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' SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., CH13. JAMES HAftVABY, Jr., General .ent. ftEXJAMIN S. JONF.s. J. ELIZABETH JONES, I'.IHTollS. Pint.isntxa fcoMMitTKE : Samuel Brooke, .I.itnc Barnaby, Jr., DaviJ' L. G.iibrtath, I,0t HoltllOS. pgtCTKW i tmiuil Mi wu-milM i w r i up jwj i.imj " ' ii ii mi i in 1 1 1 i i i im i ii 1 1 iiiiiw in ii marim in ,i am, unmwimp ) iwnwim WJ iwii nwiiiiw i i iiimi b i . .-.. VOL. -2. AO. 13. . "XO I'NiyN WITH SLAVEHOLDER s.ll oiiio, rniDAY, orror.nt r.n, isig. whom: no. 6j. Qf.Ut remitana to be mrttfr, and nil letlert riliitini; lu the pecuniary nj'nirs if the paper In lie attihrmd (post paid) In thf Genernl .ient. Vnminuniaitinnt hitrmUdor ner linn tuhc mlilrttm.il In Ihe Editor. 07Tkims: t?l,M per annum, or (,? invariulih rnuirril) if not paid w ithin six months of the timo nf subscribing. AnvKRTisrvK!Ts making- less than B aqnar inserted three times for Ii cents: ono- Bquu-e tPl. l'rintiilfor tin. Vublithin Cummittce ly ;. .. ll !;(( n. From the Covenanter. The Liberty Party and the Constitution. A considerable portion ol the last (wo num bers ol' 1 1 io " American Ciii.on," tli: organ, lien;, of the Liberty party, is uccupud by the editor with a labored ;t t i i i j t t prove" li;it the Const it ii (ion of the L" ni t : 1 St itm i nn:i slavery. There is an iipii.-.ir.inri of siuoeriiy running through tin whole art ic-1", which illicit possibly induce some weak-min led persons to suppose that tli writer hi. I soar s',! grounds for his opinion. It is very dif lieulU liowover, to give n man ot Dr.- Bris liana's intelligence, credit lor sincerity in the belief of ill!! doguri he attempts to cstahli-h. And it is still more dilfictilt lo ailinit that ho lias any faith in the soundness of the argu ments hy which he endeavors to prove his position. W ith his sincerity, however, we Ii i vo nothing to d . "To his own Master In: staieleih or fi'li'l'i." We. pm.ios.; hnc lly to t't t'nino liis principal argu.n"nts, hud show their fallacy. - As a preliminary step to his altempt to prove the Constitution anti-slavery, he repu diatcs the design of the framers the journals of the Convention, the Madison papers, and all historical evidence in relation to the mat ter, and rests solely on the " grammatical and verbal construction " of the document itself. This is tho plan usually adopted by those who afo determined to force au nnti-shvery construction on this instrument. And herein they dis tovcr their w isdom, for all tho evi dence, is against them. It would bo strange, indeed, if this Constitution was intended to abolish slavery, that it should not have pro duced tho desired ell'ect in h single slain; for it is a notorious fact, that the adoption of the Constitution did not in any instance abolish the existing institution of slavery. Cirluin ly no candid in in, with a mind open to con viction, cm read the evidence referred to on this subject, and remain unconvinced thai the design of the framers, at leist a largo major ity of them who voted for the provisions in relation to slavery contained in tint instru ment was, to make the. Constitution as much pro-slavery as was necessary to protect the slaveholder r. Hut while we ni liutain the necessity of ex amining all the evidence t!i it can be obtain ed respecting the design of the framers. in or der to a correct understanding of the Consti tution, and especially on doubtful anil dispu ted points, still we are willing to meet our friend on his own ground. Wo deny u it the language of the document ii itself anti slavery. We maintain, on the contrary, that its pru-d terry character is so plain, that " he who runs may read." Here, then, we join issue with the doctor. After repudiating, in a very summary in in ner, the " purpose and design" of the fra mers, our friend proceeds at once to argue from this very " purpose an I design," as ex pressed in the preamble to tho Constitution. He seems to have no objection to this modo of ascertaining the tnearing of the document when he finds something which bis ingenui ty can turn to his own account. When his torical documents are presented which prove beyond all controversy that the design of the framers was to protect the slaveholder, then their design is to ha disregarded, lint when in the preamble their design is si iled in such o-ener.il terms as to admit of any construction w e choose, then their design is all important. We put it to Dr. Brisbane's can In,-, wheth er this is a fair method of arriving at a cor rect interpretation f But here again wo are willing to grant him all tho aid he can edit dn from the design of tho framers, as expressed in the preamble, and leave out of view all the evidence- contained in tho Midison pi pers, the journals of tiie Convention, and else where, and yet show that he utterly fails in proving his position. He (kit tells us that the design of the fra mers. as cxwressed in general terns in the preamble, are to bo taken "as the true inter preter of the Constitution itself." Now this principle we hold to ho eontrny to common sense. It seems to us that the true way interpreting any dncumt-ui is (o m iku the specific provisions thu interpreters of the gen eral declarations. That which is specific, and stated in detail, is less liible tr be misunder stood) than general and loose expressions. For this plain reason we must explain tho (general expressions by those which are clear and tingible that which is loose and ambig uous by that which is undoubted and posi . tive. When we read in the preamblo that the Constitution " was ordained in order form a more perfect union," wo can form very definite idea of what the details of Constitution ar to be. There may be a gn at variety of opinio;, s as to what mora perfect union" is. And it is c-eit du ly a wild sort of reasoning to say that I ! causo Ibey intended "to form a more perfect union." therefora thev intended to abolish slavery. Could no union ho formed in slightest detrroo more perfect than the n.. . . . . i ... i i:.: ... p .i confederation, without thn abolition of slavc- ' , (Such a supposition is ridiculous. Attain, when they propose to "establish justice, Jiow arc we jo understanuwhat they mean by justice, but by an cx in.inatioii th provisions of the Const Intion which There is no referpiico in ihe whol doc ument ,t any rule of justice. The law (iod is not named nor hinted at. Justice, ' then, bein" an undefined (erm, we can learn notbinnr of tho meaning of tho following visions Irouj it. Nay, we must interpret auv uieauiu'' iu it 1... (I.om ii wn nletcll :i II V Nina III mr tit It w, , .-.... 'j - this connection at all. Southern men, : i l.J .'?,. f ,hi;,i i,h !,. rrm,rd '-. 1 1 ... r. HQS fjrCJl II OUUIIUU tU-IIUUI IMIO- ui nnv with the legal relation of master and slave, Phrv rfMT:i rd ahuliliaoaa the most nniiist . lliinrr in the world, and aboliUouisU ns must, unjust and. wicked of men. .And "fr.t iliev a riirlit lo their oninionsof iustice """.veil as you? -All' these professions of utMtafclishnmnt oi.justieo are ot no avail, . Ies,ihey tlwlara !vnry to.be. iujutivo, .. .. i .i .i... i . I ' . .1 ... I... f iltstuicilY uec litre , mo ijw v. m"1 w u - r,,le of Siisliep. " '' " " ' ' -This Constiiuiion, too, wo arV'tnW, designed to "ensure domestic trtuviuilitr. -Vf of to no a be . by "cal- losurreo- anil-slavory And bow is this I j be done ? Why nog r r.li ti,p niilnu to suppress curciy. nis is strong ii'Tiiuir : wn, nut there might lie a ' wl i Key insurrection," and this clause authorize tin, suppression of that, and Iherel'irn it would not authori.e the m.ppri'tnion of the slave in ; surrecli ni ! Admirable logic'! But tin; nr. maintains that this clause requires Iho abolition of slavery, becaus-,? the best way In suppress u sl.,ve insurrection is lo em ploy" the tniiilia In help the sines. Tin- si iveleiders being in the wrong, hi: says, are ih.; real in snrree.tionists. and the militia ought to he eni ployed to assist the slaves in quelling them. Wi ll, (hero is ingenuity in this. But it seems to us it would he a troublesome hu-i-ness to make the slaveliol.ling militia of tin smith assist the slaves in lighting against lliein-olva-. Surely, the Dr. has hit "upon the true eTummatic.il and vernal interpreta tion!! . In li!ce in inner the repressions, "to pro vide (or (he common defence, to promote (he general welfare, and lo secure (he blessings of liberty," &c, are all lo be understood by the specific provisions which follow. And we find nono declaring slavery inrensistont with any of theso objects. Indeed, they make it perlictly clear that the preamble does not abolish slavery, and was not so in tended. When the Dr. has gone through tho pre amble and comes to cn amine the provisions (d the t-nnstiiu Hon, be next attempts to show that its n-o-slavery provisions are really nn'i slavery. He quotes Art. 1, see. "J, par. .'!, which roads thus : " Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several stales which may he included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall ho determined by adding to the whole number of fleo persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, Ihree-liflhs of all other persons." Here we have a portion of the inhabitants recgnixed as in a condition of freedom, and among them is included those bound to ser vice for a specified time; and we have anoth er portion recognized as not in a state of free dom, nor yet bound to service for a given time, but " other persons " " i!l other per sons." This cb-nrlv sanctions the holding of persons in a condition different tioai that of freedom, and also d 'liferent from that of tem porary servitude. .Such a condition, in a country where thorn are slaves, necessarily includes slaves. Dr. II. says that perhaps women are meant in the three-fifihs enumera tion." This is not so clear. Sercly tho I'ram.n.iucal construct! n does not require us to understand woal here. V a liiougbt that women wera free vcnou .' lie also sup poses that it would apply as well to hired servants, who are not hound for a "term of !," but of months or weeks, and to soldiers, s nlors and prisoners. Well. Dr., suppose it does include all these and a thou sand other conditions, if it were possihlo to conlrive so many what then ! I) aes it fol low that slaves are excluded ! Ah ! no, Dr. This language is framed so as necessarily to include slaves, if such a class of persons ex ist in tho country. ". other persons," will admit of no limitation:. The condition of slavery for one portion of the community is here as clearly sanctioned us tho conditions of freedom for the other. But we are told that this provision dors not sanction er support slaveiy. because deprn es the slave states of a part of their representation ill Congress, to which they would otherwise be entitled. e I, stipposo it does abridge .southern power in this way, vhat then ? " Is not that granting a license slaveholding ! And do not they w ho license crime, sanction and support it! What would ho thought of a constitution of government which granted power to license hru!itx? Would the Dr. quote that very artielo as evidence that such coristiluiionaetually abol ished such establishments ! the language of the Consihuiion is virtually this : " Vou can hold as many persons in the condition slaves, as you please, by submitting to a tri fling diniinuli -f political power in propor tion lo tho number you hold. No sanction could be clearer (ban this. But this is by means a full exhibition of the wickedness this very signilicant paragraph. Strictly speaking, while Ihe power of slavehnliling states, us such, is hereby abridg ed, the power of ihe slaveholder is really The slaves lose their political pow er altogelher, while (he slaveholders gain three-filths of it. Direct taxes, moreover, apportioned in the same ratio, w hich is anoth er clear gun to the slavcl.ohler. Mis politi cal power is increased in proportion to (hree lifihs of I is slaves, and his direct taxes creased in proportion to the other two-fifths. Shivery, then, is not merely sanctioned by sort ot constitutional license, but supported thn j and encouraged by paying the slaveholder old I bounty for committing ibis sin. Now, i- n..f.a a..., ,...u;at.r il... tl.; Jl. uimn'iim ""J i.iiii'iiuij, in". ,nin jiuia- graph was nitcnuud to abolish slavery ! i'he next paragraph, upon w hich our friend of of pro it in ! exorcises his ingenuity, is as follows: "The migration or importation of persons as any ol tho stales now existing shall think proper to admit, shall nut be by Congress prior to the year 1H08, I a tax or duty may bo imposed on such impor i. tation not exceeding ten dollars tor each son." , , 1 11 i liit. n nii...-.. i.i.u .....r. .w... ...... , s.ivery )ut the s hive (ride. Ami and . ""J " ,, J. . . .. i a stubborn fact, that nearly if not quite ...., 1 million of the slaves now in the U. States nni i .1 C .1 j beo.iuo he operation ot this eciuhlo i and internal provision (he 1 . But we are told that there is no mention have , slavery in this clause. ery true. . But as ' tho grammatical and verbal construction, tho necessarily protects any of the stiles nn-- exmiiug' in me. imporiaiiuu oi mch, wiuum or tluy think propur tyadmit thuiiK N,iy, (should .1... .1..... itr.ui.ir I., 't.fn.il litem fin- mnu wu ,'") ,y.t . , . ; , 1 pose siill uioro wicked (conld any such 'was; conceived.) th -clatiM - would Borlloiphily protect them. li:t wear told agiuir.lrutyt. it to an of no of tho in creased. are de a will clearly implies a r-ow er in Congress to legis late tritin.i'" finch importation. Yes, and it (is clearly implicit a power in Cnngrrss to le Cislate in fmur of such Importation. It for bids Ihe exercise of this implied power n ninl ii for more thin tweu'y years; but it forbids n"t the exercise of ibis power in fnmr of this bu-ntess at any time. Siiould Congress note repeal the law which, prohibits . the slave trade, the Constitution would lo this day protect any ot' the riginal slates in carrying on the netnriotis ttallle ; ay. ai.d continue lo protect them to the end of tune, unless amen ded in ibis very particular. Indent, one branch of this trade (the intern il or inter slate) is slill pursued with vignr under (his constitutional sanction. By what grammat ical construction can any honest man say, that this chtusa ritl.or did abolish, or was in tended to abolish, shn cry I Nonsense! The next quotation is Art. iv. slc. par. 3 : "No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws (hereof, escaping tutu another, shall in cons, quencu of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered upon claim of the party to whom such service or labor may ho due." "IVrsons hold to service or labor." Virst we have tho phrase, " other persons," " all other persons." Then, "such persons," &c. Now. " persons held to service or labor." How ineir.ibly niodesl ! Why this sicken ing sqeamishiiess about the use of thn word ft And yet tho meaning is so clear that it cannot be mistaken, l'ersons may ho held lo service or lab r on lor the laws of a state. They inny he so In Id either with or without their consent. There is no kind of limitation. Slaves are so held, and hence, beyond all controversy, slaves tire here included, what ever other persons may be. Then it is clear ly in accord men with this Constitution to hold slaves under Ibe la wp of a state. Is not this sanction! But if they escape out of (hat stale, liy the laws ol which they are held, in to another under whose laws they would be tree, what then ! Shall they be permitted to remain ! liy no means. they must Ii delivered up on claim of Ihe parly to whom, by Ihe laws of (he state which tlev Ic ft, their labor is due. It is hot enough that slavery be s inelioned and pr i'reted within the bur ners ol Itiose stales wnose I iws inaUe men slaves. Oh, no! Ibis grand iinii-sltirrrti ( 'oostitulion goes a liule farther, and compels those slates whose laivs guaranty liberty to all the inhabitants, to bind the chains of sla very again on those who have escaped from it. If (his Constitution tie unli-tlaecry, it is beyond the power ol our imagination lo con ceive what a ni-.-i!iivei 1 constitution would he. But the Dr.'s grammar gives us an inter pretation ,' fftinih, purely anti-shivery. " No person shall ho discharged," &c, and then "no person (ihe s line nominative) shall be delivered up," &e. Now, the Dr.'s gram mar may bo very correct, yot we think this is rather hyper-critical. The little panicle "bill," seems lo us, by ihcaid of a very small infusion of common sense, to make the para graph plain enough. "No person shall bo discharged from such service, but shall bede livered up." I Ltd (ho )r. condescended to admit common sense, as well as grammar and verbiage, among his rules of interpreta tion, be would have been morn likely to ar rive at a correct construction. When we in -ke nonsense of any passage, wo may he sure we have a wrong interpretation. II the lainninn-e. of other writers was nut on the Dr.'s grammatical rack, we think ho would find a vast amount of nonsense in almost every book in the world, not excepting even tho Bible itself. Let him explain, for exam ple, Kph. iv. s!!, by this rule, and see what he will niako of it. "No man ever hated his own flesh; but nrairishelh and cherishcth il." "No man" hated his llesh ; and "no man" nourished! and cherishcth il. To all these verbs the nominative case is "no man." But such trilling is too ridiculous to be treated seriously. Of all the sophistical and silly trash that has been written by new-light Co venanters in drlcn.se ot the Constitution, know of nothing to compare with this. Airaln. we are told that a slave is not here spoken ol. Il is a "person held to service, Hid troin w uoni "service or la jor may ind the learned have never given definition of slavery ileal would admit the ap plication ol this language to a slave. -Now, we do not pretend to Know nmeli annul linitions ol slavery given by the learned nor do we think such definitions ol much im portance. We are very sure that most those w ho understand best what slavi ry is die slaves themselves know very little about the definitions ol the learned. And ire very sure grammar or no grammar slaves are "persons held lo service or labor. ind that their "servi -e or labor is due, such pro hibited but per . It a II of by it then nnr. bi die laws of the slavi holding states, to those who mid them thereto. To that kind of sla- (if such shivery can be) which does hold persons to service or labour, we see valid objection: and w ill) those laws ol states which Iree tho slave from all otitigaiion loins master, we fully accord. Tho definitions slavery given by the learned, then, would seem lo us rather to he definitions of freedom. How Dr. Brisbane could honestly assert the correct grammatical and verbal construc tion of these passages would abolish slavery, is past our comprehension. The Dr., in conclusion, quotes a number of clauses from tho Constitution, such, example, as Ihtit "Congress shall have pow er to regulate commerce, with foreign nations to establish a uniform rule of naturali.a tion to ruiso and support armies loprovido mid maintain a navy," &c. fee. It must sure ly 1x3 it strange sort of grammatical construc tion that w ill make these clauses abolish any of w hich, ho says, would abolish slavery if tho f Jnnstitutinn was righteously administered. But not r,m of them has bearing on the subject ; and we would il an imposition on ihe. readers of Cbvcnilnlcr' to attempt to answer things which iairnot rvfn the appenratu n of argn-. mtnla. Duo article, indtco, he . quetr s, peeling Ihe power of Congiess over the Dis trict ol Columbia, which beyond all contro versy proves that Cm.i'nsj has power to abolish slavery there. Bui bail he i, roved that Congress has power lo ahidish slavery not only there, but in till the states, so long as t (if; ( onslituinui does not reoniro ihe nt. ereise of ihtit power for tl o1 liholltimi nf a!.i very, it iwees-arilv protects those Mates rind rritories in its perpetuation, w hieh chons- to perpetuate it. But the Constiiuiion has in fact prohibited Cmiirrcss from exercising any power for tbeaboliiion of slavery in the stales. Nay, it even denies to them any power in the case; for it declares, Amendment X., that Congress has no power but that which il (the "ons'.tituti.iii) confers. And it litis nowhere conferred the power to abolish Sla very ill the stales. Therefore, the Constiiu iion prohibits the nation from abolishing sla very, and tberelore, on tho Conslitntion and on those who swear to support it, the guilt of perpetuating slavery rests. ), From the London Patriot. The Anti-Slavery League and the Evangelical Alliance. we 1 ue a Hie of we that by In l'ngland, it is vain to attempt, in a pub lic movement, to evade the influence of pub it iM... I.' - i: i . n- ' lie opinion. mo i.vaugciicai Alliance was, by unwise counsellors, hetrayed into maUintr so preposterous an attempt. It has failed. Already, on ono point, at least, it lias been arraigned at the bar of ihe public, tried, judg ed and condemned. We refer to the manner in which the subject of shivery was trilled with in the recent Conference, and to the meeting called by Ihe Anti-Slavery League in Kxeier-hall, lo review tho proceedings of the Conference in relation to that question. 1 lie verdict ot l.xeter-hall has gone rgalnst the Alliance. The meeting was publicly called ; admission was not by shilling tick ets, hut perfectly free; the parties, whose conduct was about to he reviewed, were sue cially invited to attend; (he liev. John Bur net, whose name is a security for candor and impartiality, was in tiie chair; the Hall was crowded ill overy part; every one w ho claim ed a hearing was heard ; and yet when the follow ing resolution was put to the six thou sand persons present, il was adopted, with only two dissentients : 'finally, Irsalett, That the conduct of tho r.vaugc lical Alliance, recently held in this city, hrsi, in adopting a proposition, declar ing that men might he slaveholders without liny fault of (heir own, and from disinleres(ed motives; and then, to gratify the pro-slavery spirit of tho American delegates, erasing on their proceedings all reference lo the subject i f slavery, in order to prevent an explosion was al vaiiancn with Ihe uncompromising spirit of Christian truth; and a virtual ap proval of Ihe acts of those, who, while they profess to he followers of the gretit Redeemer, make merchandise of slaves and tho souls men.' Wc are not surprised at this result. Il no more, bin rather less than we expected and we are persuaded that it is a decision which will he confirmed by any town in the three kingdoms to which die Anti-Slavery Bengun may think it advisable to appeal. is exceedingly painful to find such language used in characterizing (he proceedings lo which some of our friends havo been parties; and the more painful, inasmuch as wo are constrained to admit that the condemnation is but just. One nf the members of the Alli- anco Conference, present at Kxeter-hull, had the courage to oiler a lew words for that bo dy, intended as a defense, explanation, or apology, but terminating in a plea of guilty. Mr. Preston said, Whim the Report came up on Saturday night, w hich entirely exclud ed slaveholders from the Alliance, we thought the question wtis settled. But there was af terwards a general dissatisfaction. The A inoricjiis were dissatisfied, because ihe reso lution condemned slavery and slaveholding; and the British, because it condemned ihem so Blighlly. (Cheers.) I was astonished at the subsequent results; hut so the Americans would have it. (A voice, ' Why did you let litem havo it !') I am surry lo say the Alli ance were overpowered. When the question was mooted as lo whether the resolution Saturday could be rescinded, iho Chairman (Sir Culling Kardley Smith.) replied lli.it could, but il Ihe Alliance did It, lliey would stultify themselves. I inquired of one of principal members of the Alliance not being myself a learned man what was meant stultifying ourselves! I understood it mean, making fools of ourselves. (Laughter and cheers.) I assure you tho greater part of the assembly Wero stultilied; f.r they knew n it what they were nor where they were. (I.aiighli r.) Si ino things said by Mr, Carrison were deemed excessively severe; and certainly justifies tho character given him by his I dtvuiU coadjutor in the cause of ihu slave, j liev. Dr. Samuel Cos; hut neither Mr. Carvery nut ; risou nor Mr. d'eorgo Thompson appears no ; have uttered anything inoro severe than caniiiu lesiunony oi una iraniv e e-w iioess. And the worst of it is, that every one, or near ly every one. will s.iv that Sir Culling hard- ot that for sla veiy any con sider tho ret lev Smith was nerfeoilv riuhl. ' You cm it,' said the honorable Baronet; 'but if do il, you will stultify yourselves.' They did do it ; an. I, to use the translation of plain Mr. Preston's learned fiicnd, they did make fools of themselves. It must not be supposed, however, that present are responsible for this deplorable As .Mr. Garrison iniiiualed, there wero three Americans, and as many Irishmen, dissented from tho whole of the proceedings in reference lo slavery; and, although would appear dial all the Englishmen were betrayed into a temporary acquiescence in compromise adopted nn Saturday, yet have authority to state, that when Sir Cul ling Kardley Smith announced from the chair Ihu! tho rosolution to rtsciud iho whole the prooeudings taken on tho subject, been cariiud. wuiniuuiualj, the ltov. Dr. of Ilqckney, tose and intimated, that die Tbomns Winmiv and himself weredissentiont. The .ruh-waa. that ihu ulc was inlurd with the qualifying clause, ntniine etmlrnili- roi'c. VAehuve no doubt t bat other rent e- tin'ii will be found to have occupied the same position. But these gentlemen must surely feel that it is impossible for the matter to rest as it now is. Justice to themselves, no less than justice to the eaue nf truth, liberty, and humanity, deni inds that they should distinct ly protest against a decision which litis made Ihe llvangolie i Alliance assume the appear ance of an apologist for sliverv.an.l has giv en tho American delegates n kind of authori ty for saying, that British Christians are w il ling lo leave the qneotinn of slavery in abey ance rather than forego the opportunity of fra ternizing with the slaveholding Christians of Aineiica. We frankly confess, that wc can not understand how any Anti-Slavery man can remain a member of this so-called Kvau gelical Alliance. From the London Nonconformist. Slavery in the United States. of is ; It of it the by to he ri The new Anti-Slavery League is pulling forth vigorous exertions to rouse Ihe public mind in '.bis country against American Sla very. With this "object, Messrs. Carrison and F. Douglass an1 in iking a tour through the country. At Bristol, during the last fort night, no less llian three crowded meetings have hern held to hear these celebrated op ponents of slavery. At one of these, the May or presided, ar.d Klihu Burritt was present. It was resolved to carry out a plan which had been determined upon al meetings at Bridge water and l'.xeter, namely, for the inhabitants of ciiirs and towns in Kngland, after which towns in America had been called, to send addresses in favor of abolition to the inhabit ants of those towns. The Bristol Mercury mentions the following incident an having oc curred, at one of these tiieelinj's : the Frederick: Douglass must, indeed. h.ie felt himself in a soft of dream w hen he got to Kngland when he found himself scaled at while men's tables, and shaken by the hand by w hite men. At the ictorie-rooin, on Wednesday, when Douglafs was speaking, our worthy mayor filled a glass of water, and handed il towards the speaker, 'lis worship did this probably without giving tho thing a thought, and as a matter of course, and few in the meeting would notice the occurrence. In tho United Stales, a single act of that kind (except amongst professed abolitionists) would be provocative ol Iho utmost astonish ment. Whit! a wlnto man a mayor a man in authority band a glass of water to a negro ! Incredible ! 'We report in our paper of this week,' says the Western Times, 'a brief oulline of one the most important, unanimous, and decided public meetings which ibis city ever w ituess- ml. 1 lie topic was American slavery, and the speakers w ere some of our luadinc liberal citizens, and two visitors from the L'niled Slates, one being Win. Lloyd Oarrison, who is, we beliove, the father nf the unti-slavery movement in the United States, the other Douglass, formerly n slave, who has escaped from tho thraldom of slavery by llight, and having educated himself, now devotes his tal ents and energies fo the cause of his oppres sed brethren. The leinper of tho meeting will be best evinced by the resolutions which were adopted, and which were all carried unanimously. Frederick Douglass, whoso eloquent language litis excited such deep feelings of indentation against the American slave-owners, is supposed to be tho oll'spriug of bis own master by one of bis female slaves. If ho ho an average specimen of what this portion of tho slave population would become under proper liainiiig, Ihero can be no doubt that the sstem contains within itself the germ id' its own violent destruction. Kvrry good Christian will pray, however, that awful a convulsion may ha avoided, and llmt the American people may be brought by time ly reflection to understand tho position which they are laced before all civilized hu manity, and come forward as the British peo ple did, and by a present sacrifice, purchase a lasting and an honorable renown.' On Wednesday there was a numerously attend ed public meeting at. the National-hull, Hol born, presided over by Mr. (J. Thompson. Mr. W. L. (iariison was present, and spoke at some length. At the close of the meeting, a resolution was passed, of which the follow ing is an extract, the hearing of whi h against the Kvangelical Alliance is very obvious : That the meeting, having listened to tho address given by W illiam L. (Iari ison on tho subject of American slavery, have heou forci bly struck with the heart-sickening, soul-debasing cruelty of that infamous institution, and especially with tho strange inconsisten cy of its being upheld by men prolessing universal righis of humanity us tho founda tion of their political creed, and (he brother hood of man as the basis of (heir religious taiih; they therefore derm il a duly to em brace this opportunity of recording their sol- inn protest. John Randolph. do you all re sult. who it tho we of lifd Cox, Rev. A lew years iieluro Hie Uealli ol .Mr. K.in- dolph, be was one morning during thu scs sion ol I engross, walking Irom his lodgings in Washington lo the capilnl, in order to bis setit in the House, il so happened that be passed along Ihe Pennsylvania avenue loll inlo company W illi I. d ward Stabler, eminent .Minister ill the Society of 1'iieiii with whom he wtis acquainted. As were passing along tho street they met wagon in which were crowded a number colored women and children, followed twenty nr thirty colored men, hand culled and chained together, and guarded by armed white men on horseback. This spec tacle, ooming us it did, suddenly before them, produced a strong sensation in both, and Ibey involuntarily slopped until whnlo had passed, without a word spoken by either of them. After a pause, LViwiird Stabler remarked: "This indeed a shncjving spectacle lo be exhibiiod here, almost under thu shadow of the, capttol of the l'niled States! Wc'ji'rofi ss to bo advocates of equal right, 'and" eltiim to die fir.i people in die wild, ami yet here sec before us a number of our fellow men who without having committed any breach of tho laws, or being charged with any cllenco whatever, nro chained like con demned criminals, and driven under the very eyes of tho national Legislature, now in ses sion, like beasts to market! The nations of h'urope have their seveial ministers and rep resentatives here, who will witness this scene, and w ho probably will make it known to llieir respective governments. What must people of t.ther nations think of us, when thry learn that in the face of all our boasting professions about liberty, we permit the most1 odious tyranny and cruel oppression lo be openly practiced upon millions of our people with impunity 1" Randolph remained silent foi a minute and then raid with great empha sis: "Sir, I do not care what Kurope, or what the people of any oilier country may think or say of us ibis is no consequence and I wholly disregard it." lie then in a subdued tone and with much earnestness added : "But w hen 1 rellect upon what Cod Almighty may think of us, 1 confess to you, that I tremble for my country '." Baltimore Sal. 1 7-iir. John Randolph. Slavery Illustrated. of The Washington correspondent of tho Al bany Patriot, relates tho following incidents S At a recent camp meeting in Montgomery county, Maryland, one worthipptr Sold anoth er wur.-hiiier .' Yes, A man left the altar, and sold his J'cUuw man bis "nrtoTHKn," and delivered him to a common uian-donler, on the ciunp ground, and in the face of Ihe whole congregation ! 1 don't say that he be came "reconciled to his brother," but I do say that he then returned to the altar and "of fered bis gift"!! and why not! It is a church iiistil itioii ; it is sanctioned by the church il is defended by Ihe church it is in the church, and it is a part and parcel ot the church. What branch of the church is an exception 1 Where is it t Tho Rev. Albert Barnes says there is no. potnr out if the I'hitrci, that could sustain shivery an hour, if it wero not " sustained in it." "'I'he Church says "don't mention ilin. the pulpit." At a camp meeting a few days ago tin Prince (icorge's co., ono of our city preacW-. ers, noted as "tho war-orator," undertook in person, armed with a huge cane, to separate the worshippers according to rr, and todrive out the w biles to their own side of the fence, lie said to them, "(io out of here ; arn'l you ashamed to mix up w ith tho colored people sol" to which a wag present replied, "they are already about as much 'mix'd up' as they can be." His declaration needed no demon--struiiou, for one young woman, on being per emptorily ordcrad out, successfully pleaded' her prerogative of caste, having been, as she declared, classed willi colored people all her life time. SUSPICIOUS—PROBABLY KIDNAPPED. so in A colored man, named Sehoan Bohanden,. has been missing since last Sunday, and it is feared (hat he litis been kidnepped and taken to (itorgia. It appears that he came from Georgia, and he litis always asserted that ho wus bom free, and that his lather was a Seoteh inan, and his mother a descend nil of Africa., l'or nine months past he has been in the em ploy of .Mr, l'ox, a screwbolt iiianulacturer,. and it is known that he had saved over SIW, and that it was his intention to return lo Geor gia. On Sunday he was in a porter house,, at lo(t Water street, w here he met two utcn, who asked him to drink with them, which be refused to do. They soon afierwards request ed him to lake a walk with them which lie did, and has not since been seen or beard of. It is thought that he has been kidnapped and taken to Georgia, as he had but little money with him, certainly not enough to make it an object to put him out of die way, and ho was remarkable for his temperate, habits. -V. X'. A'ce. i'ost. the take as ho -n s. they a of bv two them the being short is the be vie Anecdtte. 'I'he following nnecdoto from tho Anti-Slavery Standard, relates to a cler gyman from Charleston, S. C, w ho was so liciting in this city funds to build a seaman's chapel in that place. "Ho called upon one of tho wealthiest and most respectable merchants, never suspected of any taint of abolitionism, who in reply lo the demand for money, asked if they still threw colored seamen into jail on their arri val at Charleston! The reply was, " Yes, we still think it bust to do bo." " Well," answered the Bostouian, "when you can tell me that such laws tiro atiolisbed, I may help you to a Bethel, and not till then.'''' IIavti. Intelligence has been received from this Island that the Dominican or Span ish part of tho Island, w hich bad set up an independent Government, has expressed a desire to bo re-united to tho llaytion or U lack Government, front inability to "take caro of itself." When tho dismemberment took place, the pro-slavery papers drew conclusive evidence from die fact, that tho black race were incapable of self-government ; and John C. Calhoun and some of his brother thieves, hoped to subvert the Black Government with the Dominican. Now we have a right to in fer that the black race is competent not only to take caro of itself, but of some of tho whiles also. Spirit if Liberty! KinNAi'riNii. Tho Prairioville (Wiscon sin) Freeman gives the following: A case of kidnapping, which is said to have occurred in the Western portion of our Territory last Spring, has recently been suggested to our intention. 1 lie particulars given show Hie case to be ono of a most aggravated charac ter. We give the following- extract from a letter on the subject, omitting thn names of tho panics until the facts bo fully ascertain ed : "Mr. , now residing near Galena, had a colored girl in hi service. Mr. B son had jclanJcslino intercourse with the girl. Last Spring, the girl being near tier confine-, incut, .accompanied M.r. and Mrs. i on a pretended visit to Missouri, where they sold, die j.iU girt into tldvciy for $100 !