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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, December 12, 1845, Image 2

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Junius of ttio Mexican government wore;
whether it was their intention to declare mr,
or invade Texas, ot whether they wero dis
posed to adjust find nettle, in an amicable
manner, the pending differences between the
two countries. On the ninth of November an
official answer was received, that the Meti
can governm :nt consentrd to renew the dinlo
matin relations which had heen suspended in
March last, and for that pnrposo were wil
ling to accredit a minister from the Unitod
States. With a, sincere desire to preserve
peace, and restore relations of good under
standing between the two republics, I waiv
ed all coremony as to the manner of renew
ing diplomatic intercourse between them; and,
sumicr; the inilntivc, on the tenth of Nov.
distinguished citizen of Louisiana was ap
pointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary to Mexico, clothed with full
powers to adjust, and definitively settle, all
pending differences between the two coun
tries, including those of boundary betwoen
Mexico and the State of Texas, The minis
tor appointed hag set out on hit mission, and
is probably by this tiino near the Mexican
capital. lie has been instructed to bring the
negociation with which he is chaiged to a
conclusion at the earliest practical period;
which, it is expected, will be in time to ena
ble me to communicate the result to Congress
during the present session. Until that result
is known, I forbear to recommend to Congress
such ulterior measures of redress for tho
wrongs and injuries we have so long borne,
ss it would have been proper to make hud
do such negociation been instituted.
In relation to Oregon, tho Executive talks
largely. After giving bin views of the claim
of the United States to that Territory, which
of course he represents to be better than that
of any other nation; he says:
It is well known to the American people
and to all nations, that this government has
never interfered with tho relations subsisting
between other governments. Wo have nev
er made ourselves parties to their wars or
their alliances; we have not sought their ter
ritories by conquest: we have not mingled
with parties in their domestic struggles; and
believing our own form of government to be
the best, we have never attempted to promul
gate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by
force. We may claim on this continent a
like exemption from European interference.
The nations of America are equally sovereign
and independent with those of Europe.
They possess tho same rights, independent
of all foreign opposition, to make war, to con
clude peace, and to regulate their internal af
fairs. The people of tho United States can
mt,t!ierelbre,view with.indiffcreuce, attempts
of European powers to interfere with the in
dependent action of the nations of this conti
nent. The American system of government
is entirely dillerent from that of Europe.
Jealousy among the dillerent sovereigns of
Europe, lest any one of them might become
too powerful for the rest, has caused them
anxiously to dosire the establishment of what
they term tho "balance of power." It can
not be permitted to have any application on
the North American continent, and especial
ly to the United States. We must ever
maintain the principle, tnnt t:ie people ot tins
continent alone have the right to decide their
destiny. Should any portion of them, con
stituting an independent State, propose to
unite themselves with our confederacy, this
will he a question for them and us to deter
mine, without any foreign interposition. We
can never consent that European Powers shall
interfere to prevent such a union, because it
might disturb the "balance of power" which
they may riestro to maintain upon tnis con
tinent. Near a quarter of a century ago the
principle was distinctly announced to the
world in the annual message of one of my
predecessors, that "tho American continents,
by the free and independent condition which
they have assumed and maintain, are hence
forth not to b3 considered as subjects for fu
ture colonization by any Europoau Power."
This principle will upply with greatly in
ereased force, Rhould a European power at
tempt to establish any new colony in North
America. In the existing circumstinces of
the world, tli3 present is deemed a proper oc
casion to reiterate and reaffirm the priuciplo
avowed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cor
dial concurrence in its wisdom and sound
policy. The rcasicrtion of this principle, es
pecially in reference to North America, is at
this day but tho promulgation of a policy
which no European power should cherish a
disposition to resist. Existing rights of eve-
ly European nation should be respected; but
It is QUO aiiKU 11 our saieiy aim our interests,
that the efficient protection of our laws should
be extended over our whole territorial limits, &
that it should be distinctly announced to the
world as our settled policy, that no future Eu
ropean colony or dominion shall, wilh our
eonsent, be planted or established on any part
of the North American continent.
The Loui'ville Miming Courier talks idly
when it asks us to gather information on the
subject of slavery by personally visiting Ken
tucky. To what end should wo do this!
We have never doubted that Kentucky mas
ters generally treat their Slaves with such
kindness as the relation permits our objec
tion applies to tho system of Slavery, and
the laws by which that system is upheld.
These we can comprehend as well in New
York as in Kentucky, and they cannot be less
thin infernal any where. Laws which allow
...in tn anil unntlipr lYl:tn a thmm'mH milia
away from his wife, and their children five
hundred miles apart in other directions, with
out right or hope of reunion which allow
men to beat, ravish or even murder women of
the degraded caste w ith inipuuity in the pres
ence of a dozen witnesses of their own color
if there are nono of the ruling; caste to testi
fy against them luws which give to a white
drui"kard and ijamblur all the earnings of an
inieni"U and iiidiMtnons black family for
life, with privilege to Hog them into tho bar
gain these loim are baleful to (and and per
nicious t ) mankind, although the abuses they
tolerate may ii"l in all cases be perpctnated.
The general rule stai.ds, that a poople ara
seldom better, but often worse, than the laws
under which they live; and where the laws
alTord lmDUiiitv to injustice, lechery and I
crime, these are sure to bo enacted, though
thousands may revolt at and even r.wiain ig
norant of such enormities. The simple fact
that it ia deemed unsafe in slavo States to al
low Blacks to testify against Whites, itself
attests the essential character and influences
of Slavery. The Slaves must be awfully
corrupt and dograded,or the makers and sup
porters of such laws aro cowardly and inhu
man tyrants. The former, wo presume, is
generally the truth.
The Editor of The Tribuno has enjoyed
opportunities of observing 'the actual condi
tion of the Slave' in Maryland, Virginia, and
North Carolina, and for weeks in the Dis
trict of Columbia. What could ho learn in
Kentucky) We are nut at all afraid of
Lynch-law or mobs, and intend to visit Ken
tucky (without regard to Slavery, however,)
the first fair opportunity. X. Y. Tribune.
A citizen of Virginia, in a letter addressed
to the Richmond Whig, says that "Charles
ton, S. C. has now a smaller population than
it had in 1830, and is daily losing more.
The population for twenty miles round the
city is one-third less than it was before the
The United States Journal says that the
people there aro too indolent to supply the
Uharleston Market with game ana nsli even,
but it has to depend on Yankees for such
supply. No wonder the population is de
creasing. Their laziness is, doubtless to be
attributed to the present Whig Tariff. Some
years ago Charleston was afflicted with a
large fire, and as a measure of relief and a
stimulant to restore it, the State allowed the
city to borrow money on its credit,to rebuild.
A largo amount of money awas thus borrowed,
but the buildings are not yet up, and the
State has to pay. This, too, is to be attribu
ted to that accursed Tariff policy.
Now look at free labor and manufactures,
in the example of Pittsburgh. Eight months
ago ttvo-thirds of the city was burned now,
but one-third of the burnt district remains un
built. Look at Louisville and Cincinnati. The
lattor is digging canal after canal and build
ing railroads all bringing the rich products
of the interior within tho roach of her indus
trious citizens. The former city talked, talk
er, and TALKED about forming a steam
boat line from Louisville to Pittsburgh sub
scriptions for stock were handed round among
its men of capital, and about the 10th part of
what was required, was subscribed. The
matter fell, because slaveholders had not suf
ficient enterprise.
Slavery is "the accursed policy." Tho
humble, ridiculed and despised 'Hoosiordom'
is now greater than tho lofty heroic valorous
and hospitable Kentucky. The reason free
labor vs. slave labor.
From Burritt's Citizen.
To Mas. Virginia:
Dear Old Aunt There is
a story circulating about here that you don't
take good care of your children; that you
have no school houses, and don't give them
any education, hut let them grow up like wild
asses' colts. . The newspapers are telling
round that you have nearly sixty thousand of
grown-up white children in your family that
can't writo or read their names. Now, good
old Aunt, that is rather a hard story. Our
mothers here tell us that you had the best
setting out of the whole American family of
thirteen sisters; that you had the largest and
best piece of land in the whole homestead,
and that you have always dressed and lived
in an aristocratic fashion, Iookiugdisparaging
ly at your younger and poorer sisters, who
were obliged to wear homespun and live on
johnny-cakes and roast potatoes. ) Now what
do you think tho world will say of you,
if you go on raising up a large family
of children in this way! Suppose that your
sixty thousand grown up men and women,
who can't read their , b. c, should get to
gether sjme day, and the little black Children
that go to our schools should point at them,
and say, "There! look! there :re some of the
children of old, proud aristocratic Virginia,
who is always boasting of her noble descent,
and of what her dead relations did! There
they stand, tall men and women, and can't
read, can't write, can't spell bat; or inker
proud as Lucilar, bragging all tho while of
their mother, but can t spell her name, nor
their own neither!" Now, dear old Aunt,
would'nt it hurt your feelings to stand by and
hear little black boys and girls with primers
in their hands, say such things of every
twelfth son, and daughter of yours! to see
them point their dark fingers at them in this
way! 1 don't want to say any thing to hurt
your feelings, but if you go on in this way
much longer, you will not only be ashamed
of your children, but they will be ashamed of
you, and deny that you was ever their moth'
With sorrowful rospect,
I am your
dutiful nephew,
Ezekiei. Humphrey, J a.
The Old School House,
Cornwealth, Nov. 1W45
We find a brief report of one of tho recent
spocches of the Hon. John P. Hale, in one
ot our New England exchanges. We clip
the following extract to show a democrat 8
opinion of the Democratic party;
"lie declared that the only question involv
ed in the election of a member of Congress,
was the question of slavery that tt was nut
to much whether Slavery should continue at the
Suuli, as whether freedom should be maintain
ed at the Xorth that thousands of Democrats in
New Hampshire had similar views with him
self on this subject, aud were only prevented
from avowing them by a fear of splitting the
party that t'ne great argument' used by the
political leaders of the. 'falsely named democ
racy of New Hampshire, to secure the fealty
of their deluded followers, was the danger
of splitting the party. He then declared that
a p-arty so entirely debased, so deeply steep
ed in tho very dregs of corruption, as was the
democratic party of New Hampshire, as now
organised, ought to be split into fragments
and Mattered to the ends of the earth to bo
ground into particles 'so minute, and blown
so far asundor,thut nothing short of the power
of Omniscience could ever again collect and
re-unite thorn together."
We copy the following from the Hendor
son Kentuckian.
A man named Bishop from Caldwell, ac
companied by a fellow named Curry, from
Union county, passed through this place on
Tuesday last with a negro man whom they
were effering for sale; they represent him to
be sound in mind and body, when at the
same time they know that he is subject to fits,
which renders him almost worthless. There
are two of the llishops brothers,one of whom
goes on and sells the negro for about $j.)0,
(the negro being a likely looking follow he
readily commands that price,) when the pur
chaser discovers how he is bit he takes tho
negro back, but he soon discovers that 13 i sh
op is insolvent; the brother then comes for
ward and after sympathizing with the unfor
tunate purchaser he offers him $.100, all the
money he has, for the negro, whieh.of course
he readily tikes.as the negro is of no service
to him, they then start out and again sell the
negro in the same way; thus clearing from
$200 to $300on each sale. They have made
many sales of this kind.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
A travelling correspondent of the Morning
Xews, writing from Louisiana, describes a
Christinas frolic of Slaves, and thus 'im
proves' the circumstance:
" How little is known at the North of
Southern slavery. I cannot doubt, that any
candid man. who would come here and ex
amine for himself, would decide that the ne
groes are as well off in proportion to their
capacities, as the laboring population f any
country in the world. I believe that there
are some millions ot free-born rmglishmen
who would jump as high as they are capable
of jumping, for the privilege of changing
places with them, and rather ihan starve as
now, they might be willing to take their
woolcy heads and shining black faces in the
1 he craven, servile creature! W by won t
some slave-trader black his face (if not black
enough already) and sell him off to Texas,
to help 'extend the area of Freedom' by delv
ing in cane-brakes at nothing a day but a
flogging for supper! The ' free-born English
man' has a wife whom no brutal master can
violate before his eyes with legal impunity,
and daughters whom no ruthan overseer may
lash in cotton or cane-fields or constrain to de
bauchery and brutal licentiousness tho law
sustaining and shielding him. The free-
born Englishman may have too little bread
for his family, but the law is their shield a
gainst personal injury ordagradation; nobody
can sell his wife or children away from his
sight for ever, or drive Ihein to a distant mar
ket chained in gangs as if they wero danger
ous wild beasts. The Englishman's son
who wants bread to day may be Prime Mu
ister or Chief Justice before he dies; mean
time his oath must be taken in all the Courts
of his country, against tho greatest dignitary,
and may bring to condign punishment the
lordliest tyrant in the land. Why docs no
body petition to be made a slave! Men seek
Death and every other form of calamity ex
cept Slavery why do alt shrink from that
One would supposo that some of these
dough t'acos would take the medicine that
they think must he so pleasant for others.
07-Nicholas Worthington of Md., lately
deceased, left an estate valued at nearly a
quarter of a million of dollars. He was an
extensive slave-holder, though how manyhu
man beings he claimed at his property we
have not yet been able to learn.
The following provision is made in his
will in reference to his slaves:
All tho slaves belonging to the deceased
are manumitted, with the exception of five
supcranuated negroes, who are to live upon
either of two estates mentioned, as they may
choose, aud who are to be supported without
labor, the remainder of their lives. Tho
slaves of sixteen years of age are to be free
in six months; tho younger slaves, when they
attain that age, and until they are sixteen they
are left the property of their mothers. " Big
Airy is lrec from the day ot his death the
children of "Dorcas" aro free at eleven years
of age the children of " Little Airy" are free
at eleven years of age. His slave Charles
receives hit freedom immediately and 2000
dollars. Henry receives his freedom immedi
ately and a legacy of 500 dollars. To six-
tern of his negroes he has" left 150 acres -of
land in Carroll county, to be equally divided
among them. To Little Bill he leaves 20
dollars a year for ten years. To seven of
his negroes a legacy of 40 dollars each, t o
fourteen of his negroes he leaves a legacy of
jo dollars each.
The War against the Press. The mob
at Lexington Ky. having driven Cassias M
Clay and his paper out of that State, has af
forded a pretext lor the enemies ot tree dls-
cussion to recommend the same kind of pro
ceedings against other offending journals.
The Louisville Times urges that people of
Louisvile to approve, by public meeting of
the proceedings at Lexington, and to make
the relinquishment of the editorial chair by
George D. Prentice a condition of thoir con
tinued support to the Louisville Journal.
The Editor of the Journal, it appears, is sus
pected of entertaining abolition doctrines.
Case of Salome Muller. Our readers
will remember the case of this girl who
was claimed as a slave but was proved
to have been born free, and set at liberty by
the Superior Court of Louisana. The Plan
ter's Banner Bays: "There are yet some sin
gular devclopements to be made, in regard to
this extraordinary case. Mr. J. F. Miller
having been bued in behalf of Salome Muller
for damages, he will be enabled to bring for
ward evidence which will show that the wo
man Bridget, claiming tho name of Muller,
and declared free by the Supreme Court, was
horn a slave, and that the real Salome Mu Her
is still living in this State!"
Judje Krum vs. J mine Lynch. K law has
existed in Missouri, requiring freo negroes to
obtain a license granting them the privilege
of living in the Stato. judge Krum, of St.
Louis, has recently declared this law to be
unconstilutit nal.
The Chicago Daily News says "Mr. Cal
houn is writing a work on the princplcs of
aovernnient. Una volume is mushed, and
will soon be put to press. It will bo a queer
book, based on his favorite idea that slavery
is the corner stone ol Republicanism.
A Sad Case. lly a letter from St. Louis,
dated October I lth, we learn thatnt that time
a colored man, aged about 35, who some years
ago ran away Irom slavery, was confined in
the jail at that place. Alter his escape he
reached Canada but finally located in Mich
igan, where by most laborious effort, he ac
quired a small property worth about 92000.
Itecentiy ho returned to Missouri with a view
to rescue his wife who was still in slavery, but
ho was unfortunatjly seized and thrown into
jail. At the date of tho letter he was in the
hands of a neg.-o trader, who was about car
rying him in a few days to the fir South.
Some rll'ort was made to save him by raising
the money demanded for him SHOO, hut tho
trader swore that ho would not sell h i in.
To the EntTons ok the IU'cle:
Tho following communication was
sent to Salem monthly meeting of Friends
(not Orthodox,) in September last. It was
read in that meeting and remaiks ini.de upon
it by several members; after which it was
laiJ over to be taken up the month following.
In tho October Monthly Meeting it was again
read and gave riso to considerable discussion;
but no definite action, so tuc as I am inform
ed was taken upon it.
Whatever conclusion the Monthly Meet
ing may come to in this case, I believo it
right lor me to mnke the communication pub
lic, as I believe it to bo my duty to disown
the Soeioty of Friends, whother Friends
shall choose to disown me or not.
I believo the Society (though not worse
than tho other religious sects of this cou
ntry, with perhaps one or two exceptions)
is doing nothing to advanco the Anti-Slavery
movement, that it is not promoting Chris
tianity or morality, but rather opposing them;
and henco I wish to hold no fellowship or
connection wilh it, which cannot rightfully
be hold with any other corrupt organization
or with moral corruption in any form.
The friends of humanity havo been sacri
ficing principle to sect and party, long enough
have long enough been engaged in build
ing up with one hand the evils which, with
the other, they have been laboring to over
throw. The progress of reform is at best tar
dy enough, and will he so when its advocates
shall ceaso to add any part of their influence
to increase the mountain mass of corruption
which impedes it and which must be over
come before the right can triumph.
1 hope, thereforc.that those friends of truth
who are connected with the church organiza
tions, and political parties of this country,
will look about them; for they arc in nearly
every instance, whether they are aware of the
fact or not, so far as this connection is con
cerned,, the supporters of iluvtry the enemies
of the slave.
J. B. JR.
To Salem Monthly Meeting; vf Friends.
After careful and candid con
sideration, I have arrived at the conclusion,
that justice, both t? you and to myself re
quires that 1 should lay my views relative to'thc
position of the Society of Friends, beforeyour
Monthly Meeting. My name is upon your
records as a member of Society. It was nev
er placed there in accordance with any re
quest or desire of mine, and for the last year
at least I have not been a member of your
Society in feeling, though I have bcon such
in form.
The Society of Friends in its present posi
tion which is mainly the same it has occu
pied for a number of years past is, I be
lieve, standing in the way of the Anti-Slavery
movement, as well as tho other great re
forms of the age. Every individual who is
truly moral and intelligent is engaged in the
promotion of these reforms; and no one, as I
conceive, who is thus engaged, can consist
ently or rightfully be an adhering member of
a society that, as a body, is exerting iti in
fluence aguinst them that closes its meeting
houses against the discussion of moral ques
tions that disowns its members for engag
ing in the anti-slavery reform (as in the case
of Isaac T. Hoppcmnd others in New York,
and of Green Plain Quarterly Meeting) and,
that issues no testimony against 'those of its
members, who are actively and bitterly op
posing tho cause of the slave.
The Society of Friunds professes to bo a
Christian body. It professes to do all in its
power to keep itself pure, by doaling with
those of its mombura who are guilty of un
ohristiau or iminoral conduct. Even a slight
departure from the rules of the Society in tho
solemnization of marriage is a disownablo
offence, and the parent or guardian who in
any way countenances or consents to such a
marriage, in the case of a member under his
eare, is dealt with as an offender, and unless
ho can be brought to a tru sense of his er
ror, and to make a satisfactory acknowledge
ment, is disowned. Yet a member may coun
tenance the act of making merchandize of his
fellow beings may go to tho elections and
vote fur, and uso his whole influence, to elect
slaveholders men who aro guilty of the most
infamous crimes, to fill tho highest offices of
tho country ho may actively support a slave
bidding, war-makinj, piratical government,
(as many members do) and tho Society of
L ricn.ls holds full fellowship with him. Tho
individual who believes it a greater crimo to
accomplish marriage contrary to the order of
Friends, than to hold his brother mm in sla
very or murder him upon the battle field, can,
so fir as this matter is concerned, consistent
ly remain in hiving fellowship with tho Soci
ety of Friends, for that Society by its ac
tion virtually subscribes to this doctrine.
For myself I beli ;ve differently, and henco,
for the reasons above stitcd as wall as othjrs
of perhaps equal weight, I feel culled uion
to dis-laim all fellowship w'.'h Friendi as a
Christian Society. I feel thus called upoa
because I believe that to hold such fellow
ship with, or to sanction in any way the do
ings of the Society, while in its prosont po
sition, would be to hold fellowship with that
which Christianity condemns, aud to sautv
tion immorality.
As before stated, 1 did not becom oven a
nominal member of your Society by my own
request. I shjill not therefore dictate to
Friends what action they shall tako relative
to tint matter. 1 trust I have made my po
rtion sufficiently understood, and that what
1 have written will not be attributed to aay
personal ill-feeling towards the members o
Society, among whom are many of my dear
est friends, but rather to a desire to do that
which I believe to be right.
9th month 23d 1845.
FniEDs Editor'i:
As it is desirable that the trulk
should bo known upon all subjects, I have ta
ken the pains to address to Joseph Dutton, of
Hanover, in thin county, cortain inlerojatorios
relative to the rumor which has been abroad
representing that a daughter ot his, (J. Dut
ton.) who deceased somo months sine, left
to her father her dying testimony agiinst Ab
by Kelley, J. O. Wattles, and their measures
of reform. To those inquiries, the parent
who was Uie bed-side attendant of his sick
daughter, and says no one had a better oppor
tunity of knowing her sentiments than he,
replies that no such advice was ever commit
ted to him or others, to his know ledge, by
his said daughter. He knows of no founda
tion for such a report, as respects Abby Kel
ley. In relation to J.O. Wattles, touching his
community doctrine, she, like many others of
his friends, believed him to bo too much of a
theorist. Against the character of ruber, or
against tlm anti-slavery movements she had
nothing to say, but on the contrary remained
a devoted friend of the cause of the oppress
ed. Let not the voice of the dead be falsified
to serve an unrighteous cause. B. B. D.
Fkienps EiMTurts:
Please let some of your corres
pondents answer the following questions, by
which a correspondent will bo obliged.
1st. Does Coiueoutcrism comprehend, com
ing out from the support of Slavery by using
its productions!
2nd. Is it consistent with justice for 8
Ohio Abolitionist to use or traffic in the pro
ducts of slave labor!
no wish to have my name go
before the public, but would be glad if you
would adopt the practice of publishing the
names of the editors and correspondents to all
their productions. VV. G.
Curre'pomlence of the Xew York Tribune.
Dublin, Oct. 31, 1915.
Dear Friend Greeley: Although not ac
customed to write for tho Press, yet I fel
constrained to send you a letter at this time,
on a subject in which I know your heart (as
also all your readers,) must be deeply inter
ested. I allude to the appalling prospects of
a horrible famine in Ireland. You aro ap
prised ere this, from English and Irish pa
pers, of tho probable failure of tho Potato
crop in this country. Every day brings sad
confirmation (from various sections) of these
fearful apprehensions. My heart is moved
in the deepest solicitude, as these deplorable
tidings come in aluict every hour, and 1 ask
myself whether I can feci guiltless without
at least (tttrmpllng to do souielhiiiir to unrest
thuso portending evils. Society is so selfish
ly and anlogoiiistically organized, that, men
generally try to keep their souls at case,
while pursuing their legitimate callings, yet
the excitement here. is daily growing mora, in
tense, and the time is not d stunt w hen a tor
riiic outurouk NtW bo the consequence.

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