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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, March 12, 1847, Image 1

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PUBLISHED EVERT FRIDAY AT
SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO.
JAMES BARNABY, Jr., General Jgent.
BI
BNJAMIN S. JONES, ) r
ELIZABETH JONES, j 1''D,Tu,ts-
Pi'BMsiitNo Committer : Samuel Brooke,
James Barnaby, Jr., David L. Galbrealh,
Lot Holmes.
CALHOUN'S SPEECH.
In I he Senate, Feb. lflth, Jolin C. Calliotin
offered some remarks on the Wilmot Provi
so, Resolutions of the non-slave holding Slates,
kc, and concluded li is speech by presenting
fur the consideration of that body the resolu
tions which wo published last week.
Mr. President, it was solemnly nsserted on
this floor, some time ago, that till putties in
the non-slaveholding Slates had como to a
fixed and solemn di terminati-Mi upon two pro
positions. One was, that there should ho no
further admission of any States into this Un
ion, which permitted by their Constitution
the existence of slavery, and the other wns,
that slavery should njt hereafter exist in nny
f the Territories of the United States ; t!i!
i ll'ect of which would be to give to the neii
tdaveholding States the monopoly of the pub
lic domain, to the entire exclusion of the
slave-holding States. Since that declaration
was made, Mr. President, we have abundant
Jiroof that tliure was a satisfactory foundation
for it. We have received, already necived
solemn resolutions passed by seven of the
non-slaveholding Stales, one half of the r.uni
her already in the Union, Iowa not counted
using the strongest possible- language to that
ill eel and no doubt, in a short space of time j
Mtnilrir resolutions will be received from all I
the non-slaveholding Slates. But we reed I
not go beyond the walls of Congress. The j
Hulijeet has been agitated in the oilier House, j
and they have sent you up a bill, "prohibit- i
ing tho extension of slavery (to use their own
Jjnguage) to any territory which may be ac
quired by the United States hereafter." At
the same time, two resolutions which have
hcen moved to extend the compromise line
from the Kocky Mountains to the Pacific,
during the present session, have been reject
ed by a decided majority.
Sir, there is no mistaking the signs of the
times; and it is high time that the Southern
States, the slave-holding State3, should in
quire what is now their relative strength in
this Union, and what it will be if this deter
mination should be carried into effect hereaf
ter. Sir, already we are in a minority 1 tiso
the word "we" for brevity sake already we
are in a minority in the other House, in the
t-lcctoral college, and, I may say, in every
department of this government, except at pre
sent in the Senate of the United Stales there
for the present we h ive an equality. Of the
5.VS States, 14 aro non-slaveh jlding, and I I
tire slaveholding, counting Delaware, which
is doubtful, as one of the non-slaveholding
States. But this equality of strength exists
only in thu Senate. One of thecleiks at my
request has furnished me with a statement uf
what is the relative strength of the two de
scriptions of States, in the other House of
Congress and in the electoral college. There
are '223 representatives. including 1 owa, which
is already represented there. Of these, 138
are from the tion-slaveholding States, and DO
are from what are called tho slave States, giv
ing a majority in the aggregate, to the for
mer, of 48. In tho electoral college, there
are IC8 votes belongingto the noii-slavehold-ing
.States, and 118 to the slaveholding, giv
ing a majority of 50 to the non-slaveholding
States.
We, Mr- President, have at present only
one position in the government, by w hich we
tnay make any resistance to this aggressive
policy which has been declared against the
south, or any other that thu non-slaveholding
States may choose to take. And this equali
ty in this body is of tli-e most transient cha
racter. Already Iowa is a State, but owing
to some domestic calamity, is not yet repre
sented in this body. When she appears here,
thero will be an addition of two senators to
the representatives of the non-slaveholding
States, Already Wisconsin has passed the
initiatory stage, and will be hero at the next
session. This will add two more, making a
clear majority of four in this body, on the side
of the non-slaveholding States, w ho will thus
be enabled tq sway every branch of this go
vernment, at their will and pleasure. But,
sir, if this aggressive policy be followed if
the determination of the non-slaveholding
States is to be adhered to hereafter, and we
are to be entirely excluded from the territo
ries we already possess, or may possess if
this is to be the fixed policy of the. govern
ment, I ask, what will be our situation here
after Sir, there is ample space for twelve or fif
teen of the largest description of Stales in the
territories belonging to the United Slates.
Already a law is in course of passage through
the other House, creating one norilt of Wis
consin. There is ampin room for another
north of Iowa, and another north of that; and
then that large region extending on this side
of tho Kocky Mountains, from 4!), down to
the Texan line, which may be set down fair
ly as an area of twelve and a half degrees of
latitude that extended region of itself is sus
ceptible of having six, seven, or eight large
States. To this add Oregon, which extends
from 19 to 42s, which will give four more,
and I make a very moderate calculation when
1 say that in addition to Iowa and Wisconsin,
12 more Stales upon the territory already ours
without reference to any acquisitions from
Mexico may he, and will be shortly added
to these United States. How will we then
Htand 1 There will be but 14 on the part of
the South we are to he fixed, limited, and
forever and "8 on the part of the non-slave-holding
States ! Twenty-eight! Double our
number; and with the same disproportion in
the other House and in the electoral college !
The government, sir, will be entirely in the
hands of the non-slaveholding States over
whelmingly! Sir, if this state of things is to go on if
this determination so solemnly made, is to be
persisted in, where shall wo stand, as far as
4h is federal government of ours is concerned I
What, then, must we do? We must look
to justice to our own interest to the Con
stitution. We will have no longer n shield
jn equality here. Nor can we rely upon the
tense of justice of thiB body. Ought we to
A NTT-ST , A VARY Ml
VOL. 2. NO. 32.
SALEM, OHIO, Fll
IDA Y, MARCH 12, lb 17.
GLE.
WHOLE NO. 84.
rely upon this! These are solemn questions
which I put on all sides.
Sir, look to the past. If we are to look to
that I will not go into the dolails we will
see from the beginning of this government to
the present day, as far as pecuniary resources
tiro concerned as far as Ihe disbursement of
revenue is involved, it will be funnel that we
have been a portion of this community which
has substantially supported llui government
without receiving anything like ti tantamount
support from it. But why should I go be
yond Ibis very measure itself? Why go bt
joud this di 'termination on the pari of iho
non-slaveholding Slates, that thero can Le nn
addition to the slaveholding Stales, to prove
wlint our opinion is?
Sir, what is the entire amount if ibis poli
cy? I will not say that it is so designed.
1 will not say from what cause it originated.
I will not say whether a blind fanaticism on
one side, whether a hostile feeling to slavery
entertained by many not fanatical on the other,
i r whether it has been the wotk of men, w ho,
looking to political power, have considered
ihn iigitation of this question as the most cl
fietual mode of obtaining the spoils ef Ihis
government. I look to tho fai t itself. It is
a policy now openly avowed to be persisted
in. It is a policy, Mr. President, which aims
to monopolize the powers of this govern
ment, and obtain sole possession of its pa
tronage. Now, I est;, is there any remedy? Dors
the Constitution afford any remedy ? And,
if not, is there any hope? These, Mr. Pro
vident, are Solemn questions not only to us,
but let me say to gentlemen from the non
slaveholding States, to them. Sir, the day
that the balance between tho two sections of
tho country the slaveholding Stales Lnd the
non-slaveholding Stales is destroyed, is a
day that will not be fir removed from politi
cal revolution, anarchy, civil war. and wide
spread disaster. Tho balance of this system
is in the slaveholding States. They aro the
conservative portion always have been the
conservative portion always will be the con
servative portion; and, with a due bal.tncc
on their part, may, for generations to come,
uphold this glorious Union of ours. But, if
this policy should be carried out if we are
to be reduced to a handful if wc are to be
come a lm re ball to play the presidential
gamu with to count something in the Balti
more caucus if this is to be, tint result wc!
wo! I sny to this Union!
Now, sir, again 1 put the solemn question
oot-s the L ciisl'itution 'uiii.ril nny renieily !
Is there any prevision in it by which this ag
gressive policy, boldly avowed, as if perfect
ly consistent with cur Institutions ami tho
safety and prosperity of tho United States-
may he contronted j Is this consistent with
tho Constitution? No, Mr. President, no!
It is, in all iis features, daringlj' opposed to
tho Constitution. What is it? Ours is a
Pederal Constitution. The States are its
constituents, and not the people. The 3
States tho 29 States (includintr Iowa)
stand under this government as 'J!) individu
als, or ns 20 individuals would stand to a
consolidated power. It was not made for the
mere individual prosperity cf the Stales as
individuals. No, sir. It was made for higher
ends. It was formed that every State con
stituting a portion of this great Union of ours
should enjoy all its advantages, natural and
acquired, with greater security, and enjoy
them more perfectly. The whole system is
based on justice and equality, perfect equali
ty between the members of this Republic.
Nor can that be consistent with equality
which will make this public domain a mono
poly on one bide which, in its consequences,
would place the whole power in ono section
of the Union, to be wielded against the other
sections of the Union? Is that equality?
How do we stand in reference to this ter
ritorial question this public domain of ours?
Why, sir, what is it? It is the common pro
perty of the States of the Union. They are
called "the territories of tho United Stales."
And what are the "United States" but the
States united ? Sir, these territories are the
property of the Stales united ; held jointly for
their common use. And is it consistent with
justice is it consistent with equality, that
any portion of the partners oul-numberingan-othcr
portion, shall oust them in this common
proper'y of theirs shall pass any law w hich
shall proscribe the cilizens of other portions
of the Union from emigrating, w ith their pro
perty, to the territoties of the United Slates?
Would that bo consistent can it be consist
ent with the idea of a common property, held
jointly for the common benefit of all ? Would
it be so considered in private lifu? Would
it not be considered the greatest outrage in
the world, and which any court on the face
of the globe would at once overrule?
Mr. President, not only is that proposition
grossly inconsistent with the Constitution ;
but the other, which undertakes to say that
no State shall be admitted into this Union,
which shall not prohibit by its Consliluiion,
the existence of slavery, is equally a great i nt
rage against the Constitution of the Uu.ted
Stales. 1 hold it to be a fundamental princi
ple of our political system, that the people
have a right to establish w hat government
they may think proper for themselves; that
every State, about to become n member of
this Union, has a right to form its own go
vernment as it pleases; and that in order to
be admitted, there is but one qualification,
and that is, that the government shall he Re
publican. It is not so expressly prescribed
by the instrument itself, but by the great sec
tion which guarantees to every Slate in this
Union, a Republican form of government.
Now, sir, what is proposed, from a vague,
indefinite, erroneous, and most dangerous con
ception of private individual liberty, to over
rule this great common liberty which a peo
ple have of framing their own constitution!
Sir, the individual right of man is not nearly
so easily to be established by any course of
reasoning, as his common liberty. And yet,
sir, there are men of such delicate feeling on
the subject of liberty there are men who
cannot possibly bear what they call slavery
in one section of the country (and it is not so
much slavery as an institution indispensable
for the good ef both races); men so hqutatn-
ish on this point, that they are ready to strike
down the higher right of a community to go
vern themselves, in order to maintain the ab
solute right of individuals in all circumstan
ces, to govern themselves!
Mr. President, the resolutions that I have
proposed, present, in exact terms, these great
truths. 1 propose to present them to the Son
ale ; I propose to have a vote upon them ; and
1 trust there is no gentleman here who will
refuse a direct vote upon these, propositions.
His mainly that we should know the state of
things. It is duo to our constituents that wo
insisl upon it; and 1 fur one, will insist upon
it, that the sense of this body shall bo taken;
Hit! body which represents the Stairs in their
capacity as communities, and the members of
which ure to be their special guardians. It
is iltte to t lien), sir, that ihern should be n
lair expression of what is Ihe Sense of this
body. Upon that expression much depends.
It is Iho nnly stand which we can have. It
is the only position which we can take, which
will uphold us with anything like indepen
dence which wiil givo us any chance at all
to maintain an equality in this Union, on
those great principles to which 1 have had
reference. Overrule these principles, and we
are nothing! Preserve them, and we will
ever be a respectable portion of the commu
nity. Sir, here let me say n word us to tho com
promise line. I have always considered it as
a great error highly injurious to tho South,
because it surrendered, lor mere temporary
purposes, thoso high principles of tha Con
stitution upon which I thii.k v.e ought to
stand. I am against nny compromise line.
Yet, I would have been willing to have con
tinued the compromise line. One of the re
solutions in the House, to that effect, was of
fered at my suggestion. I said to a friend
there, (Mr. Burl,) "Let us not be disturbers
of this Union. As abhorrent to my feelings
as is that compromise line, let it be adhered
to in good faith ; and if tho other portions of
the Union are willing to stand by it, let us
not n-fuse to stand by it. It has kept ppace
for somo time, and in the circumstances, per
haps it would be better to keep peace as it
is." Rut, sir, it was voted down by an over
whelming majority. It was renewed by a
gentlemi.n fr m a non-slaveholding State, and
again voted down by an overwhelming ma
jority. Well, I see my way in the Constitution.
1 cannot in tho compromise. A compromise
is but an act nf Congress. It may bu over
ruled at any time. It gives us no security
lint the Constitution is stable. It is a rock.
On it I can stand. It is a principle on which
we can meet our triends Irom the non-slave'
holding Slates. It is firm ground on whirl.
ihey can better stand in opposition to fanali
cism,llian on the shifting sands of comprotn
ise.
Let us be done with compromise. Let us
go back and star.d upon the Constitution !
Well, sir, what if the decision of this body
shall deny to us this high Constitutional
right, which, in my opinion, is as clear us
any in the instrument ttsell the mure defin
ed and stable indeed, because deduced from
the entire body of the instrument, and the na
ture of the subject to which it relates? What
then? That is a question which 1 will not
undertake to decide. It is a question for our
constituents the slaveholding States. A
solemn and a great question, Mr. President.
And if the decision should be adverse at this
time, I trust and do believe that they w
take under solemn consideration what they
ought to do. , I give no advice. It would be
hazardous and dangerous for me to do so.
Rut I may speak as an individual member of
that section of the Union. 1 here I drew my
first breath. Thero are all my hopes. I am
a planter a cotton planter. 1 am a southern
man, and a slaveholder a kind and a merci
ful one, I trust and none the worse for be
ing a slaveholder. 1 say, for one, I would
rather meet any extremity upon earth, than
givo up one inch of our equality one inch
of what belongs to us as members of this
great Republic ! What! acknowledge infe
riority ! The surrender of life is nothing to
sinking down into acknowledged infcilori
ly! I have examined this subject largely, wide
ly. 1 think I see the future, if we do not
stand up now: and, in my humble opinion,
the condition of Ireland is merciful and hap
py the condition of Hindostan is peace and
happiness the condition of Jamaica is pros
perous and happy, to what the Southern Slates
will be, if now they yield !
"Noble Exploits."
The Cincinnati Advertiser speaks of the
"noble exploits'" of one of the Ohio Volun
teers Samuel Myers. At the battle of Mon
terey he was wounded by a ball which pas
sed through the bone ot the chin and lodged
in the umli'r flesh making a dicadful wound.
He had the ball extracted and fired several
times before he would suffer himself to be
withdrawn remonstrating that " he was a
dead man, and d d if lie didn't want to kill
miiic if the m." These are the "nolle ex
plaits" which the Advertiser publishes to the
world. That paper has singular material
cut of which to manufacture "noble exploit'
or a "noble" hero. True Democrat.
"While the True Democrat, an Anti-Shivery
Whig paper, speaks thus of Ihe marau
ders who left Ohio to fight the battles of sla
very ; the Cincinnati Herald, a Liberty par
ly paper, labors through nearly a "olumii lo
show lhat these Ohio cut throats exhibited at
Monterey, that kind of hull-dog courage,
which made them careless of their own lives,
in their eagerness to murder the Mexicans,
and lhat they were no cowards as had been
charged upon them. In doing this, the Her
ald quotes from the Advertiser ; the paper re
ferred to by the Democrat.
The Herald has pursued a very singular
coursein relation to these marauding cut
throats. It opposed the war, but that noble
officer and his brave army must not be jeop
ardized. It opposed the war, but if England
or Franco were to assist the Mexicans, it
would have evry man, .who believes in the
rijrlitf'tlncfn of f elf.defr nrt, spurned ffm the
I
I
country, if he did not fly to beat thnm hick.
It opposed the war, but these Ohio cul-lhroals
who assisted in the Monterey murders must
be vindicated from the charge that they were
not perfectly wolfish and very doggish, on
that occasion.
Does the Herald, like the D. D.'i in refer
ence to slavery, wish to be understood us be
ing opposed to the war in the abstract, but
not opposed lo those who fight it out !" Anti-Slavery
Bugle.
It would bo very difficult for any one, nl
thoiigh bent on 'hearing false witness'ngainst
his neighbor to pen a more dis ingenuous
paragraph than the foregoing. It is barely
possible that its author, was not aware, nf the
extent and number of its mis-representations.
We can scarcely conceive, how1 mis-state-inents.
so numerous and so glaring, could
hive bepn innocently crowded into a space
so small. Ijiit we give a wide margin to
thoughtless prejudice, and for the present
shall set down the offence to ignorance rath
er than to malice. That alternative, will be
denied us, if, tho writer, seeing ihe opportu
nity, which wn shall, in this article, afford
him of correction shall pass it by, neglected.
The Bugle contrasts the course of the True
Democrat w ith that of the Herald, and char
ges upon the latter that it labors through
nearly a column to prove the Ohio volunteers
no cowards. Now this is not true ; we wrote
an article, Iho one referred to, to show that
the volunteers and the presses of the slave
Slates, in strict accordance with liieir envi
ous ami jealous spirit, usurping all that the
world considers profitable to themselves and
denying it to the citizens of the free Slates,
aaci got up a lalse accusation against the
courage of the Ohio Troops. W:o said not
one word in admiration of the war, or of the
cundtict of the soldiers. Wc only vindica
ted a fact of history, to illustrate the political
bearings of a sectional feeling. Whether the
Ohio Volunteers were cowards or not, was,
n fact, to be determined without reference to
the moral nature of the cause in which they
are engaged, and we so determined it. A
man we should think, might vindicate the
fame of Napoleon against any accusations of
cowardice w ithout being thought too favora
ble to bis wicked and unscrupulous ambi
tion. Milton certainly ought not to have been
excommunicated for representing Satan as
possessed of the admirable qualities of perse
verance and indomitable coiiracre.
The Bugle also chafes us with nnntinnr
Ihe Advertiser, the paper referred to by the
Democrat. It evidently means to bo under
stood, that we quoted approvingly, what the
Democrat referred to. to condemn, otherwise
there Is no point to the charge, and it is
merely 'silly. Now the Bugle knows that
we never quoted lrom the Advertiser, any
thing at all with reference to these "noble
exploits." Mere quoting from any paper,
we do not consider sinful, per se not even
from tho Bugle. It depends upon the thing
quoted, and the intention with which it is
done. On any other principle, we might be
come parties to nil ihe bigotry and nonsense
which we saw fit to notice.
The Bugle, w henever by doing so, it has
thought it could serve any of its own ends,
has not hesitated to republish entire articles
from the Herald. The very number from
which wo extract contains an example. We
want to see if it will he as ready to do so
when it can serve nothing else hut the truth.
We therefore request it, as a simple act of
justice, lo republish either the article to
which it has referred, and misrepresented in
the reference, or this explanation. If it re
fuses, wo shall suspect that it too has deser
ted the cherished maxim, not to do evil, that
good may come, for some moro world-wise
counsels. CYn. Herald.
.i
a
,
The Ohio Regiment and its Traducers.
Amongst the first of the numerous letters
which were wriilen from Monterey, after the
lato storming of that place, was one which
contained a charge against the Ohio Troops
of cowardice. It came from one of the Bal
timore volunteers. We have watched thu
progress of the discussion to which it gave
rise, and have been struck with one or two
facts which it lias elicited. It turns out, in
the first place, that the men who originated
this charge, the Dallimore volunteers, were
the men against whom alone such a charge
could justly be brought. This seems evident
from different accounts of the battle which
have bi-en given. Mr. Myers, an Ohio vol
unteer, who has returned home, gave an ac
count of tho affair to the Commercial of this
city, which says:
Mr. Myers assures us that he stood next
to the brave Col. Watson, when he fell, and
that he had twice called to the Uallimoreans
to come to the charge ! They refused ! ! and
he exclaimed 'Coward! d d towards ! '
and ran to the charge WITH THE OHIO
VOLUNTEERS ! ! !
" The Baltimoreans actually did says this
brave soldier, who is corroborated by numer
ous letters, received yesterday allow their
leader to fall! fiiditing with strangers! hut,
we see, wilh men who appreciated him. The
Ohio Volunteers actually took the advance of
the Uallimoreans, when it was meanly un
claimed, marching before them by the side
of their brave leader! It now appears, plain
enough, why tho Uallimoreans accused the
Ohio and Kentucky volunteers with showing
the 'White Feather,' it was to cover, in ad
vance, the cowardice, compared with the O
hioans, they displayed."
The Advertiser gives the other evidence to
the point. It says :
"Now, that young Myers may not be as
persed as an interested witness, wo will lake
it upon ourself to fortify his declaration by
tho testimony of men who are disinterested.
Colonel Campbell, of the Tennessee Regi
ment, whoso letters to the Nashville papers
we have heretofore quoted, says he was sent
to sustain Ihe 3d Infantry and the Baltimart
Battallion, who had been ordered to attack a
fort, but they fal'.tred, and had tiken shelter
hcMnd homes, and got into the outskirit of
Me 'iifi, Ac- !'0 mufh for that, ,Y'jcri is
sustained by one witness. The Army Cor
resptndenl of the New Orleans T imp, nifiui
signally clinches both these statements, and
ends Ihe controversy. He writes:
" 'In the midst of the fire, Col. Watson, of
llie tlaltimore b iltallion, rode up to Col. Oar
land and expressed his satisfaction at Joining
him. Tho latier replied tiial he was ijlad to
see nun, (Uol. V.) but, says h.-, this is
severe pinch we are in, and w here is your rc-
pimeni i i,oi. w. repin o, tney are coming,
10 wnien i ne outer said, i do not see tlipm, il
you do not bring them up, they will soon he
of m, service to us. Col. Watson immedi
ately set off in search of his command. As
he approached, but when, at some distance,
his horse was shot mid fell wild him ; he
sprung up and ran tow ards the men, t Xclaim
ing lhat he was not hurl, and calling on tlictn
to advance. He again turned about und pres
sed towards tow n, close hy tho northeastern
fort, not far from which he fell. Lieut. How
ie, and a few men, being near him.' "
"The Sun and its camp slanderer, Are not
to be envied, and they deserve no pity. W"e
will exercise compassion enough, however,
henceforth to let them wear their withered
laurels in such peace of mind as the con
sciousness of convicted cowardice can brine
mem.
I'he Ohio Regiment, it will be remember
ed, constitutes the only body of troops from
free state which were in that engagement.
And true to thai instinct, which never varies,
the chivalry have in this instance, ns in till
others, glorified themselves, and have endea
vored, in evory way, lo depreciate the con
duct and character of ihe citizens of the Free
Slates. The Baltimore volunteers brought
the charge of base and dastardly cowardice.
The Mississippians extolled llie daring cour
age of their soldiers. The Texas Rangers
were praised lo the skies for their gallantry.
The Tennessee Regiment was commended
in the highest terms for its intrepidity and
firmness. All had their letter writers and
their adulators. The Buckeyes nlone had
their traducers. The Missi'ssinninns. the
Tennesseeans, the Texans, all had plenty to
say fur themselves, or persons who could say
it for Ihern. But they had nothing to say
lor ine volunteers irom "a free niuuer Slate"
as it is contemptuously called. These went
to the work at which they were set, and find
their best, but saddest delense in the report
of death's doings on that day. The official
report has been published and effeclually an
swers ihe charges w hich these chivalric Bal-
timoruans have thought fit to briiur osainst
the yeomanry of Ohio. This stales, that of
ttie Ulno Keirtmcnt 14 were killed and 33
wounded. lhls ttselt is a mistake that re'
mains to be accounted for. Thero were real
ly 15 killed and 38 wounded. The TenneS'
see Regiment who were in the same cbarrre.
lost 24 killed and 75 wounded, being the on
ly Kegunent whose loss was heavier than
ours. The Mississippi Regiment lost only
9 killed und 47 wounded. The Texas vol
unteers, of whose valor so much has been
boasted, lost 2 killed and 4 wounded ! And
the gallant Baltimore Batlallion lost 6 killed
and 17 wounded !! Their leader was shot,
in trying lo find them. The Texan and the
Baltimore troops were wilh the Regulars.
Tho loss of tho latter was three or four times
greater than that of their comrades.
Theie facts add proof to the charge that We
have so often made, of the arrogant meanness
of thrt "chivalry" of the slave States, in mo
nopolizing all the rewards of honor and pro
fit, while they assign lo the freo Norlh, the
posts of toil and danger. They manage to
obtain possession of nearly all the offices of
the army and navy. The ranks of the sol
dier and the sailor are filled by the hardy
sons of free labor. The former are ever rea
dy for power and wealth and honor. Hard
workincr and hard fighting they leave for oth
ers. This last development has shown that
they can add to their other meanness, that of
slander. And we have nothing to say for
the generosity of those, w ho did not actually
participate in the accusation, who had the op
portunity and means of putting it down, and
yet have left room for it to be believed.
(Yt. Herald.
Speech of Theodore Parker,
Delivered at the Anti-War Meeting in Faneuil
Hall, Boston, Feb. 4, 1847.
Mr. Chairman, We have come here to
consult for the honor uf our country. The
honor and dignity of the United States are in
danger. I love my country ; I love her hon
or. It is dear to me almost as my own. I
have seen stormy meetings in Faneuil Hall
before now, and am not easily disturbed hy
a popular tumuli. But never before did I
see a body of armed soldiers alioinptinj to
overawe the majesty of the people, when
met to deliberate on the people's affairs. Vet
Ihe meetings of the people of Boston have
been disluibed by soldiers before now by
British bayonets but never since ihe Boston
massacre on the 5th of March, 1770 ! Our
fathers hated a standing army. This is a
new one but behold Ihe effect ! Here are
soldiers with bayonets, to overawe the ma
jesty of the people! They went to our mee
ting last Monday night the hireling soldiers
of President Polk to overawe and disturb
the meetings of honest men. Here they are
now. and in aims !
We are in a war the signs of war are
seen here in Boston. Men, needed to hew
wood and honestly serve socieiy, are march
ing about your slreels; they are learning to
kill men men w ho never harmed us, nor
Iheni learning lo kill their brothers ! It is
a mean and infamous war we are fighting. It
is a great boy fighting a little one, and lhat
little one feeble and sick. What makes it
worse is the little boy is in the right, and
the big boy in the wrong, and tells us solemn
lies to make his side seem right. He wants,
besides, to make the small boy pay the ex
penses nf the quarrel.
The friends of the war say, 'Mexico has
invaded our territory ! When it ta shown
that it is wa who have invaded hers, then ir
is said. 'Ay, butshs owes us icoiitr.' Bet-
tsr ssy outright, 'Mexico h-n hnd, ape! we
(fc-.W remittance! to It made, and all lelltrt
rclntin to Ihe pecuniary affairs of the paper,
to be eddrttstd (post paid) to the (ienval
Jgent. Cur m u titration intended for inter'
Hon to be addrtrstd to the Editur:
OrTcRMt: $1,50 per annum, or tl,?5
intnrialily reijuired) if not paid within sis
months of the time of subscribing.
AovkitTlsltMicH rj making less than a iqusi
inserted thria limes for ? cents: ontt
squnro $1.
Printed fjr tin 1'ublinhiitff Cummitlu ijf
iS. N. HAPGOOD. ..
This war is waged for a main and infa
mous purpose lor llie extension of slavery
It U not enough that there are fifteen alav
States, niid three million men here who hr
no legal rights not so much at the horse an
the ox luve in Boston; it is not enough that
the slaveholders annexed Texas, and mad
slavery perpetual therein, extending evr
north ct Mason and Dixon's line coming
a territory forty-five limes as large as th
State of Massachusetts. Oh, no, we roust
have yel more land to w hip negroes in !
Tho war had a mean and infamous begin'
ning. It began illegally, unconstitutionally.
The Whigs say, 'ihe Pre-ident inado tha
war;' Mr. Webster says so! It went on
meanly und infamously. Your Congress lied
about it. Don't lay the blame on the Dew
ocrats ; the Whigs lied just us badly. Your
Congress has seldom been so single-mouth'
ed before. Whv, only sixteen voted asrainst
the war. or the lie. 1 say this war is mean
and infamous all the more, because waged
hy a people calling itself Democratic and)
Christian. 1 know but one war sj baj irr
modern limes, betw een civilized nations; antf
that was the war for the partition of Poland
Even for thai, ihere was more excuse !
We hie vunis to Faneuil Hall to talk
about the u nr ; to work against ihn war. If
is rather late, but belter late than never.'
We have let two opportunities for work pas
tinimployed. One came whilo the annexa
tion uf Texas was pending. Then Was thr
fine to push and be i.ctivc. Then was tha'
time for Massachusetts and all the North, lo
protest as one man against the extension of
siavery. r.very body Unew all about the mat
tT, the Democratsand the W bigs. But how
few worked against that gross mischief!.
One noble man lifted up his warning votes
a man neible in his father, and there ha
stands in marble; noble in himself and
there he stands yet higher up and I hopa
time will show him yet nobler in his son, and
there he stands, not in mathle, but in man
He talked against it, worked against it. fought
against it. But Massachusetts did little..
11 or tonguey men said little ; her liandy-meM
did little. Too little could not be done or
said. True, wu came here to Faneuil Hall
and passed resolutions; good resolutions they
were, too. Ihey did the same in Ihe Mala
House; but nothing came of them. They
say 'hell is paved wilh resolutions ; ' thes
were ot thai sort ol resolutions which reaolvea
nothing, because they are of words, no works t
ell, we passed the resolutions ; yon know
who opposed ihern ; who hung back and did
noli. ing nothing good 1 mean quite enough
not good. Then we thought all the dinger
was over; lhat the resolutions settled tha
mailer. But then was the lime to confound
at once the enemies of your country ; to show
an even front hostile lo slavery.
But the chosen time passed over, and no
thing was done. Don't lay lire blame on tha
Democrats; a Whig Senate annexed Texas,
and so annexed a war. We ought to hava
told our delegation in Congress, if Texas
were annexed, to come home, and we would
breathe upon it and sleep upon it, and then
see what to do next. Had our resolutions
taken so warmly hero in Faneuil Hall in
1815, been but as warmly worked out, we
had now bcrn as terrible to the Slave Power
as the Slave Power, since extended, now ia
to us !
Why was it that we did nothing f That
is n public secret. Perhaps I ought not tot
tell it to the people. (Cries of 'tell it.')
The annexation of Texas a slave territo
ry big as the kingdom of France would not
furl a sail on the ocean; would not atop a
mill-wheel at Lowell ! Men (bought so.
That titno passed hy, and there came an
other. Tho government had made war ; tha
Congress voted the dollars, voted the men,
voted a lie. Your representative, men of Bos
ton, voted for all three; the lie, the dollars.
and the men; all three, in obedience to the
slave power! Let him excuse (hat to tha
conscience of his parly, 'lis an easy matter.
1 do not believe lie can excuse it lo his own
conscience. To the conscience of the world
it admits of no excuse. Your President call'
ed for volunteers, 50,000 of them. Thert
came an opportunity such as offers not onca
in one hundred years, an opportunity to
speak for ' Freedom and the Rights of Man
kind ! ' Then was the lime for Massacha
setts to stand up in the spirit of '76, and say.
' We won't send a man, from Capo Ann to
Williamstown not one Yankee man for
this wicked war.' Then was the litne fot
your Governor to say, Not a volunteer for
this wicked war.' Then was the lime for
your merchants to say, 'Not a ship, riot a
dollar for this wicked war; ' for your manu
facturers to say, 'We will not make yon a
cannon, nnr a sword, nor a kernel of powder,
nor a soldier's skitt, fur this wicked war.
Then was the time for all good men lo say,
'This is a war fur slavery, a mean and infa
mous war; an arislocralic war a waragainst
the best interests of mankind. If God pleasn
we will die a thousand times but never draw
blade in this wicked war.' (Cries of throw
him over,' Ac.) Throw him over whit
good would lhat do? What would you do
next, after you had thrown him overt
(Drag you out of tho hull !) What good
would tint do? It would not wipe off tha
infamy of this war would not mako it lest
wicked !
That is what a Democratic nation, a Chris
tian people, ought to have said. Out wa did
not say so; the Bay State did not say so;
nor your Governor, nor your merchants, nor
your manufacturers, nor your good men!
Your Governor issued his Proclamation for
soldiers; accepted the President's decreet
recommended men to enlist, by appealing to
their 'patriotism and humanity.'
Gov. Brig? is a good man, and ao far I
honor him. He is a temperance man stronp
and consistent I honor him for that. Ha ia
a friend of education; a friend of the people!
I wish ihere wer more auch. Lik many
other New England men, ha started from
humble beginntnc. hut unlike many success
ful men of New England, ha is not ashamed,
of tha humblest round ho ever trcd on! I
honor him for that. Tut thsre was a time
!:'.;'.. ::;ei r.sn't ti!s, tr.i hit sou! coli

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