teau a
little sooner, and stay in the Whig party and
redeem or cleanse it from all pro-slaveryl
jusiioouat tins pious Editor, battering
the nro-slaverv sentiment in thn twn mil ill.
cal parties and calling down upon them tho
anathemas of heaven, and nt tho same
tiiuo supporting an ecclesiastical organiza
tion which holds that slaverv is an institu
tion of the Bible "God ordained." This
looks very much to us like "stopping the
spile and opening thij bung;" for whilo the
church has the manufacturing of the public
sentiment, the two parties only strive which
shall rido into power upon tho sentiment thus
created, Pro-slavery is found in the one,
because the other teaches it in tho pulpit;
then tho church is the field for labor; the
fountain from which slavery drinks its fill,
and satisfies its hunger. And it was because
tho Anti-Slavery Society turned its batt irin r
rams against this source of pro-slavery senti
ment that a goodly number of -thoso whose
bread and butter comes by their teaching on
the Sabbath day, became frightened lest tnnir
sceptres should bo taken from them; and to
evade such a dreadful calamity, they criod,
"Slavery is a political evil, ami must bo put
down by political mtnnst," and immediately
Liberty narty was born: and then they cried
again; "Liberty party will overthrow slave
ry, come ye unto it and let the church a
lone, for they that speak evil of her aro Infi
dels." Has this not virtually been tho case? No
wonder our faithful Garrison combatted Lib
erty party with such determined courage, for
truly has it been one of slavery's artful
schemes to ward off her impending ruin
It was a deep laid artful plan, and has even
succeeded in drawing the third part of tho
stirs of tho anti-slavery host after it; and by
its cry of "Infidelity" it hits shut the eyes of
many more that would now have been among
tho faithful opposcrs of slavery. But it is a
consolation to know that it has been detect
ed in its very infancy, and although the shock
vibrated through every fibre of tho A. S. So
ciety, although its organ was stolen by its
professed friends, and its energies crippled
for a season, yet it is now coming up cloth
ed in tho majesty of Truth to battle the hosts
of slavery even in theirown tents; and it will
yield no quarter, nor "Give up the ship," un
til tho shout of disenthralled millions shall
go up to heaven, and tho demon of oppres
sion sink into oblivion.
But I am occupying room which should
bo filled by abler pens, and must content my
self with the hopo that the E litor of the "Ad
vocate" will publish this in his paper, and as
ho likes to copy from thn "Bugle" iu par
ticular, I feel in hopes that howill lay be
fore his readers the article on "Thn superi
ority of moral over political power," which
he will find in the first number,
Yours in the cause of Universal Liberty,
Let the cry ring out clear, shrill and strong,
so that it may echo from hill top to hill top,
and be heard through every valley and seclud
ed glen in the land. Let it thrill through the
hearts of the people, so that the farmer'at his
plough, the mechanic in his workshop, and
the merchant at his desk may think of what
they aro doing, and shrink with horror from
tho thought of any longer strengthening the
hand of tho oppressor, or being in union with
those who make merchandise of men created
in (tod's own image. Let us fear nut lint
be strong, for Truth and Right aro with us.
We lling no blood-red dig to the breezo, we
raiso no battle cry to stir up men to slaught
er and blood, but we unfurl the broad folds
of our banner, pure and white as the driven
snow, with the motto inscribed upon it, "No
compromise with Slavery, no Union with
SUvohold ors," Hnd we ask all who am earn
est to mako others free to rally beneath it.
If the dweller in the great west, those whose
homes are on the banks of the broad Ohio,
the clear beautiful Miami or Scioti, those
who look out upon the wators of the great
lakes, and watch the rolling tide of the great
" Father of Waters," aye and the strong
hearted sons and daughters of New York,
and rugged Pennsylvania, and rock bound'
New Knglaml, Woiifcl lwitsj)ik out audi
to the liaughty south,
" We leave you with yiT htmdWn to Wrrt$
gle nt yen Mn
Willi the strong unwind" frlfttcie awdUlodl'
like soul of man
their Voice would srml CfrtirTiir) ftV flic
heart of the" oppressor, ho Wonh kwm ttivi
frcl hi wc iltnesn, nnd tle day" w-onflli mW' be?
lard mini wiirr"i.iieny wouki wpiwnim'
ed throughout the hind to all the inlUillitant
fliereol. And eliall not that voire ne nearo
K'ght is with us, (1ml and Truth on aufMjftf
If we ar strong a we should be in our rWtli
"one can chnse a thousand and two put
thousand to flight," for truth above all thing
beareth away :he victory. , h.
Accursed ho the American Union! How
it dries up nnd witliers the humanity and
Christianity whict, niturally spring up im
the heart of mm at tl contemplation of op-
pression! I involuntarily made) tlw ebove
exehnnatinn niter in vaiit attei.'Dtiug to get m
place in which to hold an Kiiti-sl.trery meet
ing in tho town of Hanover. Four ciinndie
and no place in which to "preach drlirec
ance to the captive." Not even a grovev
"God's first free temple" could be obtained
within a mile of this slavery cursed, priest
ridden town; nnd t'm reason assigned was
that we preach moral treason to the Union.
Nothing but the blind veneration people havo
for this Union, would ao close up their hearU
to all the noblo inipiilwn of human naturw
which prompt to succor tho oppresses!, mi
less it be their equally Mind veneration of
the church and clergy. Notwithstanding
tho exertions of pro-slaverr priest and their
abrtt ir. we (G. B. Stebbinsanl myself pro-
im run. nil? se oi a grove noout a mile out of
tl village where we held a meeting on last
Sunday, attended by a consider thin number
who seemed interested iu what was said,
though a portion of thn meeting showed moh-
obratio- fueling, which only wanted darkness,
to dovelopc itself more fully. A few egg
nnd npplcs wero thrown which wore proba-
oiy nieir nest arguiaems-, as men always uso
the best they have in, meeting an opponent. ;
Something akin to. tlii was our receotion
at Paris, where being-, a tuual,, barred out
of the churches, wn hebka mrictiogin tho
yard of a friend, oiioitc aius-noonmvi the two
following evenings. Here we were- iuter- -rupted
by two M.-tlmdfist priest (Mos.
Ambler and Murray) wh st.-em.il to consiit
or the meeting unite iimlcr their control-
claiming that seven-eights of Aur audience.
helonged to them, altho they doc-Hued show
ing their title deiils. Accordingly the Rev.
Mr. Ambler commenced exercising his over
seer duties, by putting Various motions to
me audience, upon which ho required tlu.au
t vote. Among other motions put, was omt
requiring us to leave town the nct mornintf
beforo daylight. Thin did these Reverend
moboerats and thoir allies consume tho time.
ell'ectaiilly preventing us from exiiuiniug the,
great questions at issue. After the mob had
voted to bis salisl action. Ambler moved to.
adjourn, although the mooting bid not been
organized except as ho had as-iumed tlu
chairman's duties. We gave notice that wu
should hold another meeting there on thn
next evening; and the mob dispersed. A few
inquiring persons remained, however, witli,
whom we afterwards had some talk. Tho-
next evening brought the mob again with
thoir Reverend leaders. G. B. Stehhinai
commenced spoaking.but before be had time to,
finish, he was interrupted by Ambler, who.
wiiu irue, clerical impudence, proceeded! to.
nominate, and with his followers, vote in: n.
chairman over our heads, and against our
protost; though, to his honor be it spoken
his chairin in would not tako his seat or. act-..
Ambler again acted as ch-iinnan. rcndihir-
some resolutions and putting them to v.otoi
uiiiisi-ii, m iking a snort speech betweeaeach,
two resolutions. Prom tho crowd surround--ingand
sympathizing with him camo fre
quently rotten eggs, chips, stones, &c. Siiys.
Mr Ambler to thn crowd around him uI ile.
prera'e any disturbance," yes, the man who.
n iu jusi orokeu up two meetings with mob.
violence, had hypocrisy enough to tell the
mob that he deprecated any disturbance, ho
hoped there would be none. &c.. Altniretl.
er it was the coolest specimen of clerical o.
verseerism and mobocracy wo have seen foe
a long time. And I repeat it atrain. nntbin.r
but a blind, aye, an insane reverence for tho-
Union and the church, could ever so harden,
men's hearts towards the oppressed, or blind,
their eyes to its efl'ects on themselves.
At Masilon, too, wo encountered mob vio
lence, sanctioned and encouraged hy some of
the most prominent citizens of tho place.
Wo commenced our meetings in the Disci
ples church, hut were driven out of it on the
last day when we succeeded in getttng the
Clay Club room, where wo held one meet
ing, much disturbed by noise and eg".-
We also held meetings at Ravenna, liar
dolph, ML Union, and Augusta. But how
great the contrast! At all theso places, ex-
cept ML Union, where we had a beautiful
grove, wo were admitted to the churches;
the people thronged to hear us, and if they didj
not all adopt our sentiments, they were wiU
ling to reason together, showing themselves;
to be indeed honest seekers after truth, Qi
a review of the whole, we feel great causu
for rejoicing. Certiinly dav is lraking, and,
tho sun of truth shall soon slei its light over
all. A pro-slavery ohqriili iVcls itself totter-i
ing to the foundation, Its convulsive strug
gles and efforts to covpr its own liideoiiHiiess,
from view, only snjve to display more fully
iu loathsomeness. One of the moat favora,
bin signs of the times is that a pro-slavery
churclj resorts to moh-violence. It show
that slavory is attacked in the right place,
and every effort it makes to strike down lib
erty of speech should be looked upon with
rejoicing as calculated to destroy its influx
eiice all the soono-. Every movement the
church makes is a death struggle.
Salem, Sept. 2, 1845.
Arntjicr interrupted by saying that Con
gress had no riht to emancipate in the Dis
trict of Columbia, because the slaves were
private property.

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